Factors Influencing Australian Construction Industry Apprentices’ Dietary Behaviors

Abstract

To date there has been a theoretical and empirical gap in workplace-centered health promotion research—particularly as it applies to blue-collar men’s diets. To begin addressing the paucity of research, five qualitative focus groups (N = 53) were conducted in Australian training colleges to explore the dietary behaviors of apprentices. Thematic analysis was used by the researcher who concludes that although some apprentices were health conscious and attempted to eat healthy foods, many had diets high in saturated fats and sugar. These types of diets are associated with increased risks for developing chronic disease and are associated with decreased life expectancy. As such it poses a serious challenge for health promoters. Apprentices’ dietary practices were also found to be moderated by convenience, availability, and cost of foods in their environment. Their nutritional beliefs, significant others, colleagues in the workplace, and their body image also influence their food choices.

Introduction

The Australian construction industry is male dominated. It is an industry characterized by project-based work. A typical large construction company functions in a competitive market where low profit levels and tight deadlines are the order of the day (Lingard & Francis, 2009). Work hours are often long and early starts to the day are customary. For many construction workers the work is also physically demanding with high levels of manual labor. Yet apart from one qualitative study that focused on Finnish carpenters aged 40 to 50 years (Roos, Prattala, & Koski, 2001), not much is known about the dietary behavior of blue-collar men, particularly apprentices. Although no research to date has been reported about construction industry apprentices’ dietary behaviors, the research reported here can be situated in health promotion literature that focuses on men in general. Following a brief review of literature, this article explores the results gathered from five focus groups with Australian construction industry apprentices.

Literature Review

Individuals’ reasons for buying and eating particular foods have been described as a “complex bio-psychosocial process that is relative to person, place and time” (Walsh & Nelson, 2010, p. 194). However, it is well established that gender differences in health-related beliefs and behavior moderate food choices (Wardle et al., 2004). Some researchers believe that this is a contributing factor to the eventual differences in life expectancy between men and women (e.g., Wardle et al., 2004). The average life expectancy for Australian women is 84 years, whereas for men it is 79 years (Department of Health and Ageing [DOHA], 2010), and there are some strong links between diet and preventable/chronic diseases (Van Gaal, Mertens, & De Block, 2006). For example, the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force (1996) reviewed a large number of studies and estimated that half of all deaths could be prevented by making changes in personal health behaviors, such as diet.

Research confirms that Australian men consume less fruits and vegetables than women (Centre for Public Health, 2003). Compared with other groups, men aged 18 to 44 years also eat a smaller variety of vegetables (Centre for Public Health, 2003). Men consume less high-fiber foods, less low-fat foods, and more soft-drinks than women (Wardle et al., 2004). In this regard, researchers have identified that men face specific barriers to eating foods such as fruit and vegetables (Dumbrell & Mathai, 2008). This includes cost, time, lack of cooking skills, inconsistent quality, low availability, perishability, and a lack of understanding as to recommended serving size (Dumbrell & Mathai, 2008). Furthermore, researchers identified in a sample of men aged 18 to 40 years that fruit and vegetables ranked lowly in Australian men’s culture—this was particularly noticeable in younger men aged 18 to 25 years where they were unconcerned about the health risks of diets low in fruit and vegetables (Dumbrell & Mathai, 2008). These researchers comment that Australian food marketing messages often link masculinity with animal products “or with the ‘hunter’ rather than ‘gatherer’ food traditions” (Dumbrell & Mathai, 2008, p. 217), whereas nutrition and cooking are socially constructed as feminine (e.g., far more women than men are cooks and homemakers on television; Courtenay, 2000).

Other researchers comment on the socially prescribed male role and that there are stereotypical or socially prescribed masculinities that influences men’s health beliefs and behaviors (Mahalik, Burns, & Syzdek, 2007; Sabo, 2000). Levi, Chan, and Pence (2006) comment that gender ideologies are neither rational nor based in objective reality, and similar to American stereotypical gender templates, it could be argued that Australian men’s behavior is anchored in the prescription that “real men must never, never display feminine characteristics” (Levi et al., 2006, p. 92). Courtenay (2000) argues that rather than gender residing in the person, men and women actively participate to construct these socially based gendered norms. In turn, the health beliefs and behaviors that an individual exhibits could characterize and enact representations of themselves and their gender (Courtenay, 2000). In his review of literature, Courtenay notes that “a growing body of research provides evidence that men who endorse dominant norms of masculinity adopt poorer health behaviors and have greater health risks than their peers who endorse less traditional norms” (p. 3). Thus, it is possible that men from lower socioeconomic circumstances, such as blue-collar workers (e.g., construction workers in jobs that are considered “men’s work”; Courtenay, 2000), might adhere more to hegemonic masculinities, which might in turn influence their dietary beliefs and choices. Although less is known about blue-collar workers’ food consumption, research does show that white-collar populations have more favorable food patterns (Engbers, Van Poppel, Paw, & Van Mechelen, 2006).

Although unhealthy eating practices established during childhood and adolescence might interfere with optimal growth and development (Taylor, Evers, & McKenna, 2005), it is of greater concern that these food practices, and their associated health impacts, tend to endure into adulthood (Ambrosini et al., 2009). Some studies have identified a negative shift in the recommended nutrient consumption in youth, with reports that fewer young people are meeting the recommended dietary guidelines (Patrick et al., 2004). Previous research around personal food systems advocate that researchers should take a life course perspective when examining food choices, as different life events and experiences could affect food choices (Smart & Bisogni, 2001). Construction industry apprentices are most often young men aged 16 to 24 years, and in addition to their age, they could be considered “vulnerable” due to the number of transitional issues and changes they face as they move from school to work. These changes include the following: changes to their physical environment (e.g., moving out of the parental home, cohabiting with friends or a romantic partner), changes to their peer group (as new employees on a worksite, fellow-apprentices, new friends), changes in financial responsibilities (e.g., paying rent, purchasing a vehicle, purchasing food, paying bills), and educational/work responsibilities (e.g., successfully completing their apprenticeship, performing successfully at work).

Although the literature discussed points to trends in blue-collar workers’ dietary behaviors, the evidence is inconclusive. However, in Australia there seems to be a heightened momentum around developing our understanding of this topic. For example, this has become a priority for the Australian Government, which promotes healthy living in the 2010 National Male Health Policy, and which has identified diet as one of the five major preventable risk factors for chronic disease (DOHA, 2010). Thus, given the empirical gaps, and the greater recognition of men’s health as a serious field of exploration, the purpose of the current project was to systematically begin exploring young male apprentices’ dietary beliefs and behavior. The data reported here form part of a larger research project, which will be triangulated to inform the development of health promotion initiatives with construction industry apprentices.

Method

Participants

Five interactive focus groups were conducted with construction industry apprentices (N = 53) at technical and further education colleges in the metropolitan and regional areas of Victoria, Australia. Apprentices who participated were all males aged 17 to 24 years, predominantly from Australian Caucasian working-class backgrounds. Focus groups discussions were on average 30 minutes in duration. The mean focus group size was 11. The focus groups were conducted by two experienced male trainers, aged 30 to 40 years, who deliver men’s health and well-being presentations to apprentices in training colleges. Both these trainers are trained counselors with expert knowledge in working with young men. The research followed the institution’s ethical guidelines. Apprentices were recruited through advertisements in class by the trainers, and participation in the focus groups was voluntary. Participation was anonymous, and as a token of appreciation participants received a movie voucher at completion of the focus group. All the focus group sessions were audio-recorded with the verbal consent of the group.

Interview Questions

The discussion-based interviews used in the focus groups (Millward, 1995) were employed to understand apprentices’ knowledge of nutrition and diet as well as their access to healthy foods. The questions were developed by the researcher following a literature review of the topic. Sample questions included the following:

• What is your idea of a healthy meal?

• Are you happy with your diet?

• Do you have any intentions to make changes to your diet?

• What do you think is a healthy amount of fruit and vegetables each day?

• What would help you eat more vegetables and fruit?

• How often do you bring your lunch/breakfast from home?

• Describe your typical food routine at work (e.g., breakfast, snacks, lunch, etc.). Is this different when you are at college?

• What do you think motivates your decisions to buy food at work or bring it from home?

Analysis

Focus group interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed by a research assistant prior to analysis. Following the researcher immersing herself in the data, the data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Philosophically and methodologically, the research and the analysis of the data were situated in the contextualist method of critical realism (e.g., Wai-chung Yeung, 1997; Willig, 1999), which “acknowledge the ways individuals make meaning of their experience, and in turn, the ways the broader social context impinges on those meanings, while retaining focus on the material and other limits of reality” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 81). NVIVO software was used to assist coding. Thematic analysis was data driven and aimed to abstract core themes so as to develop a more concrete understanding of apprentices’ diets. A theme was construed by the researcher as a pattern found in the qualitative information that described and organized the information (Boyatzis, 1998). The focus group interviews were repeatedly reviewed by the researcher to develop a coding scheme. The coding process followed a three-step progression and involved (a) developing concepts and categories to organize data into a framework of ideas; (b) comparing data instances, cases, and categories for similarities and differences; and (c) unifying key themes (Boyatzis, 1998). Although this process might seem linear, the analysis was an iterative and reflexive process to ensure that the themes were grounded in the data (Fereday & Muir-Cochrance, 2006). To enhance integrity in the data analysis process, codes, themes, and illustrative quotes were reviewed with the two male interviewers who agreed that the analysis captured the salient features of the apprentices’ discussions.

Results

Two overarching themes arose from apprentices’ discussions, and these related to apprentices’ barriers to healthy eating as well as factors enabling healthy eating. Following a description of apprentices’ eating habits, these two themes and subthemes are discussed. Quotations are used to illustrate the manner in which apprentices discussed their dietary behaviors and beliefs.

Description of Apprentices’ Eating Patterns

Apprentices displayed a range of eating patterns. Some apprentices were health conscious and took their snacks and lunch to work (e.g., leftover food from dinner, sandwiches, muesli bars, and fruit). For example, a couple of apprentices commented:

I would take a couple of sandwiches and a couple of pieces of fruit, a muesli bar, something like that. (Carpentry apprentice)

Two pieces of fruit every day. I have either vegetables or salad with everything I eat at night. (Carpentry apprentice)

However, many apprentices skipped meals (mostly breakfast). For some, coffee, caffeinated energy drinks, chocolate, or liquid breakfast meal replacements operated as “quick fixes.” Many subscribed to diets high in saturated fats and sugars. This included a range of take-out foods (e.g., fries, burgers, and fried chicken) and carbonated soft drinks consumed during breaks, lunch, and/or dinner. Much of this was bought from take-out operators in the vicinity of their work/college, vending machines, or from college cafeterias. These dietary behaviors are illustrated in the following quotes:

I get 4 or 5 buckets of chips (large fries) a day from across the road for $1 and $1.20 for a Coke . . . pretty cheap! (Carpentry apprentice)

Coffee for breakfast, for smoko (morning break) or lunch KFC or Charcoal Chicken or something for lunch, or whatever the boys go and get. For tea [dinner] I’ll stop and get Maccas (McDonalds), or otherwise I won’t eat and just go to bed. (Carpentry apprentice)

In light of this high consumption of take-out foods, a number of apprentices recognized that their diets were poor and that it could be improved by eating less unhealthy food, as can be seen in these examples:

It could be better. I eat too much junk food and too much Maccas. (Plumbing apprentice)

I eat too much chocolate, man. I’m getting fat. (Plumbing apprentice)

Theme 1

Barriers to Healthy Eating: Cost, Poor Role Models, Availability and Convenience of Take-Out Foods, and Nutritional Beliefs

Cost of healthy food is prohibitive, particularly on low apprentice wages

For many apprentices, the cost of healthy food, particularly given their low apprentice wages, prohibited them from buying healthy foods at local food operators in their work/college environment. When making decisions about what food to buy, apprentices made comparisons between healthier food options (e.g., salad rolls) and less healthy options (e.g., fried foods), and the lower cost of unhealthy take-out foods was a strong motivator to purchasing it. The following quotes illustrate this barrier:

It’s too expensive to eat healthy, they (workmates) are earning a lot more money, so they can afford to buy these $7 salad rolls. It’s cheaper to buy a meat pie than a salad roll. (Carpentry apprentice)

There are healthy foods but the problem is the price. The price is a big problem. You try to go and get some kind of good meal with veggies, a salad, a good meal its about $16 or $17. And we can’t afford that as apprentices when you can get a $6 meal at Maccas or KFC or something. That is the main problem. (Plumbing apprentice)

Poor role models influence food choices

A number of apprentices also identified the important part that role models in the workplace and the work group (coworkers) play in shaping their food choices. Apprentices indicated that they often went along with their coworkers, supervisors, or employers to get food and beverages for breaks or lunch, as shown in the following quotes:

If your boss and everyone around buys their lunch, then you will buy your lunch too, because of influence. (Bricklaying apprentice)

I sometimes take lunch to work, but when you are with your boss and he goes to the shop, you ask him to grab you a sausage roll as well. (Carpentry apprentice)

Take-out food is more readily available, cheaper, and convenient to source

Unhealthy take-out options were perceived to be readily available, convenient to source, and cheap to purchase, both at work/college (through vending machines or cafeterias) and in the vicinity of the workplace. This is demonstrated in the following apprentice quotes:

More convenient to buy a meat pie, than wait for a sandwich to be made. (Carpentry apprentice)

If you are buying lunch junk food is always cheaper. (Plumbing apprentice)

Unhealthy food is metabolized quickly with physical labor, with no consequence to their health

Some apprentices also voiced their specific belief that eating unhealthy food has little impact on gaining weight or their ability to comply with the physical demands of work. They seem to believe that even if they eat “junk food” the physical nature of their work means that they “burn off the calories” immediately and that their bodies can cope with these demands. Although not made overt, apprentices’ descriptions of themselves indicate that they view themselves as strong, hardworking, and physically capable. Although some identify that it is socially acceptable and part of the work culture in the construction industry to eat unhealthy take-out food (“if the guys you are working with are just eating junk food, then you’d eat junk food too,” carpentry apprentice) and that some older workers are overweight (“you should be talking to the fat overweight older guys onsite, not us!” carpentry apprentice), apprentices do not link their current poor diets to being on a trajectory of becoming overweight and unhealthy. These beliefs are shown in the following quotes:

If we eat junk food we burn it off straight away. What other trade is as active as we are? We run around like headless chooks (chickens). Someone who is working in an office all day and eating junk food, who’s going to get fat quicker? Us or them? (Plumbing apprentice)

I love my junk food. I don’t eat healthy at all. I hardly eat any vegetables, I eat no fruit whatsoever. I love my coca cola. I smoke and I still do a hard day’s work. (Plumbing apprentice)

Theme 2

Apprentices Identify Significant Others and Their Own Body Image as Factors Enabling Healthy Eating

Significant others influence food choices

For many apprentices, people who are significant in their lives (e.g., mother, romantic partner) can have a strong and positive influence on their food choices. A number of them commented that they would eat healthy food, and increase their fruit and vegetable intake, if it is prepared for them by their mother or romantic partner. In light of this, it is can be assumed that some apprentices view food preparation as a “women’s domain.”

A couple of apprentices also cited the important role that their employers’ eating behaviors play as an example of good practice. For some, it was evident that if their employers set an example of eating healthily (e.g., make a salad for lunch), it made it more acceptable for them to eat healthy at work too.

If I get home on time I will eat whatever mum has made, might be meat or vegetables. (Carpentry apprentice)

[Regarding eating more fruit and vegetables] My missus (partner) could make it. If someone makes it for me I’ll eat it. If someone doesn’t make it, I won’t eat it. (Bricklaying apprentice)

Someone cooking for me at home. If I had to cook for myself I’d either be anorexic ’cause I couldn’t be stuffed, or a deadbeat with no money because I’d eat Maccas every night. (Plumbing apprentice)

I always make salads for lunch or smoko (morning break), because my boss always does. (Carpentry apprentice)

Body image influences food choices

Body image can also shape apprentices’ motivations to eat healthy food. Apprentices are in an age range where it might be important for them to appear attractive to potential romantic partners. A number of apprentices cited the importance of an attractive body image as a motivating factor in eating healthy food in order to look healthy.

At the moment, maybe you’re trying to look for a girlfriend or something. Try and keep fit and healthy. (Carpentry apprentice)

[What motivates your food choices?] Image, yeah, you’re trying to impress the girls. (Carpentry apprentice)

Discussion

The current study begins to inform our understanding of apprentices’ dietary behaviors. This study is part of a larger research project. Findings from the focus groups will help inform quantitative survey development, and the project’s research findings will be triangulated within the context of health promotion literature to develop nutrition-focused workplace interventions with male construction industry apprentices.

To understand the phenomenon, it is necessary to consider the context. The male-dominated Australian construction industry is physically demanding, and apprentices’ bodies are potentially best served by consuming a nutrient-rich diet. As new entrants to the construction industry, apprentices face a number of challenges, including performing physically demanding roles, adjusting to the new work environment, and coping on low wages. Apprentices’ transitory status into the workforce means that their personal food systems could be considered as being in a “negotiation phase,” where different considerations in food choice, including convenience, monetary resources, social relationships, and physical well-being, affect food-related behavior (Furst, Connors, Bisogni, Sobal, & Falk, 1996). From the current study, some apprentices’ diets appear to reflect a health-conscious attitude, but the majority report diets that show little consideration for being health conscious and manifest in diets high in saturated fats and sugars. Previous research indicates that these types of poor dietary behaviors are linked to becoming overweight/obese and is associated with a greater likelihood of developing chronic diseases (Van Gaal et al., 2006). This is also associated with decreased life expectancy (U.S. Preventive Services Task Force, 1996) and does not bode well for these apprentices’ future well-being.

The findings suggest that there are a number of factors that can be considered either as barriers or enablers to healthy eating in this sample of young working men. Barriers included the perceived high cost of healthy food, the ease and accessibility of unhealthy take-out options, the influence of the normative behavior in the work environment, and beliefs that due to the physical nature of their work (and their age) their bodies can cope with eating unhealthy food. Enablers included the importance of maintaining an attractive body image as well as significant others preparing food. Underlying some of these factors are social norms and cultural beliefs. Some researchers note the relationship between behavior and meaning and that “what people tend to eat is linked to social norms and cultural beliefs” (Roos et al., 2001, p. 47). Apprentices’ food practices reflect their gender identity, and the study’s results indicate that food preparation is viewed by some as “women’s work.” This particularly relates to discussions around increasing their intake of healthy food (e.g., fruit and vegetables). Healthy food and healthy food preparation thus seem more associated with a feminine identity. To put this statement in perspective, it should be noted that some apprentices were preparing their own lunches. Although some dominant stereotypes are thus evident in this group, there also appears to have been some shifts from earlier generations of blue-collar men (Roos et al., 2001). Apprentices’ food choices were also influenced by their poor dietary role models, including their peers in the technical and further education colleges, their coworkers, and their employers/supervisors. Though no other direct reference to masculinity was made in the focus groups, it could be argued that hegemonic masculine stereotypes manifest in the predominant “take-out-based diet” of the Australian construction industry work culture. In addition, to gender-based ideas, environment (workplace), and class-based (blue-collar) factors can thus also be seen to play a role. For example, Roos et al. (2001) indicate that “working class men have been said to compensate for their subordinate status by resisting any attempt to make their food lighter as a way of expressing a kind of symbolic protest or resistance against mainstream life” (p. 48).

Implications

Although the focus group data reported here form the first phase in the project’s data gathering process, some preliminary project development implications can be noted. There appears to be a number of environmental factors at play for the majority of apprentices who were identified as having poor diets. This includes the availability, convenience, and low cost of unhealthy food options in their work environment/vicinity of their work environment. To counter the intake of foods high in saturated fats and sugar, it can be suggested that healthier options need to be available in the work environment or encouraged to be brought from home. However, the literature indicates that men, in particular, face perceived obstacles to consuming healthier foods such as fruit and vegetables, including a lack of nutritional knowledge and a lack of food preparation skills. These findings are confirmed by the current study, and in addition, the current study identified problematic nutritional beliefs in apprentices: Many apprentices do not associate their current poor diets to developing potential health concerns in the future. Although some identify that many older workers on worksites are overweight and have health concerns, apprentices do not link their current poor diets to being on a trajectory of becoming overweight and unhealthy. In light of these findings, it can be argued that making the link between diet and future health concerns more overt will have limited effect on apprentices. It is therefore more likely to be relevant for apprentices if the focus is on the current impact of their diet (e.g., body image).

The focus group findings indicate that significant others, such as mothers and romantic partners, can assist in providing healthy options. Apart from reinforcing stereotypical beliefs, encouraging women to prepare food is considered an insufficient solution, as it does not address the significant influence of the work environment. As such, a program that uses a settings approach (Smith, 2007) and focuses on implementing nutritionally focused health promotion programs in the workplace, where it can leverage collegial support, will likely have some impact in effecting change.

In line with other authors (e.g., Levi et al., 2006), findings from the current study underscore the importance of removing the availability of unhealthy food in apprentices’ environments and reducing the cost of healthier food. Research indicates that programs that focus on nutritional knowledge alone (Gracey, Stanley, Burke, Corti, & Beilin, 1996) have been found to be insufficient in motivating healthy eating. Levi et al. (2006) also caution that as long as food decisions are based in masculine ideas, “real men will not read product labels” (p. 95). They suggest focusing on peripheral-route strategies, where behavior changes follows the sequence of “behavior (changes in behavior), affect (lead to changes in attitudes), and cognition (resulting in changes in beliefs)” (Levi et al., 2006, p. 92). As such, a program that focuses on food demonstrations, tasting sessions, and practical “hands on” cooking skills/lunch preparation might have some success in affecting apprentices’ behaviors and beliefs. Gough and Conner (2006) also recommend that for men it is important to present information in succinct and “rational” language that avoids “dramatic or emotive claims about diet-related health risks” (p. 393). They also suggest the visual pairing of “tasty, healthy foods” with classically “masculine” men (Gough & Conner, 2006, p. 393).

Conclusion

The current study indicates that construction industry apprentices’ dietary behaviors are influenced by factors in their work environment (e.g., socially accepted dietary behaviors), factors in the vicinity of their work environment (e.g., availability of unhealthy take-out options), their economic interaction with that environment (e.g., apprentice wages), and the hegemonic masculine ideals (e.g., healthy food preparation is associated with feminine ideals), which might be influencing their dietary beliefs and behavior to various degrees. These results present a preliminary examination of the topic and provide a limited snapshot of information, which to some extent are generalizable to other Australian construction industry apprentices. Although the researcher attempted to conduct a rigorous data analysis process, qualitative data analysis is necessarily an interpretive process (Green et al., 2007), and as such, the researcher’s subjective responses and female gender could have influenced the analysis. Although the dominant male gender structure of the apprentices in this project has encouraged the researcher to examine the research through a gendered lens, the results deduced are preliminary. There is thus considerable scope for exploring masculinity further within a sample of apprentices as well as with older construction workers across the lifecycle. For example, standardized questionnaires could explore adherence to hegemonic masculinity further in apprentices (e.g., using the abbreviated version of the Conformity to Masculinity Norms Inventory; Mahalik et al., 2003). The current study did not explore individual differences and this could have a significant effect on the results. For example, the apprentices sampled might have had different levels of insight into their own behavior. Apprentices’ self-views might also have a limited connection to their actual dietary behaviors (Dunning, Heath, & Suls, 2004). This could be a topic for further exploration in future research (e.g., diarizing food habits). In addition, given that apprentices are in a period of transition it would be interesting to track how their dietary beliefs and behaviors shift over time, particularly in the context of the workplace. Future research can also evaluate the effectiveness of different approaches to improving men’s uptake of healthy food in the workplace (as indicated in the implications section above). Although these issues require further research, the current findings indicate the importance of focusing more empirical attention on this area of men’s health and move Australian working men closer to the healthy guidelines outlined in the 2010 Australian National Male Health Policy.