Abstract
Murat Adam is head of policy and curriculum for the European ministry of education. Political pressure is rising. Media channels across the European federation are labeling the continent as the most recent member of the education periphery. In Mr Adam’s world, curricular authority transpires from the big 3, the North American Union (NAU), China, and Russia. Credibility and endorsement are educational currencies—institutional capital as Bourdieu once defined it, reigns. Mr Adam’s battle is already lost, member states of the European federation have lost their educational means of production, but he cannot afford to admit that. European teachers’ credentials increasingly force graduates into care taking jobs at digital day cares. These are a response to US teachers’ and practitioners’ revolts of the late 20s, linked to perceived multisensory impoverishment of digitally schooled children. Just like in South Asia, Africa, and South America, digital day cares merely provide the digital and social framework and setup K-12 students to listen to internationally accredited professionals teach from China, Russia, and the NAU. Day and night shifts are common. He knows that the European federation lost the contest, by the time it decided not to invest into its own internet infrastructure. The educational first world’s curricular authority would not have been possible without the three nations’ proprietary server architecture, which commodified bandwidth and connectivity. The internet of the past is nothing more than a front for the three de-facto mutually exclusive digital ecosystems, provided by China, the NAU, and Russia.
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