Abstract
With rising enrollment in Western higher education institutions (HEIs), studies show that fewer students are motivated by the intrinsic enjoyment of learning and increasingly express extrinsic motivations, such as the desire to qualify for high-income jobs. This paper examines the study motivations, knowledge orientations, and learning strategies of Norwegian journalism and communication students at one private and one public HEI. Through a mixed-methods approach combining survey data (N = 337) and in-depth interviews (N = 16), it finds that the students are intrinsically motivated and employ deep learning strategies for the practical aspects of their studies. Conversely, they are extrinsically motivated and apply surface learning strategies towards the theoretical aspects. This indicates that existing theories on student motivation, linking deep learning strategies to a preference for theoretical knowledge, and surface learning strategies to a preference for practical knowledge, need nuance: Students appear to employ different learning strategies depending on the perceived necessity of different types of knowledge. With rising enrollment levels in Western HEIs, resulting in a more heterogeneous student body, this insight is crucial to ensure an appropriate learning environment for all student groups.
Keywords
Introduction
In recent decades, the number of students and higher education institutions (HEIs) in Western countries has increased considerably, resulting in a more heterogeneous student body (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2024). Correspondingly, the students’ study motivations have changed. Studies show that consumerist discourses are increasingly framing students’ relationship to higher education due to increased competition between HEIs and the high enrollment levels (Tomlinson, 2017: 464). This has led to the rise of more extrinsic and instrumental value orientations, often at the expense of intrinsic educational orientations (Tomlinson, 2017: 453). Simply put, the proportion of students attending higher education because they enjoy learning (intrinsic motivation) is decreasing. Instead, more students are entering higher education to achieve a pre-defined outcome, such as qualifying for a high-income job (extrinsic motivation) (Ryan and Deci, 2000). To illustrate, Biggs et al. (2022) present two student archetypes within Western higher education: “Susan,” the “traditional,” academically committed, and intrinsically motivated student type, and the more extrinsically motivated and instrumentally oriented “Robert.” Whereas Susan’s main motivation for studying is curiosity about a particular subject or a burning ambition to excel in a specific profession, Robert is primarily seeking a qualification for a decent job. If it were not for the massification of higher education, Robert “would never have considered going to university,” argue Biggs and Tang (2011: 5). Due to the changing nature of higher education, the Roberts are gradually becoming more dominant within the student body (Biggs and Tang, 2011: 5).
As student motivation is a critical prerequisite for effective learning (e.g., Zhang, 2000), monitoring and understanding the motivational drivers of diverse student groups across various contexts is vital. Drawing from Ryan and Deci’s (2000) distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivations, this article investigates the study motivations of Norwegian communication and journalism students enrolled at two vocationally oriented HEIs. While a relatively large branch of research has explored journalism students’ motivations (e.g., Becker and Vlad, 2018; Carpenter et al., 2016), significantly fewer studies have examined the motivations and values of communication students. Studies on the motivations of media students (often encompassing communication, marketing, and journalism students) are also scarce (for exceptions, see Becker and Vlad, 2018; Crawford et al., 2013). Hence, the present study offers new knowledge of the motivations of these student groups.
The literature links intrinsic motivation to a preference for theoretical knowledge and deep learning strategies, and extrinsic motivation to a preference for practical knowledge and surface learning strategies (e.g., Biggs et al., 2022; Bunce et al., 2017: 1958; Senko et al., 2011). To our knowledge, however, these interrelations have not been explored empirically. Instead, most empirical studies on student motivation have focused on the relationship between motivation, learning strategies, and academic outcomes (e.g., Entwistle and McCune, 2004). Additionally, most research on student motivation has relied on surveys (Jackson et al., 2020: 108). By examining the relationship between dominant motivations, learning strategies, and knowledge orientations through a mixed-methods approach, this article provides a new perspective on students’ motivational drivers. The research questions are as follows:
What are the dominant study motivations, knowledge orientations, and learning strategies among communication and journalism students enrolled in private and public higher education institutions?
How are the study motivations, knowledge orientations, and learning strategies interrelated among these groups of students? The empirical data consists of a survey (N = 337) and 16 in-depth interviews with students (N = 12) and study program managers (N = 4). In the following, theories on motivation, knowledge orientation, and learning strategies are described before the methodology is outlined and the findings are presented and discussed.
Motivations for studying
Students’ motivations to engage and learn have been explored in several research fields, including psychology, pedagogy, sociology, economics, and neuroscience. The concepts of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, which are central to this study, stem from classic pedagogical motivation theory, which sees students as either engaging in an activity for enjoyment (intrinsic motivation) or to achieve an outcome (extrinsic motivation) (Ryan and Deci, 2000). Rather than representing two extremes on a continuum, both motivational types can occur simultaneously (Lepper et al., 2005).
Employing qualitative data from seven UK HEIs, Tomlinson (2017) finds that the structural changes within the Western education system relating to increased competition and marketization have made extrinsic motivation more dominant. As the emphasis on rights and entitlements grows, traditional educational values and purposes are marginalized (Tomlinson, 2017: 455). Consequently, students are becoming less involved in their education, showing reduced responsibility for learning and little interest in what is taught. Instead, they tend to view themselves as entitled to receiving positive academic outcomes (Bunce et al., 2017: 1959, 1970), which may result in a surface approach to learning and lower academic performance (1958). HEIs in social democratic welfare states, such as Norway, are known to be less marketized than those within liberal welfare states (like Ireland and the UK); nevertheless, a change in motivation has also been detected in the former contexts (Tomlinson, 2017; Willemse and De Beer, 2012).
The impacts of study discipline, context, and gender
Student motivation is known to be influenced by norms specific to the academic discipline (Amabile et al., 1994; Skatova and Ferguson, 2014; Smyth et al., 2015; Wilkesmann et al., 2012). Typically, students within marked-oriented fields, with clear career pathways and an emphasis on practical skills, tend to be extrinsically motivated (Smyth et al., 2015; Wilkesmann et al., 2012). Economics and engineering students, for instance, tend to be more extrinsically motivated than social science students (Wilkesmann et al., 2012), while students in arts and humanities are more interest-driven and less concerned about future career prospects than the average student (Amabile et al., 1994; Skatova and Ferguson, 2014). Studies on journalism and communication students have mostly found significant motivational overlaps. Some nuanced differences are that journalism students value learning and altruistic purposes more than communication students, as the former have a strong sense of duty to inform the public and derive high personal satisfaction from uncovering the truth. In contrast, communication students place greater emphasis on extrinsic motivations, such as job stability, earning potential, and career advancement (e.g., Becker and Vlad, 2018; Carpenter et al., 2016; Crawford et al., 2013). A study on Norwegian communication students has similarly reported job security, high salary, and engagement with interesting material and people as primary motivational factors (Emanuelsen et al., 2024).
Besides the academic discipline, cultural, social, and educational contexts are known to affect student motivation (Hanusch and Mellado, 2014). A survey of Nordic journalism students revealed a comparatively higher level of interest in public service ideals than students from other educational contexts (Hanusch and Mellado, 2014; Hovden et al., 2016). In comparison, extrinsic motivations, like personal motives and salaries, hardly arose within the group (Hovden et al., 2016). Regarding other influential factors, students paying tuition fees tend to be more extrinsically motivated than students not paying tuition fees, likely due to a stronger consumer orientation (Bunce et al., 2017; Tomlinson, 2017). Moreover, some studies indicate that female students are generally more intrinsically motivated than males (e.g., Iyengar et al., 1999). According to social role theory, this is caused by societal gender roles, where women tend to be more communal and men more agentic (e.g., Kidder, 2002). However, other studies find that motivation differences are more influenced by cultural and educational contexts than by inherent gender traits (e.g., Zhang, 2000).
Knowledge orientations and learning strategies
In terms of types of knowledge, the most common distinction is between theoretical knowledge (“knowing that”) and practical knowledge (“knowing how”) (e.g., Freidson, 2007). In the sociology of professions, theoretical knowledge is described as bodies of information and ideas organized by theories and abstract concepts, while practical knowledge is the bodily knowledge addressed exclusively to accomplishing work (Freidson, 2007: 31–34). Within professional knowledge, however, there is no clear and fundamental distinction between these knowledge types; they exist on a continuum (Grimen, 2008). Moreover, both knowledge types are perceived as important as they have different functions. While theoretical knowledge is central to knowledge development (research) and instruction, practical knowledge is necessary to complete practical tasks (Grimen, 2008). Yet there has long been disagreement about which knowledge type is most important. While a theoretically oriented knowledge view considers practical knowledge as the application of theory, a practice-oriented knowledge view sees theoretical knowledge as an offshoot/articulation of practical knowledge. Hence, there is a difference regarding which knowledge type is seen as the primary one (Grimen, 2008: 74–75).
As noted, literature links extrinsic motivation to practical knowledge and surface learning strategies, and intrinsic motivation to theoretical knowledge and deep learning strategies (Biggs et al., 2022; Bunce et al., 2017; Senko et al., 2011). Similarly, the achievement goal theory (AGT) suggests that students pursuing mastery goals (similar to intrinsic motivation) are likely to employ deep learning strategies, while the pursuit of performance goals (similar to extrinsic motivation) is associated with surface learning strategies (e.g., Chazan et al., 2022; Senko et al., 2011). Deep learning typically involves striving to interpret underlying meanings and themes and connect disparate insights to gain new knowledge and understanding. In contrast, surface learning strategies focus on memorizing and reproducing facts and details within study materials, adhering closely to the syllabus, and minimizing scholarly effort (Biggs et al., 2022).
Two student archetypes.
In the following, which archetype dominates among journalism and communication students, and whether the motivations of students in private vs. public institutions differ are investigated.
Research design and methods
As noted, this study’s mixed-methods approach involved gathering data from semi-structured, in-depth interviews and a survey. While the interviews were conducted from June to August 2023, the survey was conducted from September 2023 to February 2024. This interview-first approach enabled us to apply the information gathered from the interviews to generate, refine, and validate the content and structure of the survey (Østbye et al., 2013). This was useful as we were not relying on pre-existing survey instruments but needed to construct a new inventory (see details below).
Selection and context
In line with the social democratic higher education welfare state model (Willemse and De Beer, 2012), the Norwegian higher education system features high government spending, low tuition fees at public HEIs, and high enrollment. Five public and two private Norwegian HEIs offer journalism degrees, while four public and one private HEI offer media and communication degrees (Utdanning, n.d). Despite the general division between institutions offering vocational and academic courses, the system is integrated, with degrees from university colleges generally being accepted by universities (Willemse and De Beer, 2012). Moreover, Norway’s standing as one of the world’s most gender-equal countries (Pal et al., 2024) also applies to the education sector, where the proportion of women with long-term higher education (more than four years) for the first time exceeded that of men in 2022 (Nygård, 2023).
This study includes two Norwegian HEIs: the public Oslo Metropolitan University (OsloMet) and the private Kristiania University College (Kristiania). The selection was based on three central criteria. First, one private and one public HEI were included to explore differences in student motivations related to tuition fees (e.g., Bunce et al., 2017). Second, to investigate the students’ motivations regarding their knowledge orientation, the HEIs needed to be vocationally oriented, offering a mix of practical and theoretical knowledge. Third, both HEIs had to offer on-campus bachelor’s degrees in journalism and communication. Kristiania was the only private HEI meeting all criteria, while OsloMet was the only public HEI in Oslo with relevant programs, ensuring consistency in geographical location.
Characteristics of the four study programs.
In-depth interviews
The data collection process began with in-depth interviews involving the four study program managers and three students from each of the four study programs (N = 16). While the managers were asked about the characteristics of their study programs, the questions for students revolved around the themes of study motivation, knowledge orientation, and strategies for learning. Following two pilot interviews (not included in the empirical material), interviewees were recruited through the study program managers. To ensure a variety of perspectives, we interviewed one student from each year within each study program. The interviews lasted between 30 and 90 minutes, most were conducted in-person, while two were conducted online via Teams. All interviews were audio-recorded and stored using the encrypted software app Diktafon. Transcripts were generated using artificial intelligence, checked manually, and coded in NVivo using a coding scheme developed for the study. The analysis was abductive as the coding scheme was based on theoretical categories and inductive insights from initial, close readings of the interviews. In the Findings section, quotes are marked by study program (J for journalism and C for communication), student number, and institution type (Priv for private and Pub for public). C4-Pub, for instance, means communication student 4 at the public HEI, while J2-Priv means journalism student 2 at the private HEI. Data collection was approved by the Norwegian Agency for Shared Services in Education and Research (SIKT), and informed consent (written and/or verbal) was obtained from all participants in accordance with the Norwegian National Research Ethics Committee’s guidelines. The study program managers also consented to the risk of being indirectly identified by their positions. Since the interviews were conducted in Norwegian, all direct quotes have been translated into English by the authors.
Because the recruitment process was conducted through study program managers, the students contributing to this study are likely to be high achievers. Moreover, both researchers are employed at the private HEI under study (Kristiania). Despite the advantages of easier access and knowledge of the context, this affiliation can have disadvantages, such as a lack of analytical distance and interviewees giving favorable descriptions and/or withholding information (Bryman, 2008). To minimize negative effects, the strategy was to be open and conscious and to make implicit normative stances explicit. Furthermore, the researchers refrained from conducting interviews or distributing surveys within study programs where they had previously taught.
Survey
The survey was conducted within the four study programs using the anonymous online platform Nettskjema. To facilitate participation, the researchers distributed the survey during in-class lectures. Students who were interviewed also participated in the survey if present at the lectures. To ensure that first-year students had sufficient experience, most responses within this group were collected in November. In total, 337 students responded, representing 57% of the total student population (N = 598). In instances of low class attendance, the study program manager was asked to distribute the survey digitally. This, however, did not increase the response rate. Hence, as none of the visited lectures were mandatory, the in-class implementation may, like the recruitment process for interviewees, have yielded predominantly high-achieving students among the respondents.
Survey sample characteristics.
Variables
The survey included 23 questions, mostly multiple choice. It covered three broad themes: study motivation, views on learning, and study methods. Here, we include questions concerning study motivation, knowledge orientation, and strategies for learning. Respondents replied using a five-point Likert scale: 1: “completely agree,” 2: “somewhat agree,” 3: “neither agree nor disagree,” 4:“ somewhat disagree,” and 5: “completely disagree.” It should be noted that survey respondents were not required to rank their responses, and they could, in practice, rate all response categories as “high.”
Several student learning instruments exist in the field of educational psychology (see Entwistle and McCune, 2004, for an overview). Despite drawing from existing inventories, this study explores different aspects of motivation and learning strategies than the above-mentioned tradition. Hence, most survey questions were based on the theoretical framework of the study, including the concepts of motivation, knowledge orientation, and learning strategies, and some were based on the Norwegian national survey Studiebarometeret (The Norwegian Study Barometer).
Analysis
Survey results were analyzed in SPSS. Missing cases for individual questions ranged from 12 (3.6%) to 1 (0.3%, N = 337). First, an initial descriptive analysis was conducted to get an overview of the overall distribution of responses by the total survey population. To reduce analytic complexity in the representation by percentages, the response categories were condensed from five to three. Consequently, “agree” refers to “completely agree” + “somewhat agree”; “disagree” to “completely disagree” + “somewhat disagree”; and ”neutral” to “neither agree nor disagree”. To maintain precision, we also include mean and standard deviation (SD). Mean refers to the average response to the five-point Likert scale presented above. Note that this means that a lower numerical value indicates stronger agreement with the statement (1= “completely agree”). Furthermore, results for three subpopulations are presented: institution type (private and public), discipline (journalism and communication), and gender (women and men). For all three subpopulations, results are presented in terms of mean, standard deviation (SD), standard error (SE), t-test and p-value.
Computed variables.
Findings
High intrinsic but higher extrinsic motivation
Intrinsic motivation: A strong interest in the subject discipline
Intrinsic motivation for studying divided by subgroups. Note that a low numerical mean indicates higher intrinsic motivation.
Several responses from the interviews regarding why students had started studying reflected intrinsic motivation. One student, for instance, said, “I find it very difficult every time someone in the family asks what I study, what I will become, and what I want to become. I have no idea. I just think it’s fun” (C3-Priv). A journalism student responded similarly, stating that despite the challenging job market, they had chosen the study program because “deep down, I really was interested in it and wanted to do it” (J5-Pub). Despite expectations of a concrete outcome and uncertain job prospects, these students maintained that their primary motivation for studying was genuine interest in the discipline. Other students listed specific elements within the discipline that interested them. For example, a journalism student expressed a desire to learn more about social studies and “how the world is connected” (J4-Pub), whereas a communication student aimed to gain knowledge in media production (C1-Pub). In line with previous studies (e.g., Becker and Vlad, 2018), the journalism students notably had an idealistic approach to their choice of discipline. One student, for instance, said, “Perhaps most important of all is being able to write and report on things that can make society a better place in the long run” (J6-Pub).
Extrinsic motivation: Higher scores for students at private institutions and women
Extrinsic motivation for studying divided by subgroups. Note that a low numerical mean indicates higher extrinsic motivation.
Several students’ answers from the interviews about why they had started studying represented distinctive extrinsic motivational factors. For instance, common motives were obtaining an academic degree or landing a decent and relevant job. One student stated: “I have mostly worked as a freelancer and a temporary employee. And it’s not that sustainable. At least it hasn’t been for me. So, I’ve been thinking that I want to be working a bit more under orderly conditions. Earn a little more and get a little more predictable work schedule” (C1-Priv).
With practical experience viewed as the key to landing a relevant job, another motivational factor mentioned was the opportunity to build a portfolio and gain more practical experience, for instance, through the study programs’ internship arrangements. Some students also stated that they would quit studying upon landing a job. A communication student, for instance, said, “There is no formal arrangement saying, ‘Oh, you have a bachelor’s degree; then you will come in and work for us at the NRK [the Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation]’” (C3-Pub). Relatedly, the two HEIs’ vocational orientation was emphasized. A journalism student stated, “I had the impression that the study program was very much connected to the industry, which means that I would get to be very close to my future workplaces. And that it was very practically oriented. I think both aspects appealed to me” (J6-Priv).
The findings on study motivation align with the theory stating that intrinsic and extrinsic motivations can occur simultaneously (Lepper et al., 2005). Extrinsic motivation, such as the goal of securing a decent and relevant job, however, seemed somewhat more significant to the students than intrinsic motivations, such as an interest in the subject matter. This particularly applied to students at the private HEI and women (see Figure 1).

Practically oriented, but interested in theory
Theoretical knowledge orientation: Highest score among journalism students
All students scored relatively high on survey indicators for theoretical knowledge orientation. For instance, 86% of respondents agreed that it is important to learn to think critically (M = 1.69, SD = 0.777). However, only 31% of respondents agreed that they prefer subjects that focus mostly on theory (M = 3.15, SD = 1.110).
Theoretical knowledge orientation divided by subgroups. Note that a low numerical mean indicates higher theoretical knowledge orientation.
During the interviews, most students demonstrated a practical knowledge orientation when asked about the content of their favorite courses. Some, however, argued that theoretical knowledge would make them better practitioners, as theory is necessary to see connections. A journalism student stated, “Theoretical knowledge makes it easier to get an overview of how different institutions work together, both in society and journalistically” (J4-Pub). Another emphasized that what one needs to know is highly context-dependent and that much of the theory students learn can feel irrelevant but be indirectly applicable: “Suddenly, you are in a situation, and then, oops, maybe it was a bit important to learn after all. So, it can be a bit silly for a 21-year-old, who has not been part of the professional life of a journalist, to say what is not important” (J6-Pub). Another stated a preference for the theoretical parts of the study program due to the clearer course structure and less need to be creative (C3-Priv).
Practical knowledge orientation: Highest scores among communication students
Despite scoring relatively high on indicators for theoretical orientation, students scored higher on practical knowledge orientation. For example, 91% of respondents agreed that they prefer subjects that include industry practice (M = 1.51, SD = 0.752). Moreover, 87% agreed that they prefer courses focused on practical skills (M = 1.68, SD = 0.797), and 81% agreed that the things they learn must be useful for solving practical problems (M = 1.90, SD = 0.766).
Practical knowledge orientation divided by subgroups. Note that a low numerical mean indicates higher practical knowledge orientation.
The computed “practical knowledge orientation” variable initially included the variable “what I learn must be useful for solving practical problems,” but this variable was excluded for correlating with the other variables to a surprisingly low degree (Cronbach’s alpha of .544). This may be due to the wording “practical problems” being interpreted more broadly than practical knowledge. A higher correlation would likely have been observed if the variable had been phrased as “what I learn must be useful for solving practical, professional tasks.”
Students’ practical orientation was also prominent in the interviews. A typical statement was “I often ask myself, ‘Why do I have to read this book to be able to work as a journalist?’ I have a feeling that these things are somewhat connected to the fact that OsloMet [the public HEI] has gone from being a university college to a university” (J5-Pub). Another student said, “Some of the basic media theories feel a bit unnecessary to me because there is a lot about the history of the media. And those things, I think they are important, but some of it felt like it would fit better in a history course” (C3-Pub). Describing their student group as “a bunch of practical people,” one journalism student stated, “So, there’s a clinch there when some of these students who chose journalism because they are not so fond of theory, meet theory” (J6-Priv). Others found theoretically oriented subjects too demanding. One student even considered dropping out when introduced to a strongly theoretically oriented course (C3-Pub).
Students’ attitudes toward grades were another indicator of their practical orientation. They argued that high grades are not a prerequisite for landing a job and are therefore not important. One student stated: “I think employers look at your personality rather than your grade card, and that they do not care that much about your grades if you otherwise have what they are looking for” (C2-Priv). Instead, these students saw the various practical assignments as important, as these could be included in a portfolio to enhance job applications. Some also described their focus as learning and becoming a better practitioner, not grades.
The combined data from the survey and interviews show that although the journalism and communication students appreciated both theoretical and practical knowledge, they (especially the communication students) were more practically than theoretically oriented (see Figure 2).
Applying deep learning strategies to practical tasks
Deep learning strategies: High score despite little time spent on self-studies
Deep learning strategies divided by subgroups. Note that a low numerical mean indicates deeper learning strategies.
The same high levels of deep learning strategies, however, were not reflected in the section of the survey where students reported how much time they devoted to self-studies. Only 3% of respondents reported spending more than 20 hours on independent self-studies in a regular week (M = 1.87); 79% reported spending 10 hours or less, and 46% five hours or less.
The interviews suggested that the discrepancy relates to diverging attitudes toward practical and theoretical learning outcomes. Concerning theoretical aspects, students reported performing as expected, without exceeding expectations. As one student said: “I go to every single lecture. I try not to miss anything and be there. And I’m not a world champion at reading the syllabus, but I’m not the worst either” (C1-Priv). Some students also stated that due to the practical orientation of many courses, they did not see a need to read the entire syllabus. Others explained that they had initially intended to read everything but eventually gave up because it was too tiring or they could not find the time. However, interviewees reported dedicating a significant amount of time to acquiring practical, professional skills, such as film production, photography, and podcast production. “I think it is about practicing and then practicing some more”, one student said (C1-Pub). Students also actively pursued essential practical knowledge not covered in their study program. For instance, one journalism student used YouTube tutorials to master the layout software InDesign (J4-Priv), while another volunteered at the student radio station to compensate for the study program’s lack of formal training in radio and television (J6-Priv). Likely, such practical activities were not reported as time spent on “self-studies” in the survey.
Surface learning strategies: Mixed results
As there was a surprisingly low correlation between the five survey response variables associated with surface learning (a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.346), a conjoint “surface learning strategies” variable was not computed. The variables were: “lecturers should tell me exactly what is important and less important to master” (79% agree, M= 1.87, SD = 0.882); “I prefer that lecturers tell me exactly what I need to know for the exams” (89% agree, M= 1.56, SD =.800); “I study primarily to pass the exam” (30% agree M= 3.09, SD = 1.089); “I have little faith in my ability to study” (16% agree, M= 3.69, SD = 1.011 ), and “I primarily seek to remember the course syllabus” (57% agree, M= 2.46, SD =.889). The low correlation can potentially be explained by considering the empirical insights on knowledge orientations. Given that most students in this study aim to enhance their practical professional skills, it is understandable that they do not primarily study to pass exams. However, as passing exams is a prerequisite for completing the study, most agree that lecturers should tell them what they need to know. Furthermore, since not exceeding expectations regarding the appropriation of theoretical knowledge, it is also understandable that a majority agree that they primarily focus on memorizing the content of the syllabus. Hence, the low correlation may be attributed to the theory underlying the survey questions, which predominantly links deep learning strategies to theoretical knowledge, without sufficiently accounting for the specifics of practical knowledge and its application.
Students at private institutions and males more outcomes-oriented
Looking more closely at the subpopulations, we can, in line with previous research (e.g., Bunce et al., 2017), conclude that the private HEI students were more extrinsically motivated than the public HEI students. However, we found no difference in knowledge orientation or learning strategies, indicating that the students at private HEIs were only marginally more outcomes-oriented than their public HEI counterparts. Furthermore, journalism and communication students had the same motivation for studying. Journalism students are somewhat more theoretically oriented than communication students, but there were no differences in learning strategies. Hence, no group emerged as more outcomes-oriented than the other. Regarding gender, female students were more intrinsically, extrinsically, and theoretically oriented than males. The high score in extrinsic motivation differs from previous studies (e.g., Iyengar et al., 1999) and can be explained by the national context. In one of the world’s most gender-equal countries (Pal et al., 2024), it is more likely that women embrace agentic characteristics traditionally associated with men (e.g., Kidder, 2002). Overall, the findings imply that the female students are more learning-oriented than their male counterparts, although the differences are modest.
Concluding discussion
This study examines the study motivations, knowledge orientations, and learning strategies of journalism and communication students in Norway. It identifies both intrinsic and extrinsic motivations, with a slight tendency toward the latter. The students are also highly practically oriented, with less than one-third favoring theoretical knowledge. Notably, the students employ different learning strategies for different knowledge types: a deep learning approach for practical knowledge and a surface learning approach for theoretical knowledge. While theoretical knowledge is only viewed as necessary for exams, practical knowledge is deemed essential for future careers. These findings suggest that Norwegian journalism and communication students are learning-oriented when it comes to practical knowledge and outcomes-oriented regarding theoretical knowledge. In other words, they apply deep learning strategies to develop practical, professional skills. As discussed, existing theories link intrinsic motivation and deep learning strategies to a preference for theoretical knowledge, and extrinsic motivation and surface learning strategies to a preference for practical knowledge (e.g., Biggs et al., 2022; Bunce et al., 2017: 1958; Senko et al., 2011). The empirical insights of this article suggest a more nuanced understanding: In higher education, students employ different learning strategies depending on the perceived necessity of different types of knowledge.
As theoretical and practical knowledge are equally important for developing professional knowledge (Grimen, 2008), the above insight does not imply that study programs should be primarily practical. However, as motivation is critical for effective learning (e.g., Zhang, 2000), the findings can help educators leverage students’ aspirations when designing courses. In theoretically oriented courses, it would, for instance, be important to demonstrate why the presented knowledge is relevant for future professional work. In practically oriented courses, it would be vital to show how theory can help students become better practitioners.
Due to the study’s focus on Norwegian students enrolled at two vocationally oriented HEIs with similar fields of study, generalizability is limited. Future studies should expand the population in terms of context, subject area, and type of HEI. The wording of some survey variables could also be adjusted to see if this improves the computed variables’ correlations with low reliability scores. However, by offering insights into Norwegian journalism and communication students’ study motivations, knowledge orientations, and learning strategies, and the interrelations between these dispositions, this article provides an improved and nuanced understanding of the connection between motivation and the theoretical and practical components of a study program. Besides assisting educators, this can assist HEIs beyond Norway in developing strategies to enhance their educational quality for an increasingly diverse student population.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
The authors thank Audun Beyer and Anders Olof Larsson at Kristiania University College for their constructive contributions to this article.
Declaration of conflicting interest
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
