Abstract
As European countries experience growing immigration, the need for policies supporting immigrants’ cultural adaptation has intensified. Journalism plays a crucial role in this process, traditionally fostering a shared understanding among citizens and offering a common reference point to understand societal issues. However, little research addresses how immigrants navigate today’s digital news landscape, where the boundaries between countries are increasingly blurred. This study fills this gap by examining the news consumption of 30 immigrants in the Netherlands, including refugees, knowledge immigrants, and family immigrants. Through in-depth interviews, media snapshots, smartphone data sharing, and card sorting, three key news consumption patterns were identified: (1) intentional, emotionally-driven engagement with news from the country of origin, (2) vigilant and entertainment-driven engagement with international news, and (3) incidental and instrumental exposure to news from the receiving country. We discuss the impact of digitalization on the news consumption of immigrants.
Introduction
Several European countries have seen a rise in immigration in recent years, increasing the need for policies that support immigrants’ cultural adaptation (Engbersen et al., 2020). Journalism plays a crucial role in this process, traditionally serving as a medium for forging shared understanding among citizens and offering a common reference point for interpreting societal issues (Kasem et al., 2015). News consumption has been shown to positively influence the social, psychological, and cultural adaptation of immigrants, helping them learn the national language, engage in societal debates, and feel more at home in the receiving society (Alencar and Deuze, 2017; Elias and Lemish, 2011). However, despite the critical role of news in this settlement process, there remains a gap in understanding how immigrants consume news in today’s digital landscape, where boundaries between countries are increasingly blurred.
Existing research shows that immigrants consume various news sources, including mainstream and alternative media from their receiving countries, international outlets, and media from their countries of origin (Mahtani, 2008; Shumow, 2010). However, much of this scholarship predates the rapid digitalization of society, which has profoundly transformed how news is accessed and consumed (Costera Meijer and Groot Kormelink, 2015). As digital and social media have become embedded in everyday life, scholars now suggest that we live not just with media but in media (Deuze et al., 2012). For immigrants, this shift is particularly significant: they navigate a complex, transnational news environment characterized by a proliferation of platforms, sources, and technologically mediated features. These affordances not only diversify the pathways through which news is encountered but also shape how it is interpreted and consumed. Despite these developments, research has largely underappreciated the role of digitalization in shaping news consumption for immigrants. To address this gap, this study builds on the Uses & Gratifications (U&G) theory to investigate how immigrants engage with news in a highly digitized media environment. It poses the following research question: How do immigrants navigate and make sense of different types of news in a digital society, and what motivates their choices?
We employed a qualitative approach to explore the news consumption habits of 30 immigrants residing in the Netherlands, a country with a large immigrant population, making it a pertinent case within the European context. This study makes two key contributions. First, it shows how digitalization is reshaping the way immigrants access and engage with news. Second, we adopt a user-centred perspective that focuses on immigrants’ experiences, rather than comparing them to non-immigrants. This approach avoids reinforcing normative assumptions and reveals the diversity of news practices within immigrant communities, which is often overlooked in comparative research (Awad, 2013).
The news consumption of immigrants
The literature portrays immigrants as displaying a diverse media appetite (Ahmed and Veronis, 2020; Srinivasan and Pyati, 2007). They actively build hybrid news repertoires that cross geographical, linguistic, and cultural boundaries. These repertoires are assembled to meet informational, emotional, and instrumental needs that reflect both their experiences in the receiving society and their ties to their countries of origin (Mahtani, 2008; Shumow, 2010).
Primarily, the literature emphasizes that immigrants gravitate towards news from their country of origin, driven by familial and emotional ties (Christiansen, 2004). Accessing news in their native language provides psychological comfort and sustenance (Ulla, 2021), nurturing their cultural identity and fostering a sense of belonging (Yoon et al., 2011).
Ryzhova’s (2024) qualitative analysis of the transnational news repertoires of Russian immigrants in Germany also found that immigrants turn to international news sources for a variety of reasons, such as contrasting perspectives on national and global events between their country of origin and receiving society. They also consume international news sources to stay informed about local events in other countries, such as following news about the US elections via CNN (Ryzhova, 2024).
Simultaneously, it is well established that immigrants consume mainstream news sources from their receiving country to be informed about the society in which they live (Alencar and Deuze, 2017; Peeters and d’Haenens, 2005). However, researchers have identified challenges that immigrants face when consuming such news. For instance, they often experience the information landscape from the receiving country as unknown and challenging to navigate (Caidi et al., 2010). Immigrants also have difficulty acquiring relevant news, do not know how to evaluate information from different sources, and feel overloaded and frustrated by the enormous amount of information (Kennan et al., 2011). A language barrier further complicates their news consumption (Alencar and Deuze, 2017; Peeters and d’Haenens, 2005). Consequently, news consumption generates stress and psychological strain for immigrants in some cases, even leading to conscious news avoidance (Yoon et al., 2011).
Alongside mainstream news consumption from the receiving society, digitalization and the rise of social media have made it easier for immigrant communities to establish their own media channels. Therefore, scholars have investigated the emergence of alternative migrant media in immigrants’ media diets (Kong, 2013; Moon and Park, 2007). This media type is often produced by immigrants living in the receiving society for many years, who have more knowledge of the society and the national language. Such media support immigrants’ cultural adaptation by offering news and information about the receiving society’s culture and norms in their native language (Croucher et al., 2009).
Taken together, the literature indicates that immigrants consume news from their country of origin, international sources, mainstream outlets in their receiving country, and alternative migrant media. However, the digitalization of the media landscape raises critical questions regarding how immigrants prioritize and engage with these news sources. This study addresses this topic, building on the U&G theory to understand immigrants’ news consumption patterns in the digital age.
Uses & Gratifications in a digital and migratory context
U&G theory conceptualizes media users as active agents who engage with media to fulfill particular needs and desires (Katz et al., 1973; Ruggiero, 2000; Swanson, 1979). This framework has been widely applied in studies of immigrant news use, offering valuable insights into how and why immigrants consume news. Within this body of research, scholars have identified a range of motivations driving immigrants’ news consumption, including social interaction (Reichenberg, 2016), cultural preservation (Garcia-Rios and Barreto, 2016), information seeking and surveillance (Alencar and Deuze, 2017), cultural and linguistic integration (Christiansen, 2004; Reece and Palmgreen, 2000), political engagement (Ulla, 2021), and entertainment and escapism (Yoon et al., 2011).
While U&G remains foundational for understanding news media use and motivations in empirical studies, researchers have highlighted that traditional U&G approaches underemphasize how digital technologies co-construct user needs and gratifications (Ruggiero, 2000; Sundar and Limperos, 2013). Due to the rise of digitalization, news consumption has become increasingly shaped by the technological attributes of digital platforms. Thus, scholars have critiqued the U&G framework for focusing too narrowly on audience needs, while underestimating the role of media technologies in influencing news consumption (Quan-Haase and Young, 2010; Ruggiero, 2000). To address this, Sundar and Limperos (2013) proposed an updated U&G approach that highlights the role of digital media technologies in shaping news use and the gratifications users derive from it. In this view, gratifications are not merely socially or psychologically driven but are also shaped by the perceived capabilities of media technologies (e.g. personalization, algorithmic curation). Yet, in the context of immigrant news consumption, little is known about what types of news are consumed or what gratifications are prioritized in a digitalized media landscape. This study addresses this gap through the following research question:
Methodology
Our method encompassed in-depth interviews supplemented by three protocols: media snapshots, smartphone data sharing, and sorting cards. While the in-depth interviews provided insights into participants’ experiences and perceptions of news, the additional protocols enabled us to capture aspects of news consumption behavior that participants may not have been able to recall or articulate otherwise.
Selection of participants
Key demographics of participants.
aTo protect participants’ privacy, cities were categorized based on population size, and codes were assigned as follows: (1) up to 100,000 residents; (2) 100,001 to 200,000 residents; (3) 200,001 to 400,000 residents; (4) 400,001 to 600,000 residents; and (5) 600,001 to 800,000 residents.
To recruit participants, potential candidates were contacted through immigrant groups on social media, namely WhatsApp, Facebook, and Reddit. The researcher entered groups for immigrant communities living in the Netherlands and shared research information. Additionally, collaboration with language schools and community centers provided access to potential participants. More specifically, the researcher joined Dutch courses and language cafés, where immigrants come to improve their language proficiency. The snowball sampling method was also utilized, leveraging participants’ networks to identify interested individuals (Robinson, 2013).
Recruiting refugees proved challenging, as organizations working with this demographic initially hesitated to share information about the research, fearing it might overwhelm or discomfort participants. Gaining their trust and demonstrating the study’s relevance was crucial. Once informed, refugees showed keen interest in participating. This underscores an important consideration in such research projects and organizational work: how to safeguard vulnerable populations while ensuring their inclusion in research initiatives aimed at giving voice to their communities?
Upon initial contact, participants received an information letter detailing the study’s objectives, expected participation, and data handling procedures. Informed consent was obtained, and participants were compensated for their involvement (a gift voucher worth 20 euros). All interviews were conducted between January 2024 and May 2024.
Structure of interviews
Once individuals agreed to participate, they were asked to collect news items they consumed over 3 days (media snapshots). These news items were then sent to the principal researcher via WhatsApp. Participants were instructed to send any news they came across, including news from their country of origin, international news sources, or news from the Netherlands. Those included, for instance, links to the news they consumed (e.g. if they saw it on a website), screenshots (e.g. if they saw it on social media), or photos (e.g. if they watched television or read a printed newspaper).
The definition of news was left to the participants to understand better what they call news (Klopfenstein Frei et al., 2024). Only two participants did not send media snapshots: Qasim, who was busy with legal procedures to get his asylum accepted in the Netherlands, and Abdel, who had an eye condition that made it difficult to read on his phone at the time. In both cases, participants were asked to show the news sources they consumed on their phones during the interview. In total, participants sent 329 media snapshots.
To overcome the limitation of in-depth interviews related to participants’ inaccurate self-reports of media usage (Prior, 2009), participants were also asked to share their smartphone usage data during these three days, in which we could see how long they used their smartphones and the most used apps per day. Hence, we could analyze the informant’s actual usage, looking for apps and notifications that might lead to news use, including news apps, social media, and browsers (Van Damme et al., 2020). During the interviews, the data from smartphone usage was discussed with participants. This retrospective approach enabled us to include participants’ perspectives on their media use, enriching the data (Klopfenstein Frei et al., 2024).
We took several steps to ensure the ethical collection and handling of data. First, participants were asked to provide screenshots, but we made it clear that they had control over what content to share. At no point did we have access to their phones. Second, the screenshots were stored in a password-protected folder within the researchers’ institution, accessible only to the researchers directly involved in the project. Third, before storing screenshots, we ensured that personal identifying information (e.g. usernames) was removed. These measures ensured participants’ autonomy and privacy.
Subsequent in-depth interviews were conducted in familiar settings for participants, typically their homes, cafés, or organizations they often visit, lasting between one to 2 hours and audio-recorded for transcription purposes. The majority of interviews were conducted in English, with exceptions: (1) interviews with Brazilian participants were conducted in Portuguese, the native language of the principal researcher and participants; and (2) four Turkish-speaking participants and two Arabic-speaking participants were interviewed with the help of interpreters.
Given the principal researcher’s status as an immigrant residing in the Netherlands, shared social positioning with participants was established, fostering trust and rapport (Carling et al., 2014). Despite differences in social markers such as country of origin, age, and gender, this commonality facilitated communication and contributed to participants’ comfort in sharing their experiences (Carling et al., 2014). To solidify this connection, the principal researcher disclosed aspects of her experience living in the Netherlands, such as the language barrier and difficulty forming social connections, while remaining mindful of maintaining professional distance to avoid influencing participants’ narratives.
The interviews were semi-structured, meaning that a predefined list of discussion topics was prepared to guide the interviews, while allowing flexibility to explore themes that emerged during the conversation (Belina, 2023). Topics included the informant’s background, experience living in the Netherlands, learning the Dutch language, and news consumption. For this, participants were asked day-in-the-life questions: how they consume news throughout the day and how they experience news consumption (Groot Kormelink and Costera Meijer, 2018). Participants’ experiences with sending their media snapshots and smartphone data were also discussed. Questions were posed about their thoughts on the content they shared, motivations for consuming those news items, and their social media use.
To explore participants’ motivations for news use, they were given a card-sorting game as a last step in the interview protocol. Each of the 16 cards contained a motivation to follow the news, compiled from the literature (Alencar and Deuze, 2017; Christiansen, 2004; Moon and Park, 2007; Peeters and d’Haenens, 2005). For example: “I follow the news to acquire information about current affairs in the Netherlands,” “I follow the news to improve my Dutch proficiency,” and “I follow the news to reinforce ties and keep connected with my country of origin.” To ensure accessibility, the cards were also made in Turkish and Arabic. Participants were asked to rank the cards based on how important they were to them and to explain their ranking.
Overall, participants found the predefined categories to be comprehensive and reflective of their experiences. The card-sorting exercise effectively supported participants in articulating their motivations. As Qasim (27, from Yemen) remarked, “This is a very good idea. Because I know this, but I cannot express to say that I watch the news for this reason.” His comment illustrates how the exercise enabled participants to verbalize latent motivations that might otherwise remain unexpressed. However, the use of predefined categories also carries methodological implications. While the structured format facilitated reflection, it may have constrained participants’ responses, directing them toward pre-established categories rather than allowing for more spontaneous expressions of motivation.
Data analysis
Coding of the interviews began after the first five interviews had been conducted to allow researchers to reflect on and adjust the interview topic list and style. Pseudonyms were used to ensure respondent anonymity and data confidentiality. Each interview transcript was analyzed using grounded theory principles (Corbin and Strauss, 1990), chosen for its ability to derive concepts from participants’ experiences. Utilizing the Atlas.ti software, the lead researcher conducted iterative “open coding” (Corbin and Strauss, 1990), identifying relevant words, quotes, and passages. In the subsequent “axial coding” phase (Corbin and Strauss, 1990), the broader research team collaborated to refine categories and interpret findings through constant comparison. This reflexive, inductive process facilitated engagement with participants’ narratives (Srivastava and Hopwood, 2009). A common limitation of this approach, however, is that generating insights inductively from the data may not fully capture the complexity and nuances of participants’ experiences. In this study, we mitigated this by continually revisiting and refining the categories and interpretations, ensuring that the findings remained grounded in the data while reflecting the broader socio-political context and existing theoretical insights. This interplay between data-driven discovery and theoretical sensitivity enriched our interpretations and led to a nuanced understanding of immigrants’ news consumption experiences.
Results
Overview of immigrants’ modes of news consumption.
News from the country of origin
In the current digital landscape, consuming news from one’s country of origin has never been easier, as reflected in participants’ media snapshots. Participants accessed diverse news from their countries of origin via digital platforms, particularly news websites and social media. The news types ranged from national public broadcasters, to local news from cities where participants had lived, and alternative media produced by independent journalists.
Motivations to consume news from the country of origin
Participants exhibit a profound emotional connection to their countries of origin, driven by nostalgia and a desire to preserve their cultural identity. Consuming news in their native language reinforces this bond, providing comfort and a link to their culture. As illustrated by Tamy (34, from Brazil): “I listen to this Brazilian podcast every day to have a feeling of being at home without being at home … I still feel a very strong connection with Brazil.” This attachment is especially strong due to participants’ relationships with family and friends back in their country of origin. They show a strong need for social connection, wanting to engage in discussions about current events and maintain ties with their social networks despite the physical distance. News consumption is thus more than information, it functions as an emotional and cultural anchor to preserve a sense of belonging across borders.
Information-seeking and surveillance also played key roles in participants’ motivations. Primarily, refugees who fled conflict or persecution often rely on news to stay informed about their families’ well-being when direct communication is limited. Similarly, Hiranur (40) from Turkey highlighted the critical role of news during an earthquake in her family’s region, underscoring her anxiety due to her inability to reach them directly. Hence, news consumption is vital for monitoring the well-being of loved ones back in the country of origin.
Participants are also keenly interested in political developments in their countries of origin, particularly during election time. Political news also hold particular importance for refugees who have experienced political persecution or displacement due to conflict. For these participants, keeping up with political news is vital for monitoring changes that could impact their prospects of returning to their countries of origin.
Emotionality in consuming news from the country of origin
Given the emotional and political significance attached to news from their countries of origin, participants often experience emotional strain when consuming such news. News about political unrest, corruption, or social issues often causes stress, particularly for politically persecuted refugees, some of whom were advised by psychologists to avoid such news altogether. Participants expressed frustration over staying informed about problems they felt powerless to change: “Why keep digging an ulcer into yourself for nothing?” (Luiza, 44, from Brazil). However, they find their emotional connection to their country of origin stronger than their desire to avoid depressing news.
A compelling example of this emotional connection comes from Sasha (27), originally from Russia and living in the Netherlands for over 6 years. Having recently obtained Dutch citizenship, Sasha expressed relief over renouncing her Russian nationality, citing her critical views on Russian politics, the freedom of travel her Dutch passport affords, and her growing identification with Dutch culture, particularly regarding her ability to express her sexual orientation openly. Despite her critical stances toward Russian culture (“It doesn’t reflect who I am at all,” “I’m so happy I’m not there”), Sasha remains deeply engaged with Russian political news, while only shallowly consuming news from the Netherlands. When asked why she continues to follow Russian news closely, she stated, “I still feel very connected.” Most participants expressed similar feelings, underscoring their deep emotional ties to their countries of origin, which are reflected in their emotionally driven news consumption.
Intentionality in selecting news from the country of origin
Participants’ emotional connections to their countries of origin also lead them to exercise strong intentionality in selecting the news they engage with. Particularly, one in three participants view news from the country of origin as unreliable, sensationalist, or censored. This distrust is pronounced among those who perceive their country of origin’s government as authoritarian, leading them to avoid government-controlled news sources.
Kaveh (33), from Iran, exemplifies this distrust. Having lived in the Netherlands for over 6 years, Kaveh maintains a deep emotional connection to Iran, evident in his consistent consumption of Iranian news. However, due to his critical views of the Iranian government, he turns to alternative news sources created by fellow Iranian immigrants abroad, which typically oppose the government. Similarly, other participants favor independent journalists on social media, appreciating their independence from governmental or political affiliations. Even participants less skeptical of their governments often choose news sources based on political alignment. These behaviors underscore the intentionality participants exhibit in selecting news sources based on political leanings. Thus, their consumption of news from their country of origin is shaped by a combination of emotional bonds and intentional choices.
International news sources
In addition to following news from their countries of origin, participants displayed a strong commitment to consuming international news sources. To meet this information need, participants gravitated towards news outlets like BBC, CNN, and Al Jazeera, which were valued for their global reach and perceived reliability. However, participants also noted biases inherent in these sources, which they believed could lead to selective coverage of global issues. In Layla’s words (26, from Egypt): BBC, I’ve had it for years. Even though I’m not a big fan of their coverage, they let you know what’s going on in the world … They have their own British interests, which are controlled by their British owners … I follow them to know, but I’m not going to take their word for it.
This awareness of bias prompted participants to diversify their news sources to gain a more comprehensive understanding of global events. Chia-Jung (32, from Taiwan) explained: “I'm aware about the resources I use to get news and their perspectives … So I mix all this information, and I think this is the safest way to understand the world. Not all news coming from one source.” Participants thus actively engage with multiple news sources to develop a nuanced understanding of the world around them.
Motivations to consume international news
Participants are mostly driven by a sense of hypervigilance when consuming international news sources. Major conflicts were cited as key focal points, reflecting a desire to remain prepared for potential global crises or geopolitical shifts: In the globalized world we live in today, I like to follow the news to stay connected … for example, the Palestine war, it is a country that has nothing to do with me, but I still consume news about there. Not just there either, but anywhere else. I saw there was an attack in Russia, for example, so I was reading about that too. Because I think like this: if there is an attack there, the security level here could change as well. (Clara, 35, from Brazil)
News from specific countries also holds importance based on participants’ emotional, social, and political ties. U.S. news is significant due to its global influence, while news from other countries where participants have lived or where family members reside is closely followed. These connections reflect an interest in staying informed about developments in countries that are of personal relevance.
Interestingly, some participants expressed an interest in foreign political news, which they perceive as chaotic but emotionally detached: “It’s kind of schadenfreude because we’re obsessed with British politics, particularly because it’s a complete dumpster fire. It makes us feel better about ourselves.” (James, 27, from Ireland). This interest blurs the line between ‘serious’ and ‘entertaining’ news, suggesting that political news from other countries can also serve as entertainment. Indeed, for some participants, international news is the only news type that can provide a sense of amusement or relief from boredom. Because they feel distanced from these issues, they find it easier to engage with potentially overwhelming news without the emotional weight it might carry if it were closer to home.
In summary, participants engage with international news in a vigilant and entertainment-driven manner, serving two contrasting purposes: first, to keep them informed about global conflicts, and second, to offer relief and entertainment through news that feels distant from their personal lives.
News from the receiving society
Participants’ media snapshots revealed consumption of fifty Dutch news sources. These sources encompass national and local public broadcasters, commercial newspapers, and alternative media created by immigrants themselves. The formats utilized primarily consist of digital platforms such as websites and social media, alongside podcasts, and, to a lesser extent, radio and printed newspapers. This variety reflects their interest in Dutch news and their efforts to meet information needs through multiple sources.
Motivations to consume Dutch news
Participants primarily consume Dutch news for instrumental motives, aiming to integrate culturally into Dutch society. Participants view Dutch news as a tool for understanding and engaging in conversations about local issues. Hiranur (40, from Turkey), expressed her desire to become more engaged in Dutch society: I’m really curious about it. Because we are living here. Sometimes, I see myself as a fish in the aquarium. I’m just looking. I’m safe, but I don’t have any impact, or I don’t have any comments, and I feel so excluded. So, I am really interested.
Similarly, Beyza (44), also from Turkey, emphasized the educational value of Dutch news: I am learning stuff from Dutch news. The last two days, the 4th and 5th of May, are special days here, remembering the liberation of the Netherlands in 1945. It’s good to know the society like this ... In a short period of time, we gained a lot of knowledge because of the news.
News consumption also serves as a practical tool for improving Dutch language proficiency, which is crucial for social integration and professional opportunities. This motivation is particularly strong among refugees with residence permits and family immigrants, i.e. immigrant women accompanying knowledge immigrant spouses, and not yet employed in the Netherlands. Both groups consume Dutch news with specific goals, such as enhancing language skills to pass mandatory integration exams or secure employment. In contrast, knowledge immigrants, who are not required to take integration exams, are proficient in English and employed in sectors where Dutch proficiency is not essential, generally consume less Dutch news and seek it mainly for cultural awareness.
To meet their (practical) information needs, participants also rely on alternative media created by other immigrants. These media sources are crucial in providing information in participants’ native languages. They offer guidance on various aspects of life in the Netherlands, such as navigating bureaucratic procedures (e.g., handling taxes) and managing practical daily tasks (e.g., using the Dutch healthcare system). While mainstream Dutch media do not always cater to immigrants’ needs, these alternative sources help bridge the language gap and support cultural adaptation.
In summary, participants consume Dutch news for instrumental purposes, using it to understand local issues, improve language skills, and facilitate their social and cultural integration. This practical approach highlights the role of news in navigating daily life and building connections within Dutch society.
Challenges influencing news consumption from receiving society
Although participants acknowledged that Dutch news can facilitate their cultural adaptation, they faced three challenges that hindered their consumption: 1) unfamiliarity with news sources, 2) the language barrier, and 3) perceived irrelevance of Dutch news. These challenges are discussed below.
Unfamiliarity with news sources
Participants have difficulties in finding reliable Dutch news. This unfamiliarity leads them to rely heavily on Google’s news aggregator and social media platforms, where algorithms shape their news consumption. Platforms like Instagram and YouTube tailor content suggestions based on user preferences and interactions, resulting in incidental exposure to Dutch news. However, participants could not recall which content they had viewed that led Google’s news aggregator, Instagram, or YouTube to “learn” their preferences. Nevertheless, they appreciated these algorithms for bringing them content they were interested in but did not know how to find independently. This reliance on algorithms means that participants’ consumption of Dutch news tends to be more incidental than intentional.
Language barrier
A language barrier further complicates participants’ engagement with Dutch news, and strategies to navigate it vary by proficiency levels. Those with no Dutch skills heavily rely on Google’s automatic translation, whereas individuals with basic or intermediate proficiency often read news in Dutch and use translation tools to confirm their understanding. As Defne (30) from Turkey explained, “I turn it into a test. First, I try to see if I can understand it, and then I use the translate button to check my comprehension.”
Participants also prefer checking Dutch news on social media due to shorter texts and built-in translation features, which make it easier to read and translate news. Furthermore, some seek news sources with simpler language, like programs designed for Dutch children or audiences with low literacy. Still, navigating Dutch news remains labor-intensive and mentally exhausting, leading to more limited consumption than news in other languages.
Perceived irrelevance of Dutch news
Lastly, participants find Dutch news largely irrelevant to their lives, with the exception of migration-related issues. They view significant events, such as the collapse of the Dutch government in 2023 and the subsequent negotiations in 2024, as non-disruptive to their daily lives, which reduces their urgency to follow the news. This disconnect is heightened by their ineligibility to vote in Dutch elections, leading to feelings of political disempowerment and making participants question the relevance of following the news when they feel they cannot influence the outcomes.
Additionally, participants perceive Dutch news as less significant due to the country’s stability. As John (39) noted, “Coming from South Africa, one of the main news items is always crime. There’s just not a lot of crime in the Netherlands. So, if nobody gets stabbed, that’s the non-news day in my mind, you know?” Similarly, Emily (44) remarked: The United States headlines are like “mass shooting at parade,” “number of percentage of Americans who go bankrupt from medical bills,” or “abortion rights being taken away” … It’s an out-of-control metastatic cancer. Whereas here, it feels like there’s still at least a society holding things together.
Two immigrant groups show notably lower motivation to consume Dutch news. First, refugees awaiting residence permits face legal instability that overshadows their interest in local news. Additionally, knowledge immigrants with demanding careers struggle to find time and energy to engage with Dutch news. After long workdays, they prefer to unwind with books or entertainment platforms like Netflix rather than keeping up with local issues. Both groups feel detached from local matters, diminishing their interest in Dutch news.
Overall, participants trust Dutch news sources, but their engagement is limited by unfamiliarity with those sources, language barriers, and a sense of irrelevance. To navigate these challenges, they rely on social media algorithms, utilize translation tools, and seek culturally relevant information. However, the perceived disconnect between Dutch news and their daily lives restricts their engagement, resulting in news consumption that is primarily instrumental and incidental.
Discussion and conclusion
This study investigated the news consumption of immigrants in the Netherlands, identifying their three geographical sources of news: (1) their countries of origin, (2) international sources, and (3) receiving society. A key contribution of this research is the association of each news type with consumption modes. News from the country of origin is primarily consumed intentionally and emotionally, helping immigrants maintain their cultural identity. In contrast, international news is sought for vigilance and entertainment, providing a broader view of global issues. Lastly, news from the receiving society is consumed incidentally and instrumentally, as immigrants navigate an unfamiliar media landscape. These findings advance the literature by offering empirical, theoretical, and methodological insights.
An empirical contribution of this study, advancing research on immigrant news consumption, is its illumination of how digitalization is transforming immigrant news consumption. Digital technologies have fundamentally reconfigured access to news, dissolving geographic and infrastructural barriers and enabling more immediate, transnational engagement with a wide array of sources.
Historically, immigrants seeking news from their countries of origin were reliant on ethnic newspapers or satellite television (Christiansen, 2004). These sources, while culturally resonant, were often limited in scope and accessibility, requiring costly subscriptions or specialized equipment. In contrast, digitalization has facilitated real-time, free access to culturally significant news, deepening immigrants’ sense of connection to their roots. Our findings also reveal that this connection is not passive but marked by a high degree of intentionality. Digital technologies facilitate such intentional consumption by allowing individuals to bypass sources they consider unreliable or politically biased and to seek out alternatives that better align with their values, despite the physical distance. Such practices illustrate how digitalization support the curation of transnational news repertoires across both ideological divides and national boundaries.
Digitalization has similarly transformed immigrants’ engagement with international news. Through social media feeds and news aggregator apps, participants monitor major global events. They are highly aware of biases in international outlets and therefore combine different sources to build a more complete picture of world events. The digital environment encourages this selective and strategic engagement, allowing users to scan headlines, compare perspectives, and choose what to follow more closely. As a result, digital platforms allow for a flexible, manageable way of keeping up with relevant international events.
When it comes to news from the receiving society, digitalization has also radically reshaped immigrants’ news consumption. While language barriers and unfamiliarity with the local media landscape have long constrained immigrants’ access to domestic news (Alencar and Deuze, 2017), digital tools are helping to bridge these gaps. Automatic translation tools now play a crucial role in enabling comprehension, while algorithmic recommendations through social media feeds expose immigrants to local news. Furthermore, social media pages created by and for immigrants now serve as important news sources. Therefore, digitalization is supporting new ways for immigrants to engage with news, combining automated translations, personalized recommendations, and community-driven news infrastructures that are participatory, culturally embedded, and tailored to their everyday needs in the Netherlands.
Our study also deliberately avoided comparisons with non-migrant populations. As Awad (2013) argued, immigrants are often analyzed through dominant assimilationist perspectives that portray minority groups as deviant, fostering a binary distinction between ‘us’ and ‘them.’ In contrast, our focus was on the unique experiences of immigrants, acknowledging their diversity while also identifying common patterns in their news consumption. To this extent, this study advances existing studies on immigrants’ news consumption by identifying uses and gratifications among distinct immigrant groups. For refugees, news from the country of origin often evokes strong yet emotionally taxing responses. Having fled war or persecution, they find such news distressing, leading to anxiety or depression. However, it serves the purpose of keeping them informed about political developments and family well-being when direct communication is limited. Conversely, for knowledge and family immigrants, this type of news serves primarily to maintain cultural connections. Regarding news from the receiving society, refugees with residence permits and family immigrants tend to be more engaged, driven by specific goals such as improving language skills, passing integration exams, and securing employment. In contrast, refugees awaiting residence permits and knowledge immigrants show less motivation to engage with such news. The former group faces legal instability, overshadowing their interest, while the latter struggle with demanding careers, leaving little time or energy to engage with Dutch news.
Theoretically, this study contributes to ongoing debates within the U&G tradition by illustrating how digitalization distinctly shapes news use and gratifications. Participants tend to favor digital formats, such as social media and short videos, as these formats are more accessible, engaging, and easier to navigate. Social media, in particular, lowers linguistic and cognitive barriers, making news consumption more comprehensible and rewarding. In contrast, traditional formats like newspapers or unsubtitled television broadcasts offer limited opportunities for gratification, especially for those still learning the local language. Hence, gratifications are not only derived from news content but are also deeply influenced by the medium through which news is encountered. These medium affordances, as discussed in U&G literature, represent the functional attributes through which users derive satisfaction (Sundar and Limperos, 2013). This finding therefore supports the argument that gratifications are increasingly tied to how accessible and adaptable a medium is to the audience’s lived realities (Sundar and Limperos, 2013).
Additionally, although participants value algorithmic news recommendations, Van Damme et al. (2020) warn that these systems can narrow exposure to diverse viewpoints and essential societal information. For immigrants already navigating linguistic, cultural, and structural barriers, this may deepen informational inequalities and limit civic participation. These concerns highlight the need for future research to explore how algorithmic curation shapes immigrants’ information provision and societal participation.
Methodologically, our bottom-up approach provided insights into how immigrants navigate the increasingly complex digital media landscape. As news consumption becomes more diverse and fragmented, capturing and measuring how audiences engage with news poses new challenges (Costera Meijer and Groot Kormelink, 2015). Our design effectively addressed these challenges, deepening our understanding of how immigrants consume news from a user perspective and holding potential for application in future audience studies within the field of journalism. Furthermore, this approach allowed us to include individuals with limited language proficiency and those without legal status in the Netherlands, demonstrating advancements in conducting interview studies with vulnerable populations.
We acknowledge, however, that our sample size and demographic diversity may limit the generalizability of our findings. While our results may be applicable to other geographical contexts—given the similarities observed in studies on immigrants’ news consumption across various countries (Croucher et al., 2009; Mahtani, 2008; Peeters and d’Haenens, 2005; Yoon et al., 2011)—their applicability ultimately depends on each country’s political and social climate. In the Netherlands, widely seen as stable and safe, participants often feel little urgency to engage deeply with the news. However, this dynamic may differ in countries like the United States, where political instability and pressing domestic issues might make news feel more consequential. Additionally, given that our results are based on qualitative research, a natural progression for this work would be to increase the robustness and comprehensiveness of our findings by employing large-scale quantitative methods. Lastly, while previous research on the relationship between immigrant news consumption and cultural adaptation has primarily relied on cross-sectional methods to study a process stretched in time (Ahmed and Veronis, 2020; Alencar and Deuze, 2017; Miglietta and Tartaglia, 2009; Moon and Park, 2007), we advocate for the adoption of longitudinal approaches. Such methods would offer deeper insights into immigrants’ news experiences and the effects on cultural adaptation over time.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
Heartfelt appreciation is extended to the participants, whose generous contributions of time and personal experiences were invaluable to this research. Special thanks are also given to the interpreters for their dedicated efforts in ensuring the accuracy and fidelity of the translated interviews. Finally, gratitude is due to the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful feedback and constructive suggestions, which significantly improved the clarity and quality of the article.
Declaration of conflicting interest
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding statement
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Ethical approval
This study was approved by the Ethical Committee for Social Domain Research of Utrecht University of Applied Sciences on January 08, 2024 (reference number: 2023-43).
Consent to Participate
All participants provided written informed consent prior to participating.
Data Availability Statement
The data generated and analyzed during this study are not publicly available, as they may identify research participants. However, anonymized data can be provided upon reasonable request.