Abstract
“Can they do whatever they please. . . Turn settlements into barren land. Dense forests into deserts. Mornings into evenings. Turn fertile into barren. Why shall I not resist!. …. I become my whole self. . . Why shall I not resist”!. This is a section from a poem - ‘Joli No Udhim Kittei’ a Chakma poem written in Bengali script as ‘Rukhe Darabo Na Keno?’ (‘Why shall I not resist!’) by the author \Kabita Chakma in 1992, translated into English. It epitomizes the ongoing violation of human rights that Chakmas (members of one of the Indigenous communities in Bangladesh) experience in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) where the highest number of Indigenous people in Bangladesh live. In this paper, the first author, a member of the Chakma community and a Lecturer at an Australian university is in conversation with the second author, a Professor at a university in a Bangladeshi university. With reference to Phillipson’s linguicism, and Foucault's notion of governmentality in the era of the Anthropocene, in their conversation, they reflect on the Anthropocene – the forced migration, displacement of Indigenous communities in Bangladesh from their traditional land, extinction of Indigenous languages, disengagement with Indigenous and local languages, and consequently, and the destruction of biodiversity of Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Introduction
We (Urmee Chakma & Shaila Sultana) met in 2000 when both Urmee Chakma and I won AusAID scholarships for doing a Post-Graduate Diploma at Monash University, Australia. Both of us just finished our BA (Hons.) and MA in English and worked as young academics at the tertiary level of education. Even though we were born in the same year and completed our post-graduate degrees in the same year from two reputed public universities in Bangladesh, our life trajectories were distinctly different in terms of temporal and spatial realities we had had.
Urmee was born and grew up in the pristine environment of the mountainous Khagrachhari - a district in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) where the highest number of Indigenous people in Bangladesh live. Rangamati, Khagrachhari and Bandarban districts of CHT are the abode of 11 Indigenous groups, namely Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Bawm, Pangkhu, Lushai, Tanchangya, Khyang, Mro, Chak, and Khumi. Urmee moved to Dhaka in 1991, the capital city of Bangladesh for higher education. As a young Bangladeshi Indigenous child in the late 1970s and early 1980s, she saw the marginalization of her language, culture, and community by the nationalistic policies and practices that promoted Bangalee nationalism. By contrast, I was born and grew up in Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh which is 174.76 km away from Khagrachhari. Similar to her, I started tertiary education in 1991, but as a young Bangladeshi adult or child in the late 1970s and 1980s, I had little knowledge about the marginalization of Indigenous communities and the silencing of Indigenous languages by language and education policies in Bangladesh. I was left with a vague association of Chakma communities with the ‘Shanti Bahinee’/Peace Force (the armed wing of the United People’s Party of the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh). My mind was coerced with an image of the Indigenous Chakma community as the insurgent force responsible for kidnapping, extortion, and killing of ‘innocent Bangladeshis’ and Bangladeshi Army officers deployed in Chittagong Hill Tracts to protect the peace, harmony, and law of the region. The distorted image of the Chakma community in hindsight was an outcome of the public and popular discourses, patronized by the vested interest groups with nationalistic ideologies, in which the Bangladeshis dislodging the Indigenous communities from their ancestral lands were portrayed as the victims of Indigenous fanatism.
To understand the disparities in and distortion of the representation, we explore our life trajectories through ‘feminist inquiry’. The strength of feminist inquiry is its emphasis on critical reflection at every stage of the research. Hence, feminist inquiry makes researchers critically think and aware of boundaries that marginalise and exclude some and include others (Ackerly, 2008). Following the ethos, we engage in ‘feminist reflection’ and look into the way we have experienced coloniality/decoloniality in the postcolonial context of Bangladesh (cf. McFadden, 2018 for more on feminist reflection). The feminist reflection allows us to ‘lean back’ and provided us with reading and thinking spaces. We have had the opportunity to consider all the spaces and times we have traversed in our life trajectories and the impact these spaces and times have had on our ‘constant becoming’. The purpose of the feminist reflection is to understand the ideologies, values, and practices propagated by the patriarchal system, colonialism, linguicism, genderism, or nationalism that have challenged and hindered our progression and equally pushed us to traverse the normative boundaries imposed on us. Exploring the multiple voices throbbing underneath the discursive construction of colonialism, linguicism, and nationalism, we shed light on the factors that have attempted to put us in bracketed hyphenated spaces. The decoloniality in/as praxis necessitates ongoing reflection and action processes that require theorizing from practice and practices to theories (Walsh, 2020).
As a background to the ‘feminist reflection’, it is important to understand the historical ultra-nationalism promoting the Bangla language and Bangalee culture. In 1971, following independence, the parliament passed a bill declaring Bangla as the national language to be used in education, administration, and the judiciary (Musa, 1995), and Bangladesh a ‘uni-cultural and uni-linguistic nation state’ (Bal, 2010). Bangla replaced English in administrative activities, and in a constitutional amendment in 1987, Bangla was affirmed as the state language (Article 3), citizens of Bangladesh would be known as Bengalis [bangalis] (Article 6), and the Bangla language and culture would be the basis of Bengali [bangali] nationalism (Article 9) (Bangladesh Gazette, 1987). Moreover, the anglicised ‘Dacca’ was replaced by ‘Dhaka,’ and ‘Bengali’ was replaced by bangla by an amendment in 1988, demonstrating the Government’s “decolonising impulse” (Banu and Sussex, 2001: p. 126). The constitutional changes emphasised the importance of Bangla as the national language and the marker of Bangladeshi identity. Bangla represent the largest population in this country, that is 98% of the total population speaks Bangla and the rest 2% represents the linguistically and culturally diverse Indigenous communities (Sultana et al., 2021). We are also aware that some Indigenous languages have become extinct – for example, Kuruk, the language of the Orao ethnic community – or endangered, for example, the Khumi, Khiyang, Pankho Koch, Patra, and Hajong languages (Mohsin, 2003). Bangla is also the medium of education in state-run public schools and colleges across Bangladesh (Sultana and Roshid, 2021). The linguistic realities in Bangladesh seem to reflect the ethos of linguistic imperialism, endorsing the inherent superiority of Bangla.
With Urmee’s first-hand experiences of the informed and deliberate subjugation of Indigenous communities in Bangladesh, our engagements with concepts such as linguicism, linguistic imperialism, linguistic governmentality, colonialism, and Anthropocene, and our critical awareness of the fact that many Bangladeshis like me are kept in the dark about the systematic ostracism of Indigenous communities, we would like to see how we, two academics, with distinctly different life experiences make sense of these issues. Through the ‘feminist reflection’, we like to unravel the techniques of persuasion opted by the public and popular discourses to blind the masses about social injustice and inequality of Indigenous communities in Bangladesh. We also identify the ethos of colonialism and linguistic governmentality that have justified the marginalization and peripheralization of Indigenous communities in Bangladesh. Finally, we suggest the possible ways Indigenous scholars may use the margin as a space for reflection, thought, and possibilities of transformation in the age of Anthropocene – when the Indigenous lands were forcefully taken away and Indigenous communities were displaced from their ancestral lands. We suggest posthumanism as the research methodology that may be appropriate to inquire in the Anthropocene (cf. Ulmer, 2017).
Linguistic imperialism and linguicism
Not seeing any representation of my culture/language at school was a difficult learning experience as a young child, I felt simply ‘lost in conversation’ many times – trying to translate from Chakma to Bangla and then learning to pronounce the words correctly were challenging in comprehending and retaining the material. In primary school, my main aim was to become good at/mastering Bangla in a predominantly monolingual environment. It was almost dehumanizing to be ridiculed for my pronunciation (not being able to say the strong T/Chha/Sh sounds) because those remarks or being laughed at created a deep sense of anxiety and insecurity in my ability to speak Bangla and so I focused heavily on mastering Bangla/correct pronunciation. If I look back, I certainly would not be obsessed with Bangla if I had not been teased, or if I had rather been encouraged to be good at other things, such as painting, singing, dancing and so on.
Many of my classmates from primary and secondary schools were unable to enrol in college or university because they simply did not qualify to apply or failed the entry exams. Presumably, the use of Bangla as the medium of instruction has had a broader impact on Chakma children's academic performance being at a disadvantage in terms of their ability to comprehend and retain information and many struggles with critical thinking and problem-solving skills (McIntyre, 2014) that led to lower academic achievement and reduced opportunities for academic and professional success.
The use of Bangla as a monolingual perspective (Steele et al., 2022), the only medium of instruction also perpetuates cultural and linguistic domination, as Chakma children are taught to view their own culture and language as inferior to the dominant Bangalee culture and language leading to the erosion of Chakma cultural and linguistic heritage. It is important to note that the negative effects of linguistic imperialism are not limited to individual students but can also have broader societal implications. For example, the erosion of linguistic and cultural diversity can result in a loss of cultural knowledge and intellectual resources and can contribute to the homogenization of global cultures.
Until I came to Australia in 2000, I always carried the feeling that both my Bangla and English were not good enough. I had been extra cautious of my Bangla pronunciation whenever I would interact with my Bangalee mates. I was ridiculed, teased, and commented on mispronouncing words as far back as I remember. In primary school, I could not hear the difference between the softer t and the strong t sounds in Bangla – I was not aware of the differences. Once in class one (1st grade), I mispronounced aloo bhorta/smashed potato and my Bangalee friends laughed at me so loud I would avoid saying the word. This is just an example of many which have had an ‘anxious’ effect on my Bangla.
Linguistic governmentality, neoliberalism, and subjectivity
Non-indigenous intellectual discourses contribute to upholding linguistic governmentality by favouring specific languages while neglecting others. English, for instance, is often seen as the language of progress and development, and its study and use are encouraged, whereas Indigenous languages are frequently marginalized as primitive or inferior. Similarly, public discourse reinforces the notion that certain languages hold more importance or value than others, evident in language choices in various contexts and the stigma attached to speaking certain languages in public. Popular discourses, including media and entertainment, further this linguistic governmentality by emphasizing particular languages and cultural norms. For instance, the prevalence of Bangla in Bangladeshi television and film production reinforces the perception of Bangla as the supreme language. An example of linguistic governmentality in action is the censorship of the first ever full-length feature film in the Chakma language ‘Maw Theng Gari’ (My Bicycle), because the censor board exclusively approves films made in Bangla or English.
Indeed, language undeniably plays a pivotal role in the exercise of governmentality in Bangladesh. The collective influence of non-Indigenous intellectual, official, public, and popular discourses perpetuates linguistic homogeneity, bolstering the authority of the state and reinforcing the cultural values and beliefs of the dominant group.
However, this focus on learning Bangla and English comes at a cost. As students invest more time and energy into learning these languages, they risk losing their mother tongues, which are often deeply tied to their cultural identities. This loss of linguistic diversity can have negative impacts not only on individuals but also on the broader society, as it erodes the rich cultural heritage that makes communities unique. Despite these challenges, many students and teachers remain invested in learning Bangla and English, recognizing the benefits that come with linguistic proficiency. For students, speaking these languages can open up new educational and career opportunities, allowing them to succeed in a globalized world. For teachers, being able to teach in Bangla and English can provide them with greater job security and the ability to reach a wider audience.
While the focus on Bangla and English in the CHT reflects the broader trend of neoliberalism, it also raises important questions about the role of language in shaping individual and collective identities. As students and teachers invest in these languages, it is important to acknowledge the costs involved, including the potential loss of mother tongues. At the same time, it is also important to recognize the opportunities that come with linguistic proficiency and to work towards creating a more inclusive and equitable educational system that values diversity and supports students and teachers in their linguistic journeys.
Moreover, the emphasis on quantifiable test scores and completing credits can create a narrow focus on academic achievement and disregard the importance of holistic education, which includes an understanding of one's own culture and history. This can lead to a disconnection between Indigenous students and their communities and can contribute to the loss of cultural and environmental knowledge that has been passed down through generations. Therefore, it is important to consider the social and cultural implications of educational policies and practices and to strive for an education system that values linguistic and cultural diversity, promotes critical thinking and social responsibility, and empowers students to engage with their cultural heritage (Tankosić et al., 2022) while also equipping them with the necessary skills and knowledge for economic success.
Neoliberalism as a form of governmentality and homo economicus
One way in which these teachers could turn into homo reciprocans is by recognizing the importance of cultural and linguistic diversity in the education system. Instead of solely emphasizing the economic benefits of learning Bangla and English, they could also promote the value of preserving and revitalizing Indigenous languages and cultures. By doing so, they could help their students develop a strong sense of identity and belonging, which is essential for their overall well-being and success. Another way in which these teachers could adopt a homo reciprocans perspective is by prioritizing the needs and interests of their students and communities over economic gain. They could work to create educational programs and initiatives that are responsive to the cultural and linguistic diversity of their students, and that promote critical thinking, creativity, and social responsibility. They could also work to ensure that their students have access to a quality education that enables them to become informed and engaged democratic citizens, rather than simply economic actors by shifting their focus from a purely economic perspective to one that prioritizes reciprocity, fairness, and cooperation.
Governmentality and discursive construction of power
One technique used by the government was the settlement of Bangalee migrants in the CHT region. The government encouraged the settlement of Bangalee migrants in the CHT to change the demographic composition of the region and increase its control over the region (Roy, 2002). This led to the displacement of Indigenous communities, the confiscation of their ancestral lands, and the loss of livelihoods and cultural heritage. The settlement of Bangalee migrants also heightened tensions between settlers and Indigenous communities, fostering conflict and violence in the region. In parallel, the government employed military force as another method to suppress Indigenous resistance and maintain control over the CHT. In the 1980s, the government deployed military forces in the CHT to quell the Indigenous resistance movement, which aimed to protect the rights and autonomy of Indigenous communities. This, unfortunately, resulted in widespread human rights violations, including arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings, and forced evictions. We have all, in one way or another, been impacted by these tragic losses.
In addition to the settlement of Bangalee migrants and the use of military force, the government also implemented policies aimed at cultural assimilation encouraging the use of the Bangla language and culture over Indigenous languages and cultural traditions, leading to the loss of cultural heritage and identity for Indigenous communities and perpetuating their marginalization. Also, the government neglected the development needs of the CHT region, resulting in poverty and underdevelopment. The lack of infrastructure development and investment in the region perpetuated economic marginalization and contributed to existing social and economic inequalities.
These tactics reflect a top-down power structure that seeks to impose its will on the affected communities. The production of conditions where individuals and communities can act upon themselves and shape their destinies, free from such external coercion, remains an ongoing challenge in the quest for justice and equality.
Additionally, the use of military force by the government to suppress the Indigenous resistance movement further entrenched their power over the Indigenous communities. The widespread human rights violations committed by the military, including extrajudicial killings and arbitrary arrests, created an atmosphere of fear and repression, effectively silencing the Indigenous resistance movement and consolidating the government's power over the region. The government's implementation of policies aimed at cultural assimilation, such as the promotion of the Bangla language and culture, also contributed to their power over the Indigenous communities. The loss of cultural heritage and identity for the Indigenous communities further perpetuated their marginalization and weakened their ability to resist the power of the government and Bangalee settlers.
The Indigenous communities accepted the execution of power due to several factors. Firstly, the lack of infrastructure development and investment in the CHT region perpetuated poverty and underdevelopment, leaving them with few alternatives to survive. This limited their ability to resist the power of the government and Bangalee settlers. Secondly, the use of military force and human rights violations by the government created an atmosphere of fear and repression, making it difficult for the Indigenous communities to organize and resist. Additionally, the lack of support from the international community contributed to the acceptance of power by the Indigenous communities.
Sadly, all the above mentioned continue to happen to date – the most appalling thing is the presence of the military camps – I fail to comprehend why in an independent country, there are hundreds of operating camps whose primary aim is to harass the ‘nak chaeptas’/flat nosed as we were referred by others. This is OUR place, OUR land, why on earth just because I am a Chakma woman would be physically checked if I am carrying something dangerous on the bus, tomtom, or even private cars (I experienced all of these during my last visit to Khagrachhari in 2021), why would the nation-state treat its rightful citizens like third class citizens?
1. The construction of the Kaptai Dam: The Kaptai Dam, built in the 1960s, flooded the lands of the Chakma people, who had been living in the hills and valleys of the Chittagong Hill Tracts for centuries. The project involved the forced displacement of thousands of Chakma people from their homes, with the government providing little compensation or assistance in resettlement. Many of them fled to India and became refugees. 2. The militarization of the Chittagong Hill Tracts: In response to the insurgency of the Shanti Bahinee, the government of Bangladesh deployed a large number of military personnel in the region, which led to a significant increase in human rights violations against the Indigenous communities. The military presence has continued to this day, with many checkpoints and military camps set up throughout the region, creating a climate of fear and insecurity for the local population. 3. The establishment of economic zones: The government has established several economic zones, such as the Dhaka Export Processing Zone and the Chittagong Export Processing Zone, which have been built on lands that were previously inhabited by Indigenous communities. The government has used various forms of coercion and force to evict these communities, most of the time without providing them with adequate compensation or resettlement options. The economic zones have contributed to the further marginalization of these communities, with many being forced to work in low-paying, exploitative jobs in factories and other industries.
Overall, the use of security apparatuses in these contexts has had a devastating impact on the Indigenous communities in Bangladesh.
Despite government policies promoting the Bangla language and culture, Indigenous communities in Bangladesh have preserved their traditional practices to maintain their cultural identity. They have also raised awareness about their struggles through advocacy (Chakma, 2023) and social media platforms, sharing their stories and cultural practices with a wider audience.
Despite these efforts, the Indigenous communities have faced significant obstacles in their struggle for equality and recognition, particularly to get Indigenous recognition officially. As you might be aware the use of military force by the government to suppress the resistance movement, along with widespread human rights violations, has created an atmosphere of fear and repression, making it difficult for the Indigenous communities to organize and assert their rights. I strongly believe, the marginalization of the Indigenous communities has been perpetuated by the political economy, which has prioritized the interests of the government and Bangalee settlers over those of the local Indigenous communities.
Decolonisation as praxis
Shaila Sultana: Amidst such
In the context of Bangalee ultra-nationalism, I experienced feelings of disconnection at school, with all the characters in the textbooks looking different; their names, and dresses did not represent what I saw around - how I saw the world, what I ate, or who I was. Constantly hearing, referred to that you are ‘upojati’ sub-nation is lesser in every sense – not being good enough with your food habit (perceived misconceptions that Chakmas eat shap/snake, shukor/pig, baeng/frog, most of the prohibited food for Muslims), not being good enough with your culture (often referred to as primitive, uncivilized) and your language (why can’t you speak proper Bangla?). All these overall negative experiences resulted in a lack of motivation and engagement (Beresford et al., 2003) in the learning process. All these points out to cultural erasure, as the dominant culture seeks to suppress or ignore our traditions, beliefs, and practices of the Indigenous communities. Despite these challenges, I believe we have been able to preserve and maintain a strong sense of cultural identity through continued exposure to traditional stories, songs, and rituals.
Research has shown that cultural transmission is a key factor in shaping children's understanding of their language, culture, and identity. For me, this transmission took place through a variety of channels, including interaction with family members and other members of the community, the murrubbis/respected senior members, participation in cultural (Bizu, e.g.), religious rituals (Kothin Chibor Daan) and festivals, and exposure to traditional stories, songs, and beliefs (Rogoff, 2003). Through these experiences, I was able to internalize and make sense of the values, beliefs, and practices of the Chakma culture, and develop a strong sense of self as an Indigenous person.
In addition to cultural transmission, personal experiences also played a significant role in shaping my understanding of my Chakma language, culture, and self. For example, experiences of discrimination or marginalization have led to a greater sense of solidarity with other Indigenous people (with Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander People, e.g.) and a stronger identification with one’s cultural heritage (McIntyre, 2013). Conversely, experiences of cultural validation and recognition have had a positive impact on my sense of self and cultural identity (Chakma, 2022). During my PhD, my supervisor often commented how strongly I upheld Chakmaness and that it comes out very strongly in my writing. Cultural traditions and practices are deeply ingrained in the fabric of Indigenous communities and are often passed down from one generation to the next.
In short, raising awareness about the imperialist forces in different types and forms in Bangladesh is crucial for emphasizing the values of freedom, democracy, anti-colonialism, and anti-imperialism, as well as the struggle for establishing people's rights. By incorporating the history of Bangla imperialism into the curricula, organizing events, encouraging media coverage, and providing resources, the goal of raising awareness about the issue can be achieved.
To navigate this transition, I needed to find ways to balance my own cultural identity with the dominant culture of Dhaka. I had to learn to speak Bangla fluently and adapt to cultural norms that were significantly different from my own. At the same time, I held onto my cultural heritage and identity. I became actively involved with other Chakma students, communities, and some organizations, such as, Hill Women’s Federation and Pahari Chhatra Porishod based in Dhaka University and Jahangirnagar University and we tried to find ways to celebrate Chakma cultural events and traditions, for example, celebrating the biggest cultural celebration Bizu on 13 April, or going on annual picnics where we would eat traditional food and play traditional games and so on.
The broader issue you raise about the promotion of Bangla and its impact on Indigenous classrooms is also an important one. Policymakers need to recognize and support the diversity of cultures and languages in Bangladesh, and to ensure that educational policies and practices are inclusive and respectful of all communities. Ultimately, the transition to Dhaka for me required some adjustments, but I did not have to leave behind a core part of my identity. With support from my fellow Chakmas – cousins who were studying in Dhaka, friends, communities, and fellow students, I believe I had found ways to thrive in the intensely Bangalee space of the capital city while remaining true to my cultural heritage.
The gentrification and colonization of spaces have further marginalised the Chakmas, as they have been excluded from decision-making processes that shape the environment and their access to resources and opportunities making it difficult for them to occupy these spaces and assert their presence in the region. They are forced to adapt to a new reality that is often hostile to their cultural heritage and traditions.
The forced imposition of the Bangla language and culture as the dominant narrative has led to the suppression of the Chakma language and cultural practices. This has resulted in the erosion of their cultural identity and a loss of connection to their traditional ways of life as I mentioned multiple times. The gentrification of our lands has further compounded these issues, as Chakma communities are often displaced from their ancestral homes and their traditional territories are exploited for natural resources. This has contributed to poverty and increased marginalization for many Chakma families.
Growing up in this context, the experiences of marginalization and colonization have been both confusing and challenging. I certainly encountered a simultaneous sense of belonging and non-belonging, as part of my people, community and culture but also subject to the dominant narrative imposed by the colonizing culture. I grew up with feelings of cultural displacement, leading to a sense of not fully belonging in either my own culture or the dominant culture with conflicting cultural values, a lack of access to education and resources in my mother tongue, and seeing the loss of our ancestral lands and territories. These experiences have had a profound impact on my sense of Chakmaness, belonging, and self-worth.
It is important to recognize the ongoing effects of colonization and to support initiatives that promote the revitalization and preservation of the Chakma language and culture, as well as the protection of our ancestral lands and territories. Additionally, it is crucial to support education initiatives that prioritize the use of the Chakma language and provide access to educational resources and opportunities that are culturally relevant and respectful of the Chakma community.
Anthropocene futures: Colonialism and environmentalism
Shaila Sultana: In recent times, the Anthropocene is considered a variation of spaces in which Indigenous ideas and experiences are hindered by non-Indigenous practitioners. The destruction of the Indigenous land, water, and habitat in Chittagong Hill Tracts (e.g., the building of the Kaptai dam or development of Sajek – the tourist spot) has been done in the name of collective development, keeping in consideration little regard for Indigenous well-being. Cole and Malone (2019) suggested the knowledge, experiences, and practices of Aboriginal Australians as a significant resource to fight the climate crisis called Anthropocene.
In the context of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, decolonization and Indigenization could involve several key steps: 1. Recognition of Indigenous rights: The rights of the Chakma people and other Indigenous communities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts must be recognized and protected by the government and other relevant organizations. This includes the right to their ancestral lands and territories, as well as their cultural and linguistic heritage. 2. Support for cultural revitalization: Efforts should be made to support the revitalization and preservation of the Chakma language, culture, and traditions. This could include initiatives to promote the use of the Chakma language in schools and other public spaces, as well as support for cultural events and festivals. 3. Engagement in decision-making processes: Indigenous communities must be meaningfully engaged in decision-making processes that affect their lives and well-being, such as the development of the Chittagong Hill Tracts region. This could involve the creation of consultative committees that give Indigenous communities a voice in the development of their lands and territories. 4. Education and awareness raising: Education and awareness-raising initiatives are critical for promoting greater understanding and respect for Indigenous cultures and ways of life. This could involve the development of educational materials that highlight the history, culture, and traditions of the Chakma people, as well as initiatives that promote greater cross-cultural understanding and collaboration. Cole and Malone (2019), for example, suggested introducing environmental education and philosophy in the Anthropocene to raise critical awareness of the destruction of the natural environment. 5. Support for Indigenous-led initiatives: It is important to support initiatives that are led by Indigenous communities and organizations, as these are more likely to reflect the perspectives and needs of the community. This could involve providing financial and technical support for Indigenous-led organizations and initiatives that promote cultural revitalization and environmental sustainability.
Decolonization and Indigenization are crucial for promoting the recognition, revitalization, and preservation of Indigenous epistemologies, ontologies, and practices. By supporting these initiatives, we can help to create a more just and equitable future for Indigenous communities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and beyond.
Urmee Chakma: The narratives of development and the Anthropocene can be questioned in the context of the Chakmas in Chittagong Hill Tracts by considering the following perspectives: 1. The Indigenous experience: The Chakmas have their own unique cultural and historical experiences, which may not fit neatly into the broader narratives of the Anthropocene. It is important to recognize and validate the experiences of the Chakmas and other Indigenous peoples, and to recognize that their perspectives may differ from those of the dominant society. 2. Power dynamics: The narratives of the Anthropocene and development are often shaped by the perspectives and interests of dominant groups. It is important to critically examine these narratives and to question how they perpetuate power imbalances and marginalize certain groups. 3. Environmental impacts: The Chakmas have a deep connection to the land and the environment, and the impacts of development and the Anthropocene may have significant impacts on their way of life. It is important to consider these impacts and to ensure that the voices of the Chakmas and other impacted communities are included in decisions about development and the environment.
I strongly believe it is crucial to recognize and question the dominant narratives of development and the Anthropocene, and to consider the perspectives and experiences of marginalized groups, such as the Chakmas, to ensure that their rights and interests are protected.
As a Chakma Indigenous woman academic, I aim to challenge Anthropocene futures by amplifying Indigenous voices and perspectives in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. I conduct research and advocacy to promote education and awareness of their cultural, linguistic, and environmental heritage, collaborate with others to develop policies that support Indigenous rights and contribute to alternative futures as well as alternative research methodologies that prioritize Indigenous experiences in preserving the planet for future generations.
Conclusion
With reference to notions such as linguicism, linguistic imperialism, and governmentality in the era of the Anthropocene, in this paper, we untangle the ways Indigenous communities are given less priority politically, historically, socially, and culturally and how the violation of human rights of Indigenous ethnic communities have been justified in the name of nationalization and development since the independence of Bangladesh in 1971. We also problematise the ingrained beliefs and ideologies associated with the superiority of the Bangladeshi communities in terms of language, nationality, and ethnicity that have enabled the Bangladeshi communities to justify forced migration, displacement of Indigenous communities from their traditional land, extinction of Indigenous languages, disengagement with Indigenous and local languages, and consequently, the destruction of biodiversity of Chittagong Hill Tract.
In the end, we want to refer to the last stanza of the poem, ‘Joli No Udhim Kittei!’ (Why shall I not resist) a Chakma poem written in Bangla script as ‘Rukhe Darabo Na Keno?’ by the author Kabita Chakma in 1992, translated into English by Meghna Guhathakurta. This poem epitomizes the ongoing violation of human rights that Chakmas experience in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). “Neglect and humiliation cause anger The blood surges through my veins Breaking barriers at every stroke, The fury of youth pierces the sea of consciousness. I become my whole self. . why shall I not resist!”
The last stanza of the poem “Joli No Udhim Kittei!” (Why shall I not resist) highlights the emotional impact of neglect and humiliation on the Chakma people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. The poem expresses the anger and frustration that arise from the ongoing violation of human rights experienced by this community. The stanza portrays the power and determination of the youthful spirit, breaking through the barriers of oppression and surging forward with a fierce determination to resist.
This stanza speaks to the importance of resistance in the face of injustice, and the need for individuals to assert their agency and self-determination in the face of oppression. It also highlights the power of community, as the “fury of youth” is described as piercing the “sea of consciousness.” This suggests that the struggle for justice is a collective effort and that the power of resistance lies in the solidarity of the community. This stanza serves as a call to action, urging individuals to resist oppression and to fight for their rights and dignity. It is a powerful expression of the determination and resilience of the Chakma people in the face of ongoing human rights violations.
We also show that the acceptance of subjugation and marginalization by the Indigenous communities is an ‘epistemic violence’ initiated by an apt use of governmentality. Only by critically questioning the methods for creating and disseminating knowledge, we understand the political need to question the historical and colonial production and legitimization of the existing epistemology and ontology of knowledge and may instil decolonial attitudes in all communities going beyond nationality, ethnicity, and race.
The Eurocentric approach to human-environmental relationships that is often used to promote the Anthropocene narrative can perpetuate new forms of colonialism in Indigenous lands. This approach can often be dominated by Western scientific and economic perspectives that fail to take into account the diverse ways in which Indigenous communities understand and interact with the environment. In addition, when the Indigenous people and their language, culture, land, and nature in Bangladesh have been exploited to such a grave extent, mere academic discourses may not be adequate for ensuring epistemic fairness. Carneiro and Silva (2023: 143) stated that
The difficulty of surviving and fostering optimism in the Anthropocene is more than just developing solid academic insights and being politically involved with communities; it is a challenge of cohabitation and acknowledging that because all of us have the same shape-shifting destiny, which necessitates developing collective strategies.
It is, hence, important to engage in active and engaged governmental and academic praxis that prioritizes Indigenous knowledge and perspectives. It is important to engage with research and theoretical, methodological, and ethical debates that encourage shifting attention from humans to the natural ecology and sustainable living practices (Ulmer, 2017). This may involve partnering with Indigenous communities and organizations (Gower et al., 2020), implementing community-led research initiatives, and incorporating traditional ecological knowledge into decision-making processes. Additionally, it may involve supporting Indigenous-led conservation and sustainability efforts and advocating for the recognition and protection of Indigenous rights and sovereignty. Finally, it is crucial to critically examine and challenge Eurocentric assumptions about the relationship between humans and the environment, and to work towards creating a more inclusive and equitable understanding of the Anthropocene.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
Data sharing not applicable to this article as no datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study.