In recent years, an increasing number of women have been elected as candidates by radical-right parties. Does this trend toward feminization of the radical right improve the substantive representation of women's interest? Our investigation reveals that instead of moderating their positions on gender roles in response to increased female visibility, radical-right parties have further radicalized their ideology, as evidenced by their parliamentary discourse. We analyze speeches delivered in the European Parliament between 2009 and 2023 by delegates from nine parties, four of which are radical-right. Results show that a higher proportion of women in radical-right parties is associated with their representatives’ greater preoccupation with conservative ideology on gender issues. The article discusses the implications of its findings for the study of gender and anti-democratic politics.
Abi-HassanS (2017) Populism and gender. In: Rovira KaltwasserCTaggartPOchoa EspejoPOstiguyP (eds) The Oxford Handbook of Populism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 426–444.
2.
AkkermanT (2005) Anti-immigration parties and the defence of liberal values: The exceptional case of the list Pim Fortuyn. Journal of Political Ideologies10(3): 337–354.
3.
AkkermanTde LangeSLRooduijnM (2016) Inclusion and mainstreaming: Radical right-wing populist parties in the new millennium. In: AkkermanTde LangeSRooduijnL (eds) Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Into the Mainstream?New York: Routledge, 1–28.
4.
AkkermanTHagelundA (2007) “Women and children first!” Anti-immigration parties and gender in Norway and the Netherlands. Patterns of Prejudice41(2): 197–214.
5.
AtchisonADownI (2009) Women cabinet ministers and female-friendly social policy. Poverty & Public Policy1(2): 1–23.
6.
Ben-ShitritLElad-StrengerJHirsch-HoeflerS (2021) “Pinkwashing” the radical-right: Gender and the mainstreaming of radical-right policies and actions. European Journal of Political Research61(1): 86–110.
7.
BenedettoGHixSMastroroccoN (2020) The rise and fall of social democracy, 1918–2017. American Political Science Review114(3): 928–939.
8.
BetzHG (1990) Politics of resentment: Right-wing radicalism in West Germany. Comparative Politics23(1): 45–60.
CampbellRErzeelS (2018) Exploring gender differences in support for rightist parties: The role of party and gender ideology. Politics & Gender14(1): 80–105.
11.
CelisKChildsS (2012) The substantive representation of women: What to do with conservative claims?Political Studies60(1): 213–225.
12.
CelisKChildsS (2018) Introduction to special issue on gender and conservatism. Politics & Gender14(1): 1–4.
13.
ChattopadhyayRDufloE (2004) Women as policy makers: Evidence from a randomized policy experiment in India. Econometrica72(5): 1409–1443.
14.
ChildsSKrookML (2009) Analysing women's substantive representation: From critical mass to critical actors. Government and Opposition44(2): 125–145.
15.
ChueriJDamerowA (2022) Closing the gap: how descriptive and substantive representation affect women’s vote for populist radical right parties. West European Politics46(5): 928–946.
16.
ClaytonAZetterbergP (2018) Quota shocks: Electoral gender quotas and government spending priorities worldwide. The Journal of Politics80(3): 916–932.
17.
CofféH (2019) Gender, gendered personality traits and radical right populist voting. Politics39(2): 170–185.
18.
ColantoneIStanigP (2018) The trade origins of economic nationalism: Import competition and voting behavior in Western Europe. American Journal of Political Science62(4): 936–953.
19.
Cowell-MeyersKLangbeinL (2009) Linking women's descriptive and substantive representation in the United States. Politics & Gender5(4): 491–518.
20.
DancygierRM (2020) Another progressive's dilemma: Immigration, the radical right & threats to gender equality. Daedalus149(1): 56–71.
21.
De KosterWAchterbergPVan der WaalJ, et al. (2014) Progressiveness and the new right: The electoral relevance of culturally progressive values in the Netherlands. West European Politics37(3): 584–604.
22.
De LangeSLMüggeLM (2015) Gender and right-wing populism in the low countries: Ideological variations across parties and time. Patterns of Prejudice49(1-2): 61–80.
23.
Elad-StrengerJBen-ShitritLHirsch-HoeflerS (2024) Mainstreaming democratic backsliding: The role of gender stereotypes. European Journal of Political Research63(4): 1397–1425.
24.
EriksonJJosefssonC (2024) Adverse contagion? Populist radical right parties and norms on gender balance in political institutions. Politics and Governance12: 8179.
25.
ErzeelSCelisK (2016) Political parties, ideology and the substantive representation of women. Party Politics22(5): 576–586.
26.
ErzeelSRashkovaER (2017) Still men's parties? Gender and the radical right in comparative perspective. West European Politics40(4): 812–820.
FarrisSR (2012) Femonationalism and the “regular” army of labor called migrant women. History of the Present2(2): 184–199.
29.
Fortin-RittbergerJDinglerSC (2021) Women's leadership in the European parliament: A long-term perspective. In: MüllerHTommelI (eds) Women and Leadership in the EU. London: Oxford University Press, 1–23.
30.
Frid-NielsenSS (2018) Human rights or security? Positions on asylum in European parliament speeches. European Union Politics19(2): 344–362.
31.
GerrityJCOsbornTMendezJM (2007) Women and representation: A different view of the district?Politics & Gender3(2): 179–200.
32.
GidronNHallPA (2017) The politics of social status: Economic and cultural roots of the populist right. The British Journal of Sociology68: S57–S84.
33.
GidronNHallPA (2020) Populism as a problem of social integration. Comparative Political Studies53(7): 1027–1059.
34.
GivensTE (2005) Voting Radical Right in Western Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
35.
GordonAMillerJD (2001) Does the Oval Office have a glass ceiling? Gender stereotypes and perceptions of candidate viability. White House Studies1(3): 325–333.
36.
GriffiniMMontecchioL (2023) Strongwomen? A comparative analysis of gender discourse in the electoral campaigns of Marine Le Pen and Giorgia Meloni. APSA Preprints.
37.
HallEJRodriguezMS (2003) The myth of postfeminism. Gender & Society17(6): 878–902.
38.
HarteveldEIvarsflatenE (2018) Why women avoid the radical right: Internalized norms and party reputations. British Journal of Political Science48(2): 369–384.
39.
HeathRMSchwindt-BayerLATaylor-RobinsonMM (2005) Women on the sidelines: Women's representation on committees in Latin American legislatures. American Journal of Political Science49(2): 420–436.
40.
HixS (2004) Electoral institutions and legislative behavior: Explaining voting defection in the European Parliament. World Politics56(2): 194–223.
41.
HolmanMRMerollaJLZechmeisterEJ (2011) Sex, stereotypes, and security: A study of the effects of terrorist threat on assessments of female leadership. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy32(3): 173–192.
42.
HomolaJ (2019) Are parties equally responsive to women and men?British Journal of Political Science49(3): 957–975.
43.
Itzkovitch-MalkaRFriedbergC (2018) Gendering security: The substantive representation of women in the Israeli parliament. European Journal of Women's Studies25(4): 419–439.
44.
Itzkovitch-MalkaROshriO (2024) The weight on Her shoulders: Marginalization of women legislators in parliaments and substantive representation of women. British Journal of Political Science54(4): 1340–1361.
45.
JollySBakkerRHoogheL, et al. (2022) Chapel Hill expert survey trend file, 1999–2019. Electoral Studies: 102420.
46.
JonesKLNoorbaloochiSJostJT, et al. (2018) Liberal and conservative values: What we can learn from congressional tweets. Political Psychology39(2): 423–443.
47.
KantolaJLombardoE (2019) Populism and feminist politics: The cases of Finland and Spain. European Journal of Political Research58(4): 1108–1128.
48.
KantolaJLombardoE (2020) Strategies of right populists in opposing gender equality in a polarized European Parliament. International Political Science Review42(5): 565–579.
49.
KitscheltHMcGannAJ (1997) The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
50.
KittilsonMC (2008) Representing women: The adoption of family leave in comparative perspective. The Journal of Politics70(2): 323–334.
51.
KochMTFultonSA (2011) In the defense of women: Gender, office holding, and national security policy in established democracies. The Journal of Politics73(1): 1–16.
LindersNDudinkSSpieringsN (2022) Masculinity and sexuality in populist radical right leadership. Politics & Gender19(3): 1–22.
54.
LitosselitiLGillRFavaroL (2019) Postfeminism as a critical tool for gender and language study. Gender and Language13(1): 1–22.
55.
LlorenA (2015) Women's substantive representation: Defending feminist interests or women's electoral preferences?The Journal of Legislative Studies21(2): 144–167.
56.
MackayF (2008) ‘Thick’ conceptions of substantive representation: Women, gender and political institutions. Representation44(2): 125–139.
57.
MayerN (2015) The closing of the radical right gender gap in France?French Politics13(4): 391–414.
58.
MayerSSaurB (2017) “Gender ideology” in Austria: Coalitions around an empty signifier. In: KuharRPaternotteD (eds) Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilizing Against Equality. London: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 23–40.
59.
MechkovaVCarlitzR (2021) Gendered accountability: When and why do women's policy priorities get implemented?European Political Science Review13(1): 3–21.
60.
MechkovaVEdgellAB (2023) Substantive representation, women's health, and regime type. Comparative Political Studies57(14): 2449–2481.
61.
MeguidBMCoffeHWeeksAC, et al. (2022) The new defenders of gender equality: When do populist radical right parties incorporate women's interests? In: European Conference on Politics and Gender, Ljubljana, Slovenia, 6-8 July 2022.
62.
MoffittB (2017) Liberal illiberalism? The reshaping of the contemporary populist radical right in Northern Europe. Politics and Governance5(4): 112–122.
63.
MondonAWinterA (2020) Reactionary democracy: How racism and the populist far right became mainstream. London: Verso Books.
64.
MonroeBLColaresiMPQuinnKM (2008) Fightin’ words: Lexical feature selection and evaluation for identifying the content of political conflict. Political Analysis16(4): 372–403.
65.
MuddeC (2007) Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
66.
MuisJImmerzeelT (2017) Causes and consequences of the rise of populist radical right parties and movements in Europe. Current Sociology65(6): 909–930.
67.
O’BrienDZ (2018) “Righting” conventional wisdom: Women and right parties in established democracies. Politics & Gender14(1): 27–55.
68.
OeschD (2008) Explaining Workers’ support for right-wing populist parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland, Belgium, France, Norway. International Political Science Review29(3): 349–373.
69.
OffM (2023) Gender equality salience, backlash and radical right voting in the gender-equal context of Sweden. West European Politics46(3): 451–476.
70.
OshriOHarsgorLItzkovitch-MalkaR, et al. (2023) Risk aversion and the gender gap in the vote for populist radical right parties. American Journal of Political Science67(3): 701–717.
71.
ProkschS OSlapinJ B (2012) Institutional foundations of legislative speech. American Journal of Political Science56(3): 520–537.
72.
RashkovaER (2021) Gender politics and radical right parties: An examination of women's substantive representation in Slovakia. East European Politics and Societies35(1): 69–88.
73.
RashkovaERZankinaE (2017) Are (populist) radical right parties Männerparteien? Evidence from Bulgaria. West European Politics40(4): 848–868.
74.
ReherS (2018) Gender and opinion-policy congruence in Europe. European Political Science Review10(4): 613–635.
75.
ReingoldBSwersM (2011) An endogenous approach to women's interests: When interests are interesting in and of themselves. Politics & Gender7(3): 429–435.
76.
Rodríguez-GarciaMJ (2015) Local women's coalitions: Critical actors and substantive representation in Spanish municipalities. European Journal of Women's Studies22(2): 223–240.
77.
RooduijnM (2017) What unites the voter bases of populist parties? Comparing the electorates of 15 populist parties. European Political Science Review10(3): 351–368.
78.
SagerMMulinariD (2018) Safety for whom? Exploring femonationalism and care-racism in Sweden. Women's Studies International Forum68: 149–156.
79.
SawerM (2012) What makes the substantive representation of women possible in a Westminster parliament? The story of RU486 in Australia. International Political Science Review33(3): 320–335.
80.
Schulte-CloosJ (2018) Do European parliament elections foster challenger Parties’ success on the national level?European Union Politics19(3): 408–426.
81.
Schwindt-BayerLA (2006) Still supermadres? Gender and the policy priorities of Latin American legislators. American Journal of Political Science50(3): 570–585.
82.
Schwindt-BayerLAMishlerW (2005) An integrated model of women's representation. The Journal of Politics67(2): 407–428.
SlapinJBProkschSO (2010) Look who's talking: Parliamentary debate in the European union. European Union Politics11(3): 333–357.
85.
SmoothW (2011) Standing for women? Which women? The substantive representation of women's interests and the research imperative of intersectionality. Politics & Gender7(3): 436–441.
86.
SpieringsNZasloveA (2015) Gendering the vote for populist radical-right parties. Patterns of Prejudice49(1-2): 135–162.
87.
SwersML (2002) The Difference Women Make: The Policy Impact of Women in Congress. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
88.
SwimJKAikinKJHallWS, et al. (1995) Sexism and racism: Old-fashioned and modern prejudices. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology68(2): 199–214.
89.
Taylor-RobinsonMMGevaN (2023) Do women fit the leadership image? Yes! In: Taylor-RobinsonMMGevaN (eds) The Image of Gender and Political Leadership: A Multinational View of Women and Leadership. New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 252–260.
90.
Van der BrugWFennemaM (2007) Causes of voting for the radical right. International Journal of Public Opinion Research19(4): 474–487.
91.
WängnerudL (2009) Women in parliaments: Descriptive and substantive representation. Annual Review of Political Science12: 51–69.
92.
WeeksACMeguidBMKittilsonMC, et al. (2022) When do männerparteien elect women? Radical right populist parties and strategic descriptive representation. American Political Science Review117(2): 421–438.
93.
XydiasC (2016) Discrepancies in women's presence between European national legislatures and the European Parliament: A contextual explanation. Political Research Quarterly69(4): 800–812.
Supplementary Material
Please find the following supplemental material available below.
For Open Access articles published under a Creative Commons License, all supplemental material carries the same license as the article it is associated with.
For non-Open Access articles published, all supplemental material carries a non-exclusive license, and permission requests for re-use of supplemental material or any part of supplemental material shall be sent directly to the copyright owner as specified in the copyright notice associated with the article.
