Abstract
In a digitally connected world, young adults are often portrayed as a homogenous group of digital natives seamlessly navigating digital platforms. However, this narrative overlooks the nuanced and context-specific ways in which young people engage with digital platforms. This study explored and compared the social media practices of young adults aged 18 to 24 in South Africa, Botswana, and Zimbabwe. Drawing on a qualitative online survey administered through Microsoft Forms between 31 July and 16 August 2025, the study analysed responses from 76 participants (South Africa = 23; Botswana = 24; Zimbabwe = 29). This research investigated platform preferences, the motivations and purposes of use, and how social media was used to express identity and foster belonging. It also examined the structural and contextual factors that shaped social media engagement in each country. Furthermore, the study explored the challenges youths faced online across these three countries. Findings revealed both shared and context-specific digital practices. While WhatsApp emerged as the dominant platform across all three countries, variations were evident in reported constraints, particularly regarding data costs and internet reliability. Comparing three distinct national contexts showed how structural inequalities influence digital experiences for youth, despite access to similar platforms. The findings contribute to a growing body of research on youth digital practices by highlighting how young adults navigate, engage and experience digital technologies such as social media in the Global South.
Introduction
Social media has become central to modern life, deeply embedded in daily routines, influencing interaction, information access, and relationship management (Gazi et al., 2024). This trend is particularly evident among young adults, who tend to fully embrace and incorporate these platforms into their everyday routines (Bengtsson and Johansson, 2022; Fu and Cook, 2021). In this digitally connected world, young adults are often portrayed as a homogenous group of digital natives seamlessly navigating digital platforms (Hargittai, 2010; Selwyn, 2009). There is a common assumption that all young people, or digital natives, are equally skilled and comfortable with digital technologies such as social media (Reid et al., 2023). However, this narrative overlooks the nuanced and context-specific ways in which young people engage with digital platforms. There are significant differences in both internet skills and types of online activities that young adults engage in on digital platforms (Hargittai, 2010; Reid et al., 2023; Selwyn, 2009). The digital lives of young adults are shaped by diverse social, cultural and economic contexts, leading to varied patterns of use and experience rather than a single, seamless form of digital fluency (Adjin-Tettey, 2020).
As digital platforms, like social media, grow in popularity, scholarly interest has also increased in these platforms. However, despite this interest, research that focuses specifically on how young adults use and experience social media from the perspective of the Global South remains limited. Much of the existing literature is dominated by studies from the Global North that do not account for the contextual and structural realities faced by young adults in the Global South, particularly those in African settings. In Africa, digital participation is often shaped and limited by technological, political, and social constraints that hinder the ability of youths to fully participate in digital spaces (Chitanana, 2025; Gondwe, 2024). In addition to the limited scholarship of studies from the Global South, there is also a gap in cross-cultural comparative research that explores how social media is used by young adults across Global South countries like Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe.
Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe present diverse yet interconnected socio-economic and technological landscapes. These three countries share regional proximity and historical ties which facilitate cross-border cultural, educational, and digital interactions. English also serves as an official language in all three countries, allowing for similar access to international digital platforms and engagement in digital spaces. Additionally, these countries have established tertiary education sectors with growing youth enrolment. Nonetheless, there are notable differences in terms of government frameworks, internet infrastructure, and levels of economic stability. The similarities and differences make these nations ideal for understanding how youth digital practices are shaped by context. Therefore, this paper addressed this gap by offering insights on the social media practices of young adults aged 18 to 24 in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe.
To establish the social media practices of these young adults, the following research questions were addressed.
Which social media platforms are most commonly used by young adults in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, and what motivations and perceived affordances shape these preferences? How do young people use digital platforms to express identity and foster a sense of belonging? How do structural and contextual factors shape social media use in these countries? What challenges do young people face when using social media, and how are these challenges experienced across Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe? How do similarities and differences manifest across Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe?
The article is organised as follows: it begins with a review of the relevant literature, followed by the theoretical framework that guided the study. This is followed by a discussion of the methodology, the presentation of findings, an analysis and discussion of these findings, conclusion, implications for platforms and policy, study limitations and suggestions on areas for future research.
The study begins with a review of the literature, and it is organised around three dimensions central to understanding young adults’ digital practices: (a) youth and social media in the Global North and South, (b) platform preferences and motivations for use, and (c) challenges associated with social media engagement.
Youth and social media in the Global North and South
Over the past two decades, research on social media from different perspectives has seen significant growth. Of particular note is the growing body of literature on youth and social media from the Global North. Studies from the United States of America (USA), Australia, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Russia have examined diverse aspects of young people's digital practices. For instance, research in the USA explored both the extent of social media use and its psychosocial implications. Primack et al. (2017) found associations between social media engagement and perceived social isolation among young adults, while Villanti et al. (2017) used nationally representative data to provide updated estimates of platform use and access patterns. In Australia, Lim et al. (2022) investigated how young adults engage with social media for health information, whereas Fu and Cook (2021) examined everyday digital routines among young Australians.
The role of social media in forging identity in life transitions has also been investigated in the Global North. For instance, in the United Kingdom (UK), a study by Thomas et al. (2017) showed how first-year university students use digital platforms to navigate social comparison and build community during the transition to higher education. In the Netherlands, van der Wal et al. (2024), revealed the interplay between adolescents’ social media use and well-being, identifying commonalities, differences, and even contradictions in their experiences. Bengtsson and Johansson (2022) in Sweden demonstrated how young adults weave multiple platforms into the fabric of everyday life to create meaning and maintain connections. Kornienko et al. (2022) offer a Russian perspective by linking adolescents’ self-regulation abilities to the integration of social media into daily routines.
In contrast to the extensive body of literature from the Global North, scholarship on youth and social media in the Global South, where young people face different social, technological, economic, and cultural realities, remains limited (Mutsvairo and Ragnedda, 2019). Moreover, there is a paucity of research offering comparative insights, which is the lacuna that this study aimed to address. Nonetheless, there has been some research on social media and young adults in countries such as South Africa, Kenya, and Ghana. For example, Paideya et al. (2019), who investigated how young adults in South Africa used social media in their social interactions, found that youths aged 18 to 25 dedicated substantial daily time, averaging around four hours, to social media.
Naudé (2022) examined how young adults in South Africa use social media to shape their identity and protect their well-being, while Lukose et al. (2023) looked at how young adults in Buffalo City, South Africa, are affected by social media, especially when it comes to their mental health. Ndlela and Mulwo (2017) offered a Kenyan perspective on how young people in developing countries, specifically Kenya, adopted and used social media platforms to connect with others, interact socially, communicate their thoughts, and engage in discussions on a range of issues. Similarly, Tetteh and Kankam (2024), in a study based on Community 8 in Tema, Ghana, looked at how social media shaped the way young people in Africa communicated and related to each other.
Preferred platforms and motivations for use
Regarding the preferred social media platforms in the Global North, studies show that young adults rarely rely on a single platform but instead engage with multiple sites simultaneously. They combine popular applications such as Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, WhatsApp, YouTube, and so on (Bengtsson and Johansson, 2022; Fu and Cook, 2021; van der Wal et al., 2024; Villanti et al., 2017). Related to the motivations, drivers such as the need for connection, entertainment, inspiration, and information emerged (van der Wal et al., 2024). For connection purposes, WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat were at the forefront in terms of maintaining personal relationships and social ties (Fu and Cook, 2021; Smith et al., 2021).
For those young adults seeking entertainment, inspiration and learning, visual and multimedia-rich platforms such as YouTube, Instagram, and TikTok were highly appealing (Fu and Cook, 2021; Lim et al., 2022; Smith et al., 2021; Villanti et al., 2017). It should be noted that platform preferences are also shaped by contextual needs. Thomas et al. (2017) found that university students use different platforms to engage with various audiences: Facebook for public identity presentation, and WhatsApp or Twitter for maintaining friendships and personal support. Similarly, Fu and Cook (2021) highlight how young adults in Australia use social media to sustain relationships and to also manage work and business opportunities. For Bengtsson and Johansson (2022), social media, particularly Instagram, is linked to mood regulation and well-being, serving as an emotional space for following uplifting accounts and managing social connections.
In the Global South, platform preferences are primarily shaped by realities such as data costs, infrastructure, and socio-cultural norms. Studies from Kenya, South Africa, and Ghana highlight both similarities and differences with Global North trends. In several African countries, Facebook and WhatsApp lead youth engagement for different reasons. In Kenya, Facebook is the most used platform for social connections and discussions, serving as an alternative to mainstream media (Ndlela and Mulwo, 2017). In South Africa, Facebook is also popular, but in some areas like Buffalo City, WhatsApp is preferred by 68% of users due to low data use and easy communication (Lukose et al., 2023).
Just as observed in the Global North, young adults in the Global South also use platforms for connection, information, entertainment, identity expression and political purposes (Mare, 2015; Naudé, 2022). Facebook is valued for sustaining social bonds, while Twitter and news apps are used to access information. YouTube and Instagram are for entertainment and self-expression, with Instagram particularly associated with image-based identity work (Naudé, 2022). Earlier comparative work between South Africa and Zimbabwe demonstrates how Facebook has been used by youth activists in South Africa and Zimbabwe for political purposes (Mare, 2015). The purposes include political mobilisation, facilitating online donations and fundraising, contacting political decision-makers and engaging in everyday political discussions (Mare, 2015).
It has been suggested that gender affects platform preferences (Tetteh and Kankam, 2024). For instance, young women tend to favour Instagram for visual self-presentation, while young men opt for YouTube, Twitter, WhatsApp, and Twitch for gaming, sports, and real-time entertainment (Tetteh and Kankam, 2024). Although social media offers many advantages to young adults, it also presents certain challenges.
Challenges associated with social media usage by young adults
Although social media plays a critical role in the everyday lives of young people globally, its use is not without significant challenges. Research across the Global North and Global South reveals common difficulties such as mental health risks, addictive behaviours, and exposure to harmful content. Social comparison is one of the most pervasive challenges faced by young adults. Studies show that exposure to curated portrayals of peers and influencers triggers feelings of inadequacy and low self-esteem (Kim and Fingerman, 2022; Thomas et al., 2017; van der Wal et al., 2024). For example, in Ghana, young women reported heightened anxiety due to appearance-driven content on platforms such as Instagram (Tetteh and Kankam, 2024).
Moreover, many young adults the world over struggle with self-regulation when it comes to time spent on social media. Studies in Russia and Australia illustrate that a lack of self-regulation can result in excessive online behaviours that lead to time loss, procrastination, disruption of academic performance and everyday routines (Fu and Cook, 2021; Kornienko et al., 2022). In both Ghana and South Africa, similar concerns were reported with young people phubbing (people neglect their conversation partners to look at their phones, leading to a sense of disrespect, disconnection, and feeling ignored among friends and family) and prioritising online interactions over in-person relationships (Paideya et al., 2019; Tetteh and Kankam, 2024). The Fear of Missing Out (FoMO) exacerbates these behaviours, leading to compulsive participation and causing sleep deprivation in young adults (Lukose et al., 2023; Montag, 2024).
The mental health implications of social media use, such as anxiety, depression and loneliness, have been reported in both the Global North and South. However, most of the evidence remains associational rather than causal. As such, one should be cautious about ascribing specific psychological outcomes solely to platform engagement without considering additional contextual influences. Nonetheless, some studies from in the Global North show that high engagement has been associated with increased loneliness, anxiety and depression (Smith et al., 2021; Villanti et al., 2017). Adolescents in the Netherlands reported declining self-esteem, sleep problems, and emotional distress when exposed to disturbing or exclusionary content (van der Wal et al., 2024). From the Global South, excessive use has been reported to be associated with depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation (Lukose et al., 2023).
Furthermore, young adults across regions also face risks related to cyberbullying, harassment, and harmful content exposure. In both the United States and Australia, platforms like Snapchat and Tumblr have been associated with encouraging risky behaviours such as alcohol and tobacco consumption (Lim et al., 2022; Villanti et al., 2017). In sub-Saharan Africa, the challenges of cyberbullying, unattainable beauty conceptions, and misleading self-portrayals have been reported to intensify vulnerabilities, especially among young women (Lukose et al., 2023; Paideya et al., 2019). Some adolescents have also reported trauma from disturbing violent or sexual content encountered online, underscoring the darker side of digital platforms (van der Wal et al., 2024).
Finally, structural challenges remain important. Socioeconomic inequalities, device access, and uneven connectivity contribute to a persistent digital divide that shapes how youth use and benefit from social media (Mutsvairo and Ragnedda, 2019; Villanti et al., 2017). Research has identified several challenges primarily affecting rural youth. For example, fewer young adults personally own mobile phones, often gaining access through relatives and friends (Uzuegbunam, 2019). Moreover, rural areas face greater challenges in accessing digital technologies, such as costs for smartphones, limited internet access and limited digital skills and literacy (Uzuegbunam, 2019). These disparities influence not just entertainment and communication, but also access to health information, educational prospects, and participation in online communities. Adding to these challenges, the rapid evolution of social media platforms requires young adults to continually adapt (Lim et al., 2022; Villanti et al., 2017).
Building on these insights, the study adopts a theoretical framework that integrates three complementary perspectives, the uses and gratifications theory (U>), self-representation as well as the concept of the digital divide to explore young adults’ motivations, identity construction, belonging, and participation constraints on social media platforms. These are discussed in the next section.
Theoretical framework
This study adopted a multi-theory framework to address the research questions. The U> was used to understand why young adults in Botswana, South Africa and Zimbabwe used the various social media platforms, why they preferred certain social platforms over others and the needs they needed to satisfy through utilising these platforms. The U> has been utilised for over half a century to understand how individuals use specific media and choose specific types of content (Hajdarmataj and Paksoy, 2023; Sichach, 2024). According to this theory, users seek the media that best meet their needs (Lee, 2025; Ruggiero, 2000; Sichach, 2024; Sundar and Limperos, 2013). Instead of viewing users as passive consumers of media content, the theory portrays them as active participants who choose platforms according to the specific gratifications they are looking for (Ruggiero, 2000). In digital contexts, these gratifications go beyond information and entertainment, encompassing interactivity and ease of use, elements that influence how users experience platforms and engage with them (Sundar and Limperos, 2013).
Related to digital identity, Goffman's (1959) concept of self-presentation, which refers to the actions and tactics people employ to influence how others perceive them, is used in this study to conceptualise digital identity. In digital spaces, such performances take place within what Boyd (2010) describes as networked publics, where visibility and the presence of multiple audiences shape how identity is constructed and negotiated. Through profiles created on social media platforms, individuals actively and consciously craft aspects of their identity so that others may perceive them as attractive, likeable, competent, or relatable (Boyd, 2010; Faelens et al., 2021). The process of writing oneself into being in digital spaces, therefore, becomes central to identity construction on social networking sites (Boyd, 2010).
In the African context, various structural and domestic factors shape how young people craft themselves into being online. These include shared-device environments, familial visibility, and socio-cultural norms that influence the degree of openness or caution in self-disclosure (Uzuegbunam, 2019). In the present study, self-presentation was operationalised in coding through participants’ descriptions of selective self-disclosure, cautious posting practices, and reflections on which aspects of their identity they felt comfortable or uncomfortable sharing online.
The concept of the digital divide was employed to interpret the structural and contextual challenges shaping young adults’ social media use in the countries under study. The digital divide refers to differences in access to, use of, and results from information and communications technology (Lythreatis et al., 2022; van Dijk, 2017). In the Global South, and particularly in Africa, this divide is a multidimensional issue that disproportionately affects low-income and rural communities (Mutsvairo and Ragnedda, 2019).
The digital divide includes not only unequal access to technology but also gaps in digital skills, knowledge of using Internet devices, and the benefits and consequences of using the Internet and ICT (Gómez, 2018; Lythreatis et al., 2022). These gaps reflect broader socio-economic inequalities, as those excluded from digital participation are often simultaneously marginalised socially and economically (Mutsvairo and Ragnedda, 2019). Additionally, in countries such as Zimbabwe, the digital divide goes beyond access or skills to include regulatory environments, platform governance practices, and surveillance dynamics (Chitanana, 2025). In Zimbabwe, digital engagement operates within political and institutional structures that may influence self-expression, activism, and perceived online risk (Chitanana, 2025). These theoretical perspectives enabled a nuanced understanding of both the individual agency and contextual constraints that characterise young adults’ social media practices and experiences in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Building on this framework, the next section outlines the methodology adopted to address the research questions.
Methodology
An exploratory qualitative research design was adopted to study young adults’ social media practices in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Given the limited comparative research on the social media practices of young adults in these contexts, an exploratory approach was deemed appropriate to generate insights into how young people navigate, appropriate, and experience social media (Creswell and Creswell, 2023). The qualitative design allowed for the collection of rich data into young adults’ attitudes, perceptions, and behaviours in relation to social media (Turki Makni and Temessek Behi, 2023). The comparative lens made it possible to highlight both cross-country commonalities and divergences.
Although online surveys are unique in qualitative research, they allow gathering data from many people across wide geographic areas while maintaining participant anonymity (Davey et al., 2019). Online qualitative surveys preserve the depth typical of qualitative approaches while enabling input from a larger and more diverse group, including people who might otherwise be unable to take part due to where they live or personal responsibilities like work and family (Davey et al., 2019). For the current study, the online qualitative survey allowed for the gathering of data from three different countries while also preserving depth.
Participants were recruited primarily through academic, social-related WhatsApp groups as well as professional networks across Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe using a combination of convenience and snowball sampling techniques. Initial distribution of the survey link occurred through the researcher's former students, work colleagues, family, and friends in the three countries, who were contacted directly. They were either invited to participate themselves (if within the age range) or to forward the link to young adults in their circles if not within the age range.
In terms of the WhatsApp groups, these were closed groups requiring membership approval. However, members were permitted to share academic or research-related material within the groups. To reduce over-representation from a single network, the survey link was shared across multiple independent avenues and networks in each country. To be eligible, participants had to be between 18 and 24 years old and reside in Botswana, South Africa, or Zimbabwe. This age group was deliberately chosen because it represented a stage of emerging adulthood, a period during which digital platforms significantly influence identity formation, social interaction, and access to information.
An online survey was administered via Microsoft Forms between the 31st of July 2025 and the 16th of August 2025. The instrument (Appendix A) consisted of demographic items such as gender, age, occupation, country of residence, and place of residence (urban, peri-urban, or rural). Place of residence was determined through self-identification, with participants indicating how they classified their area of residence. Additionally, there were open-ended questions which were designed to elicit detailed responses regarding participants’ social media use, motivations, identity expression, sense of belonging, structural constraints, and challenges encountered online (see Appendix A for the exact questions). Participants responded in their own words and were allowed to provide as much detail as they wanted related to their experiences, motivations, and challenges in using social media. Questions were informed by the literature review as well as the theoretical framework. The questions focused on platform preferences, identity expression, sense of belonging, structural constraints, and challenges associated with digital participation.
All survey items were mandatory. The survey took approximately 10 to 15 minutes to complete and multiple submissions were blocked. The questionnaire was administered in English, and all responses were submitted in English, therefore, translation was not needed. After submission of a response participants were not allowed to edit their responses. A total of 78 participants completed the survey (Australia = 1, Botswana = 24, South Africa = 23, United Kingdom = 1, Zimbabwe = 29). However, two responses from young adults based in the United Kingdom and Australia were excluded in the final analysis on the basis that the study was based on young adults residing in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe.
The final analytic sample consisted of 76 respondents: South Africa (n = 23), Botswana (n = 24), and Zimbabwe (n = 29) as shown in Figure 1, the participant flow diagram.
Participant flow. Source: Own compilation.
Even though the sample may be considered modest, it was deemed adequate for an exploratory qualitative study, as the aim was to capture a range and depth of perspectives instead of statistical generalisation (Guest et al., 2020).
Regarding data analysis, thematic analysis was adopted, guided by Braun and Clarke (2006) six-phase framework (Braun and Clarke, 2012). Responses were exported to a Microsoft Excel sheet and then uploaded to ATLAS.ti (version 25.0.0.32864), for analysis. Coding was undertaken by the author as the sole coder. The unit of analysis was the individual survey response to each open-ended prompt. Codes were generated inductively to capture patterns emerging from the data while also being informed by the study's theoretical framework. Table 1 provides examples of the codes, descriptions and the resultant themes.
Examples of codes, descriptions and the resultant themes.
Since the study adopted a thematic analysis, emphasis was placed on depth of interpretation rather than statistical measures of intercoder reliability, which are not always aligned with reflexive qualitative methodologies (Braun and Clarke, 2019). Nonetheless, even as the study relied on a single coder, rigour was maintained through an iterative process that involved continually moving back and forth between the raw data, the codes, and the resulting themes. Codes were categorised into themes, refined, compared, and contrasted across the three country contexts to highlight similarities and divergences in young adults’ social media activities. Thematic saturation was considered achieved when no additional themes emerged from the data. Through iterative coding, recurring thematic patterns were observed across contexts, confirming that saturation had been attained.
Ethical considerations
Regarding ethical consideration, the study adhered to the institutional ethical guidelines that govern research involving human participants. Before commencing the survey, participants were presented with the following consent statement: ‘Your participation is voluntary and anonymous. Your responses will only be used for academic research purposes. By continuing with this survey, you agree to participate willingly’.
Participants indicated consent by proceeding with the survey. No identifying information was collected as all responses were anonymous. Participation was entirely voluntary. Respondents could discontinue participation at any stage before submitting the response. No compensation was provided to the participants.
Findings
The following sections provide the findings. Data were collected between 31 July and 16 August 2025 through a qualitative online survey administered via Microsoft Forms. As previously discussed, the participants in this study were young adults from Botswana, South Africa and Zimbabwe, aged between 18 and 24 years. A total of 78 participants completed the survey (Australia = 1, Botswana = 24, South Africa = 23, United Kingdom = 1, Zimbabwe = 29). The two responses from Australia and the United Kingdom were excluded from the analysis, as the study focused exclusively on young adults residing in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Demographic information is presented first, followed by the themes.
Demographic information
As shown in Table 2, a majority of the respondents were identified as female, representing 63.15% of the sample population (48 out of 76 individuals). Among the female respondents, 12 individuals were from Botswana, 17 from South Africa, and 19 from Zimbabwe. In contrast, 36.85% of the total respondents, or 28 individuals, identified as male. Of these 28 individuals, 12 were in Botswana, 6 in South Africa, and 10 in Zimbabwe. No participants self-identified as non-binary.
Country of residence by gender.
Furthermore, regarding the respondents’ places of residence within these countries, the majority (55/75) resided in urban areas, as illustrated in Table 3. Moreover, among these 55 individuals, 33 were female. It should be noted that one respondent failed to specify the place of residence.
Places of residence by country.
Concerning the age, Table 4 reveals that a significant proportion of the respondents fell within the 18 to 20 years age range. Among these 34 individuals, the largest subgroup (14) originated from Zimbabwe and the majority (12/14) were female.
Distribution of age by country.
Regarding the occupation, as indicated in Table 5, the predominant occupation among the respondents was that of students. Nevertheless, one respondent did not disclose their occupational status, leaving it unclear whether they were a student, unemployed, or employed. The greatest proportion of students, totalling 18 individuals, was observed in Botswana, comprising 11 females and 7 males. Conversely, the largest contingent of unemployed individuals was reported in Zimbabwe, with 5 males and 2 females identifying as unemployed.
Occupational status by country.
Given that demographic information on the participants has been presented, the following sections discuss the various themes related to the social media practices of young adults in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe.
Popular social media platforms among young adults in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe
As shown in Figure 2, WhatsApp was found to be the most popular platform across the three countries, with 69/76 (90.78%) respondents (Botswana = 20, South Africa = 23, Zimbabwe = 26) reporting its usage.
Social media platforms used by young adults in South Africa (n = 23), Botswana (n = 24), and Zimbabwe (n = 29). Platform selection was multi-select; percentages are based on the final analytic sample (N = 76). Source: Generated in ATLAS.ti.
TikTok ranked second, with 40/76 (52.63%) respondents (Botswana = 15, South Africa = 13, Zimbabwe = 12) acknowledging its use. In third position was Instagram, with 30/76 individuals (39.47%), (Botswana = 7, South Africa = 13, Zimbabwe = 10) confirming their utilisation of it. YouTube occupied the fourth place with 27/76 participants (35.52%), (Botswana = 9, South Africa = 10, Zimbabwe = 8), indicating its use, while Facebook was positioned fifth with 25/76 individuals (32.89%) (Botswana = 9, South Africa = 2, Zimbabwe = 14) reporting its usage. Pertaining to X (formerly Twitter), 8/76 individuals (10.52%) (Botswana = 2, South Africa = 1, Zimbabwe = 5) indicated usage, whereas 6/76 (7.89%) reported using Snapchat (Botswana = 1, South Africa = 0, Zimbabwe = 5). Regarding Reddit and LinkedIn, each was reported to be used by single individuals (1/76 = 1.31%) in South Africa. Since respondents could provide multiple platforms, percentages exceed 100%.
Frequency of engagement with the preferred social media platforms
On the frequency of engagement with the various social media platforms, whereas some young adults reported frequency in minutes and hours, some reported in days. It was also noted that 21 out of the 76 (27.63%) respondents did not divulge the degree to which they utilised the social media platforms. It was noted that these respondents only responded to the first part of the question, which enquired about the platforms used. A total of 55/76 (72.36%) respondents out specified the degree to which they used social media platforms. Table 6 shows the extent to which the young adults in the three countries utilised the various social media platforms.
Frequency of utilisation by country.
Concerning the occasionally utilised platforms, 10/55 (18.18%) participants reported occasional use. One participant (1/55 = 1.81%) reported that they rarely used social media. As seen from Table 6, five (5/55 = 9.09%) participants demonstrated regular engagement with social media platforms. Thirty-nine (39/55 = 70.90%) participants reported engaging with social media with high frequency, accessing these platforms several times throughout the day.
Motivations and uses of social media
Respondents (total number 76) identified various motivations and uses for social media, which are summarised in Table 7.
Overview of motivations and uses by country.
Many respondents indicated that communication (68/76 = 89.47%) and entertainment (64/76 = 82.21%) were key motivations for using social media platforms, with the same number reporting using social media for these purposes. An additional significant motivation and application was the necessity to remain informed about current information, news, and trends (41/76 = 53.94% respondents). For example, one respondent articulated the following regarding this aspect. ‘I use TikTok to view stuff from around the globe and to keep up with world and celebrity news’. (Respondent 2)
Several respondents identified several other notable motivations and purposes of use, including the acquisition of new skills (27 out of 76 respondents = 35.52%), the maintenance of relationships and connections (20 out of 76 respondents = 26.31%), ease of use (19 out of 76 respondents = 25%), and business-related motives such as advertising (13 out of 76 respondents = 17.10%). Additional motivations and uses, such as educational purposes, the availability of engaging content, content creation, affordability, advocacy, expression of opinions, networking, and reliability, were reported by fewer than ten respondents. Notably, one (1/76 = 1.31%) respondent from Botswana indicated utilising social media for work purposes.
Another key aspect was the distribution of the main motivations and uses by country (refer to Table 7). Zimbabwe recorded the highest number of respondents who recognised communication and entertainment as principal motivators for utilising social media. South Africa followed with Botswana being last. However, related to keeping up to date with news and trends, Botswana had the highest number of respondents who reported this aspect as a key motivator for social media use.
Expressions of identity on social media
Table 8 gives an overview of the issues related to the expression of identity on social media.
Identity expression issues by country.
As seen from Table 8, many of the respondents expressed discomfort related to expressing identity on social media. Specifically, 31 out of the 76 (40.78%) respondents expressed an overall unease with sharing anything of their identity. Zimbabwe had the least number (9) of respondents who reported discomfort in sharing anything related to identity. For instance, Respondent 48 had this to say regarding sharing related to identity. ‘No, I don’t feel free to express myself freely on social media. Even on WhatsApp, I'm scared that my information might leak’. (Respondent 48)
Moreover, two respondents each cited privacy concerns, discomfort sharing about religion and unease in sharing cultural information (2/76 = 2.63% for each aspect). For instance, one of them had this to say concerning sharing about culture. ‘I don’t say anything related to my culture on social media. It's very sensitive and differs with individuals’. (Respondent 52)
Five (5/76 = 6.57%) respondents expressed discomfort sharing their beliefs. One respondent had this to say in connection to their discomfort regarding sharing their beliefs. ‘Beliefs. I dont want to offend those who dont believe in what i stand for. I dont want to be attacked. I fear online abuse’. (Respondent 3)
While respondents generally expressed discomfort in communicating their identities, certain individuals reported a sense of ease in expressing their emotions, cultural practices, gender, language, beliefs, and religious views, among other personal aspects. For example, Respondent 6 articulated the following. ‘More freely to express my gender, culture, language, beliefs, because that's who I am and do not offend anyone by being who I am. I am cautious about politics; I do not want to draw unnecessary attention’.
Connection or belonging to online communities, groups, or friendships
Figure 3 illustrates that most respondents indicated experiencing a sense of connection and belonging within online communities, groups, and friendships on social media platforms.
Connection and identity. Source: Generated in ATLAS.ti.
Fifty individuals (Botswana = 15, South Africa = 18, Zimbabwe = 17) reported feeling connections and belonging. For example, one respondent from South Africa had this to say. ‘Some of my used and preferred platforms (Instagram, Twitter, TikTok) involve belonging to a certain community and having friendships that formed because of this. These connections formed mainly due my music interest and the concept of fandom culture. I’ve made many friends through the shared interest in music and specific musical artists. These friendships and connections matter to me because of not only having people to share my interests and love for music with, but also being able personally chat with them, learn more about them. I also often feel like I can be myself more here, without being judged for what I like/enjoy. Within the community spaces I'm also able to express and push myself creatively – I’ve recently even been a part of a lovely global initiative of writing and creating a song together. Young adults from all areas of the world, come together to work together on this passionate project just because they all love the same music. It was truly beautiful to see that despite different cultures, backgrounds, and even geographical locations, we could all work together towards a singular goal!’ (Respondent 67)
On the other hand, 26 (Botswana = 9, South Africa = 5, Zimbabwe = 12) reported no sense of connection or belonging. For example, Respondent 2 said the following. ‘I have a physical community and a life outside of online groups like YouTube and TikTok, therefore I don't feel like I belong in any of them’.
Factors influencing young adults’ social media usage in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe
Respondents identified multiple factors that constrained social media use. As illustrated in Table 7, data costs emerged as the most significant barrier. This issue was especially acute in Zimbabwe, where data costs were a prominent restrictive element. One Zimbabwean respondent said the following in relation to the cost of data (Table 9). ‘Data cost is the main problem. I’m currently not working and in Zim, things are tough, so getting money for data is a huge problem’. (Respondent 48)
Factors limiting social media usage by country.
Beyond data costs, internet speed emerged as a significant constraint to social media utilisation. South Africa recorded the lowest number of respondents (4/18) who perceived this factor as a hindrance. Furthermore, South Africa also reported the highest number of respondents (10/17) who reported not facing any barriers with respect to social media usage. For instance, the following respondent said the following. ‘I live in a country where data is affordable, and the internet is very fasthence,e I’m always online’. (Respondent 15)
Challenges encountered by young adults on social media
Most participants (53 out of 76 = 69.73%) indicated that they had not yet faced any challenges on social media. However, numerous challenges associated with social media were identified by participants. These are provided in Table 8. Of these challenges, cyberbullying had the highest number of respondents reporting it (10/76 = 13.15%) across the three countries. In Botswana, 1 of 24 respondents (4.2%) reported experiencing cyberbullying, compared to 2 of 23 (8.7%) in South Africa and 7 of 29 (24.1%) in Zimbabwe. Percentages are calculated using each country's respective subsample size. One respondent from Zimbabwe had this to say concerning cyberbullying (Table 10). ‘Yes, cyberbullying. My face was used as a meme, still haven’t recovered’. (Respondent 3)
Challenges associated with social media usage.
The challenge of misinformation was identified by eight respondents. In Botswana, 2 of 24 respondents (8.3%) indicated exposure to misinformation, compared to 4 of 23 (17.4%) in South Africa and 2 of 29 (6.9%) in Zimbabwe. Among them, Respondent 67 from South Africa admitted to having been misled at some point. ‘I’ve seen and might have fallen slightly into the trap of misinformation sometimes, by believing something that might not necessarily be true. I have since tried to be better at evaluating the validity of sources, and to first check before just believing anything any random person says online’.
Furthermore, four respondents recognised the addictive characteristics of social media, with two individuals originating from South Africa and the other two from Zimbabwe. According to Respondent 57 from Zimbabwe, the excessive use of social media was detrimental, as it contributed to academic underachievement and jeopardised future prospects. Four respondents identified the presence of inappropriate content as a prevalent issue associated with social media platforms. These respondents expressed concern over incidents of child pornography and other explicit content.
A single respondent from South Africa indicated getting scammed, whereas there were no reports of such incidents from Zimbabwe and Botswana. In terms of hacking, only one respondent from Botswana acknowledged encountering this issue, while there were no reports from South Africa and Zimbabwe.
Interpretation and discussion
Young adults have often been portrayed as a uniform group of digital natives manoeuvring through digital platforms media (Reid et al., 2023). Findings of this study demonstrate that although there are similarities, variations still exist concerning the motivations behind these young adults’ use of digital platforms such as social media, the manner in which they engage with them, the factors limiting their usage, and the challenges they encounter on social media.
About the demographics, what was most striking was the fact that more than 60% of the respondents were female. Although this was somewhat surprising, the gender distribution aligns with broader trends observed in social media and digital survey participation. For instance, a study examining social media adoption among university students in relation to gender, perceived usefulness, and perceived ease of use revealed a higher proportion of females (54.5%) compared to males (Dzandu et al., 2016). In a related study examining gender differences in social media utilisation and its perceived effects on the academic performance of Nigerian science undergraduates, results indicated that 366 participants were female, while 98 were male (Ogundele et al., 2023). These findings suggest that female young adults may be more responsive to online surveys or more active on the platforms through which the surveys were distributed, which can influence the gender composition of digital research samples.
Regarding the social media platforms used by young adults in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, participants reported utilising a combination of platforms such as WhatsApp, TikTok, Instagram, and Facebook. These findings are consistent with previous research indicating that young adults engage with multiple platforms simultaneously rather than relying on a single site (Bengtsson and Johansson, 2022; Fu and Cook, 2021; van der Wal et al., 2024; Villanti et al., 2017). From a U& GT perspective, this multi-platform engagement highlights the active role of young users in selecting platforms that fulfil their needs (Ruggiero, 2000). Different platforms offer distinct affordances, and these affordances likely shape how and why young adults distribute their digital activities across multiple applications (Sundar and Limperos, 2013).
Despite young adults utilising multiple platforms, findings demonstrate varying platform popularity. WhatsApp proved to be the most popular in the three countries. Almost all respondents in the three countries indicated utilising WhatsApp regularly. This aligns with previous research identifying WhatsApp as a preferred platform among young adults (Lukose et al., 2023). WhatsApp's widespread use in the three nations may be attributed to factors like minimal data usage and user-friendliness, which surpass those of other platforms (Lukose et al., 2023). The dominance of WhatsApp may be understood from a U& GT standpoint as the aforementioned affordances it provides likely make it useful for young adults (Ruggiero, 2000; Sundar and Limperos, 2013).
Findings also show the popularity of TikTok, Instagram, YouTube, and Facebook at varying degrees. The popularity of these platforms in the current study confirms the findings from earlier studies that also found that these platforms were popular among young adults (Bengtsson and Johansson, 2022; Lee et al., 2024; Lim et al., 2022; Ogundele et al., 2023). These platforms also offer distinct affordances, such as entertainment, visual self-expression, and access to educational content, which appeal to different motivations and gratifications among young adults.
Concerning the motivations and uses of social media platforms, the findings indicate that communication, entertainment, staying informed about news and trends, learning new skills, maintaining relationships, and ease of use constitute the primary drivers of engagement among young adults. These motivations align with prior research identifying similar patterns of use across diverse contexts (Fu and Cook, 2021; Lukose et al., 2023; Naudé, 2022; Tetteh and Kankam, 2024). The findings, from a U> standpoint, support the notion that young adults act as active decision-makers, intentionally choosing platforms that meet informational, social, and emotional needs (Ruggiero, 2000).
The need for communication emerged as a dominant motivation across all three countries, highlighting its role in the lives of young adults in the three countries. The observed cross-country consistency reinforces the U & GT premise that relational and affective needs remain primary drivers of social media engagement (Ruggiero, 2000). Nonetheless, differences become more apparent in other motivations. For instance, keeping up to date with current information and trends was particularly pronounced among respondents in Botswana compared to South Africa and Zimbabwe. This suggests variation in the perceived informational value of platforms. Learning new skills was more frequently cited in Zimbabwe and Botswana compared to South Africa. This suggests differences in how social media is leveraged for self-development. The fact that ease of use also serves as a motivation for utilising certain social media platforms underscores the role of platform affordances in shaping patterns of engagement (Sundar and Limperos, 2013).
Related to issues of identity, the findings suggest that many young adults are cautious about sharing aspects of their identity on social media. A substantial number of respondents across the three countries expressed discomfort with disclosing identity-related information online. This pattern can be understood through Goffman's (1959) notion of self-presentation, where individuals strategically manage impressions in anticipation of audience evaluation. In networked publics (Boyd, 2010), where multiple audiences converge, and visibility is amplified, young adults may become more deliberate and restrained in how they ‘write themselves into being’ online. The observed caution, therefore, reflects not an absence of identity expression but a calculated negotiation of visibility and risk.
These findings are consistent with Dhir et al. (2017), who report heightened privacy concerns among young adults compared to other age groups. The strategies described by participants in the present study, including adjusting privacy settings, limiting content visibility and selectively curating posts, further illustrate identity management. In African contexts, such caution may also be shaped by the environment. With issues such shared-devices, familial visibility and socio-cultural norms were influencing digital practices (Uzuegbunam, 2019).
Subtle differences were also evident. Looking at gender and personal belief issues, respondents from South Africa and Zimbabwe appeared somewhat more comfortable compared to those in Botswana. Expressions related to politics were minimal across all three countries, which could be an indication of heightened sensitivity to visibility and perceived online risk. In environments where governance and surveillance dynamics form part of the broader digital landscape (Chitanana, 2025), restraint in political self-disclosure may represent a protective strategy rather than disengagement.
On the issue of connection and belonging, it was unsurprising that a substantial proportion of respondents reported experiencing connections and a sense of belonging in the online environment, given that similar trends have been documented in other studies. Furthermore, the results indicate that young adults across these three countries generally experience a sense of connection and belonging, as evidenced by the lack of significant variation in the number of respondents from each nation. Specifically, 15 respondents from Botswana, 18 from South Africa, and 17 from Zimbabwe affirmed that they experience connections and belonging through social media.
This finding aligns with prior research demonstrating how social media enhances social connectedness among youth. For example, in a UK-based qualitative study by Winstone et al. (2021), participants described belonging to group chats or being included in private content, such as Instagram Stories, as tangible markers of trust and friendship, reinforcing their sense of belonging and peer connection. In the same vein, O’Donnell et al. (2023) found that social networking sites play a vital role in satisfying young adults’ relational needs, offering emotional support, a sense of connection, and boosts to self-esteem, particularly through interactions that transcend geographical barriers.
Regarding the constraints that influence engagement on digital platforms, this study found that the constraints were primarily access related. A variety of access-related factors were reported to influence the use of social media among young adults in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. These factors were data costs, internet speed, and broader infrastructural conditions. From a digital divide perspective, such constraints reflect more than individual inconvenience, they signal structural inequalities in access that shape the extent and quality of digital participation (Gómez, 2018). The fact that Zimbabwe had the highest number of respondents reporting data costs and internet access as hindrances to social media usage aligns with broader evidence of comparatively high data prices and infrastructural limitations (Editor-Matebeleland Pulse, 2025; Korhogo Agency, no date). This illustrates how access, a first-level dimension of the digital divide (Gómez, 2018), continues to influence youth engagement with digital platforms.
The digital divide encompasses multiple levels that include access, skills and digital literacies as well as beneficial outcomes (Gómez, 2018; Lythreatis et al., 2022). In contexts such as Zimbabwe, the digital divide extends beyond issues of access and affordability to include regulatory environments, platform governance practices, and surveillance dynamics (Chitanana, 2025). Digital engagement takes place within political and institutional frameworks that can influence how people perceive online risks, express themselves, and participate in civic life. Although the present study did not directly measure governance-related constraints, the broader structural environment provides an important backdrop for interpreting young adults’ digital practices. In this sense, digital inequality manifests not only in connectivity gaps but also in the conditions under which online participation is experienced.
However, an unanticipated discovery was the number of respondents who indicated the absence of limiting factors in their social media usage, a substantial proportion of whom were from South Africa. This contrast may reflect differences not only in infrastructural development but also in the relative stability of regulatory and governance environments that shape digital participation across the three countries. The markedly better circumstances in South Africa compared to Botswana and Zimbabwe could explain why certain young adults in South Africa experience fewer challenges related to accessing social media.
South Africa enjoys a vibrant telecommunications infrastructure, including widespread 4G/5G coverage, fibre-optic networks, and robust broadband connectivity backed by multiple undersea cable links and local data centres (Internet Society Pulse, 2025; Khatri, 2024). Moreover, although data costs remain a concern, South Africa's rates are relatively lower than in Botswana and Zimbabwe.
It was also interesting to note that young adults in Zimbabwe reported engaging with social media platforms very often during the course of the day. Given Zimbabwe's well-documented economic hardships, particularly high mobile data costs, which rank among the highest globally (Korhogo Agency, no date), one might reasonably expect more limited patterns of engagement. However, the findings of this study indicate that respondents in Zimbabwe reported frequent social media use, in some instances more so than their counterparts in Botswana and South Africa. This pattern may suggest that young adults prioritise digital connectivity despite structural constraints. While the present study did not directly examine access strategies, respondents may rely on institutional Wi-Fi, shared devices, or selective platform use to navigate financial limitations.
Pertaining to the challenges encountered by young adults in the context of social media, a majority of the respondents reported not encountering challenges on social media. However, numerous challenges were identified by the respondents as previously discussed. What is most critical to note is that the challenges associated with social media identified by the respondents were not unique only to Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Extant literature also revealed challenges such as addictive behaviours, exposure to harmful content, social comparison (Fu and Cook, 2021; Kim and Fingerman, 2022; Kornienko et al., 2022; Tetteh and Kankam, 2024; Thomas et al., 2017; van der Wal et al., 2024). Furthermore, young adults across regions also faced risks related to cyberbullying, harassment, and harmful content exposure (Lim et al., 2022; Lukose et al., 2023; Paideya et al., 2019; van der Wal et al., 2024; Villanti et al., 2017).
As noted from findings of this study, platform preferences and reported motivations reflect young adults’ active selection of media environments that offer particular affordances, including communication, entertainment, and so on, in alignment with the U> (Ruggiero, 2000; Sundar and Limperos, 2013). At the level of identity, participants’ cautious self-disclosure aligns with Goffman's (1959) notion of self-presentation within networked publics (Boyd, 2010). In African settings, as Uzuegbunam (2019) suggests, domestic and shared-device environments further mediate, influencing what aspects of identity are expressed or withheld. From a digital divide framework, access emerged as the main constrain limiting digital participation. Nonetheless, the digital divide extends beyond questions of access to include regulatory and surveillance dynamics (Chitanana, 2025).
Conclusion
This study examined the social media practices of young adults in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, emphasising both common experiences and country-specific differences. The results establish that young adults do not constitute a homogeneous group of digital natives; instead, their engagement with digital platforms is shaped by a variety of motivations, structural constraints, and socio-cultural contexts. Although WhatsApp was identified as the predominant platform across all three countries, the usage of multiple platforms by young adults highlights the fluidity and adaptability of their digital practices. Motivations such as communication, entertainment, information-seeking, and connection maintenance align with global trends; however, structural challenges, notably high data costs and limited connectivity in Zimbabwe, underscore the ongoing impact of digital inequalities in the Global South.
The study underscored the tensions associated with identity and self-presentation, wherein numerous young adults conveyed discomfort in sharing personal information via online platforms yet concurrently experienced a sense of connection and belonging within digital communities. While most respondents indicated minimal challenges, issues such as social comparison, cyberbullying, and exposure to harmful content persist as pertinent concerns, echoing broader issues documented in existing literature. Collectively, the findings underscore that young adults’ digital practices are intricate, contextually contingent, and influenced by both opportunities and constraints.
Implications for platforms and policy
The findings of this study have some implications for platform design and policy development within Southern African contexts. The prominence of affordability and connectivity concerns, especially in Zimbabwe highlight the need for data-light platforms. These could include features that function effectively under low bandwidth. Also, the cautious approach to identity expression observed across the three countries suggests the need for strengthened localised moderation and safety mechanisms. Accessible privacy controls, culturally responsive content moderation and transparent governance policies are keys in this vein.
Study limitations
This study is not without limitations. The use of convenience and snowball sampling through academic networks could have resulted in a skewed sample towards college students. Therefore, the findings may not fully represent the broader youth populations in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, especially those outside higher education environments. In addition, the qualitative survey design relied on self-reported accounts of social media use. This approach may have resulted in biased self-presentation. Also, data was collected over a relatively short period (31 July–16 August 2025). Given that social media practices are dynamic, the current findings may reflect patterns at that specific time.
Nonetheless, the findings offer contextualised insights that may be transferable to similar Southern African settings where young adults navigate comparable infrastructural and socio-economic conditions.
Future research
Future research could build on this study by expanding sample sizes, incorporating longitudinal designs, and comparing additional countries in the Global South to further unpack how structural inequalities, cultural norms, and evolving digital landscapes continue to shape youth social media engagement. Additionally, a study employing mixed qualitative designs that combine in-depth interviews or digital diaries with lightweight usage metrics could also be conducted.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
In the writing of this paper, ChatGPT, Grammarly and WriteFull were used to improve grammar, clarity, and conciseness. The author thanks young adults in Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe who participated in the study for sharing their experiences with social media.
Ethical approval and informed consent statements
Not applicable.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interest
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Introduction and consent
Participants were presented with the following statement prior to beginning the survey: ‘Your participation is voluntary and anonymous. Your responses will only be used for academic research purposes. By continuing with this survey, you agree to participate willingly’.
Appendix A
|
1. Gender
Male Female Prefer not to say |
|
2. Age
18–20 21–22 23–24 |
| Occupation
3. Are you currently a student, employed or unemployed? Country of residence 4. In which country do you live? Place of residence 5. Do you live in an urban, peri urban or rural area?
6. Which social media platforms do you use and how often? (Open response) 7. Why do you prefer using the platforms you mentioned over others? (Open response) 8. Can you explain what you mostly use social media for? Please feel free to share specifics. (Open response)
9. How do you normally express yourself on social media? Please feel free to share specifics. (Open response) 10. Are there any parts of your identity that you express more freely or more cautiously online? Why? Please feel free to share specifics. (Open response)
1. 11. Do you feel a sense of connection or belonging to any online communities, groups, or friendships? If yes, please describe how these connections were formed and why they matter to you. (Open response)
13. What factors affect how you use social media? Do any of these ever limit your ability to participate online? Please explain. (Open response)
14. Have you ever faced any challenges or negative experiences on social media if yes, how did you respond or deal with them? (Open response) |