The Importance of Reflexivity in Program Development: A Case Study Involving Teaching Self-Defense to Middle School Girls in PE Class

Abstract

This research used a self-defense program to explore how middle school girls could change their perspectives on the gendered roles of victim and protector within an empowered self-defense approach. Taking the dual role of researcher and self-defense instructor, I developed a program to influence changing information strips directed toward gender norms, behavior, and discourse. Reflexive thematic analysis was utilized due to its intersection of the researcher's experience, literature, and theory. The research consisted of 40 girls journaling and 23 girls completing a post-program survey. Findings suggested that reflexive body techniques through self-defense could potentially impact internalized gendered information strips.

This research explores the conceptual relationship between empowerment and embodiment using the case of a self-defense program taught to middle school-aged girls and evaluates how it impacts informational strips that frame gendered discourse through self-defense training. In doing so, I point to the importance of reflexivity as an important aspect of a reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) approach.

Several research questions were investigated. First, can a self-defense program be created to present scenarios the girls might encounter within their lived reality? Second, how well might the girls learn and react within these scenarios through discussions and observations, or might they continue to be “frozen”? A frozen body follows gendered body discourse, suggesting it is weak, incompetent, and restricted in action. Third, could this experience enable them to begin to challenge their own internalized gendered discourse? Internalized gendered discourse refers to the representation, narrative, images, and words that label girls and women “the other”, lesser than, and incapable. This research explores the potential of reality-based self-defense training to encourage girls to rewrite gendered information strips and to reconsider internalized gendered messages that limit girls’ experiences of embodiment and empowerment. The institutional review board approved this study (IRB #06147).

The Study and Empowered Self-Defense (ESD)

Violence against women and girls is a global concern, with approximately 736 million women, that is one in three having experienced gender-based violence (UN WOMEN, 2022). Specifically, one in four aged 15–19 experience intimate partner violence. In addition, one in three students aged 11–15 has been bullied at least once. The risk of violence within a younger population is evident. This research is intended to address violence against girls through rewriting gendered information strips that impact discourse and behavior. Here, I view using self-defense as part of a comprehensive approach to violence against girls.

A reality-based self-defense program was specifically chosen for this research. In this style of self-defense training, there is an attacker and target, and the target needs to do whatever possible to escape. Reality-based self-defense focuses on survival. Channon (2018) acknowledges the importance of framing self-defense as placing gender and violence within a social context. Channon identifies this framing as an essential aspect of feminist self-defense or empowered self-defense (ESD) (I will use these interchangeably). The ESD model embraces the concept of empowerment through. My research places teaching middle school girls self-defense as an example of breaking the male-dominated area of self-protection and pursuing a new line of norm-breaking. Here, as both researcher and instructor of the program, I intentionally provide knowledge and skills to young girls within a male-dominated sphere and challenge gendered discourse.

Galiè and Farnworth (2019) imply that empowerment should occur in a shared environment with significant others. Guthrie (1995) supports this empowerment aspect by examining female practitioners within a women-only space in her early work. She introduces the physical as a critical element of personal and social change. This assumption follows Dowling (2000) and McCaughey (1998), where the body plays a significant role in the process of embodiment through reflexive body techniques (RBTs).

Framing and Information Strips

This research explores the concept of reframing the perception of the female body as it becomes embodied (Young, 2010). Frames are a mental construct used by individuals to create their lived reality through applying the norms, values, beliefs, culture, ideology, and narratives (frames) to their lived experience. These framed constructs are intersectional, where personal beliefs of gender, socioeconomic status, body, race, ethnicity, and other various aspects of social life converge. Through self-defense, girls and women can begin to reframe the construct of their bodies to be efficacious. Kim et al. (2017) and Davies (2018) suggest that prior experience contributes to constructing a frame such as gendered discourse. Hawk and Dabney (2014) describe the information strip as the frame of a relevant action for a specific situation. If girls and women have a prior frame constructed where they are the victim, considered incapable, and restricted, this initial framing will organize their future experiences (Kim et al., 2017).

This research deliberately attempts to reframe girls’ perceptions of their ability to defend themselves. If reframing can occur, it could affect future experiences and potentially impact other aspects of their lives. In addition, these new or reframed strips of information can provide new cognitive cues for appropriate behavior. Thus, a self-defense program has the potential to help reframe the girls’ information strip regarding self-protection. The ability to create an information strip that includes self-protection challenges gendered body discourse.

Embodiment and the Lived Body

Gendered body discourse is internalized, resulting in a frozen body (Dowling, 2000). Dowling (2000) describes the frozen body as restricted in concept and action by femininity. Femininity is the culmination of expected societal gendered attributes for girls, such as taking less physical space and being the victim. In the Frailty Myth, Dowling (2000) suggested that the frozen body narrative is perpetuated in everyday lived reality that restricts the female body. Using this assumption, I believe there needs to be intentionality, a deliberate action, in thawing the female body. This deliberate action can begin by reimagining the information strip that suggests the female as a victim. Dowling (2000) refers to thawing as releasing the body from its restriction. She insinuates that physical activity can be a catalyst for thawing the body. She does not suggest that this is dichotomous or unidirectional. Indeed, I suggest that it is not unidirectional but fluid.

The rewriting of information strips would take place through the lived body. Merleau-Ponty’s lived body resides in culture, norms, and experience (Seamon, 2018; Sossa Rojas, 2022). When Young (2002) takes Toril Moi’s argument of the lived body and its application to gender, it is not the same body discussed by Merleau-Ponty. Here, placing the lived body in a gendered framework, I suggest that the lived body can be active in pushing back the gendered body discourse that has made it frozen. Crossley's (2005) RBTs imply that the body has knowledge and understanding, therefore, can be used as a tool to develop a lived body. A lived body, here, is perceived to be unrestricted, actionable, and has agency. The self-awareness resulting from RBTs (Sossa Rojas, 2022) enables one to embrace the “gut feeling,” which is essential in self-defense.

However, the lived body does not reside in isolation. I refer to “empowerment through,” where external factors may affect this process of the lived body. Galiè and Farnworth (2019), in their discussion of empowerment through, realize that individuals may not notice how external factors contribute to self-agency. Gendered female indoctrination is an external factor, creating the frozen body through socialization, including the notions of incompetence, weakness, restriction, and incapable bodies (Bartky, 2003). Crossley also suggests that the body can unconsciously be trained (Sossa Rojas, 2022) in gendered body discourse to be a frozen body. Indoctrination/socialization lives on a continuum, such that girls and women may internalize this socialization to different degrees but that there is an overall experience of exposure to these restricting beliefs.

Embodiment is significant in its connection to self-defense, where the roles of victim and protector are challenged (McCaughey, 1998). Rentschler (1999) suggests that self-defense is an everyday event that can impact women’s and girls’ relationships with their bodies. This connection is a product of RBTs. Clark (2019) suggests that early gendered body discourse influences later physical participation and Liimakka (2011) indicates that physical activity can add to empowerment. External factors such as gendered body stereotypes are not only to be identified as existing but to understand the purpose of those external factors (Galiè & Farnworth, 2019). The information strip that connects gendered discourse to situational behavior could create the frozen body through RBTs. Physicality and gendered discourse are emergent themes within research conducted by Liechty et al. (2016) in their analysis of female embodiment with tackle football and Velija et al. (2013) examining female martial arts practitioners. An empowered self-defense program is crucial for this research, and the type of martial art should be intentional within the lived experience.

Self-Defense Efficacy in Younger Populations

Several relevant studies have taken place on this population; however, it is limited. Sinclair et al. (2013) examined a group of 14- to 21-year-olds in Kenya. With n = 522 at baseline and n = 489 at a 10-month follow-up, the intervention group reported a 24.6% decrease in incidence of sexual assault and 9.21% at the 10-month follow-up. The program that was used included verbal and physical self-defense skills. Another efficacious research study was presented by Decker et al. (2018) in Malawi. The sample consisted of n = 6644 at baseline and follow-up n = 4278 female students. Here too, the incidence of sexual assault was reduced. Forty-three percent of the girls had used self-defense skills, where 49% had used verbal skills only, 13% had used physical skills only, and 38% had used a combination of verbal and physical. Importantly, a series of research articles presented by Edwards et al. (2022), Siller et al. (2021) and Edwards et al. (2020) illustrate the efficacy of the IMpower program used in Kenya and Malawi. These researchers brought the program to American Indian girls. Program results indicated decreases in assaults, improved strategy awareness, and the participants liked the program. Liking the program is important as the participants may be more willing to participate and be invested in the training. The results also suggest that self-defense interventions are efficacious within the United States.

In New Zealand, Jordan and Mossman (2018) conducted a large-scale self-defense study (n = 2731) where they looked at elementary, middle, and high school female students. The students reported that they felt increased empowerment, thought they would be able to draw on what they learned if threatened, and they discovered the power of their voice. This study contributes to this literature by incorporating girls’ voices participating in self-defense.

Sarnquist et al. (2019) conducted a study in Kenya that examined the administration of a self-defense program for female students and what can be labeled bystander training for male students with an age range of 10 to 14. Both groups provided evidence of program efficacy. The girls reported less sexual assault and the boys reported higher rates of bystander intervention to prevent sexual assault. In relation to the current study presented within this article, this research is most relevant as it addresses middle school adolescents and includes some form of intervention for boys and girls. In addition, the research that focuses on girl-centric self-defense training environments supports the focus on girl-centric physical activity, including self-defense. These studies indicate the potential for contributing to challenging internalized gendered discourse. My study contributes to this literature by observing the process of embodiment through girls participating in self-defense in the United States. Though the risk of violence may vary depending on the country, girls’ safety is an issue in the United States, where 15%, of ages 12–17 are at high risk of sexual assault (RAINN, 2022). Females aged 16–19 are four times more likely to be victims of rape, attempted rape, or sexual assault.

Lakes and Hoyt (2004) addressed young participants in 2004 while comparing children from kindergarten to grade five. The children were placed into two groups, a martial arts group, and a regular physical education group. This was a three-month intervention. The results indicated that the martial arts group improved self-regulation, classroom conduct, and prosocial behavior. To explain the girls’ lack of effect, they suggested that gendered socialization (frozen body) may have a part in this difference. Twemlow et al. (2008) indicated no significant results for the girls in their study. Neither of these studies showed that these children were in same-sex environments, boys-only or girls-only classes. Bailey et al. (2013) suggested that girls have internalized negative gendered discourse by this age. Therefore, Lakes and Hoyt’s (2004) and Twemlow et al.'s (2008) findings would indicate a gendered effect of their program. These research designs did not seem to be intentionally developed for girls, boys, or both. My research is designed explicitly to inquire into the middle school girl population. This would begin to fill a gap within the literature focusing on the 11–13 age group.

Method

Research Design

Although qualitative research has various approaches, I focus on Braun and Clarke's (2019, 2022) RTA. I chose this approach because it includes the researcher as part of the research. Knowledge production occurs through the intersection of theory, research, and methodology. Research rigor is exemplified through reflexive and transparent decision-making, theoretical thought, and the participants’ words, actions, and conversations. Finally, a single coder, or researcher, is typical within RTA (Braun & Clarke, 2022). Byrne (2022) emphasizes this aspect of RTA where the intersection of interpretation between dataset, theory, and researcher skills and resources cannot be accomplished by the same two researchers. As a function of the reflexive focus of this approach, coding is organic, and themes are developed from the codes. Study rigor has been exemplified with transparency throughout methodology and analysis decisions (Braun & Clarke, 2019).

This approach embraces the participant–observer role as reflexive. I was the researcher and instructor. As the instructor, I provided knowledge and skills to the participants to better aid their definition of empowerment. I ensured that the classes were fluid, meaning I adjusted the classes as the participants discussed questions and scenarios. As a result, the participants were aware of my perspective on the importance of self-defense. My role as a researcher focused on exploring topics the girls were most interested in discussing. I conducted the reflexive narrative in the participant–observer role. However, this role was challenging. I was the sole researcher, and my ability to conduct detailed, descriptive observations was limited. I could not video the classes as this was a school environment and recording the class may have reduced the number of participants and delayed the start of the study.

As part of RTA, I brought my resources into the development of this program. I am a certified Commando Krav Maga instructor, a Superkid and Smartsafe instructor, a sociologist, and a third-degree karate black belt. The skills and knowledge empowered me, and I desired to pass on this experience to girls. I also believe that I was fortunate to have female Black Belts that provided role models for my ability to achieve the ranking. Therefore, sharing my experience became part of the methodological approach in this research as embodiment begins in young girls. Reflexivity plays another crucial part in the administration of the material in the program. My experience as a self-defense instructor allowed me to develop and adjust the program material organically as the students themselves contributed to the program. The participants were part of the research, and in that, the program was not intended to be replicable but relevant to middle school girls in the Midwest. The latter was more important to me and to the questions central to this research.

My background proved beneficial in exploring embodiment in the students, using self-reflexivity to inform the research. Reflexivity allows the researcher to understand the participants’ social context (Takyi, 2015) and apply it to the program. As a researcher, I adjusted training according to students’ conversations, which led me to expand the conversation and curriculum. Exploring ideas proved helpful; girls at this age are not as self-reflective in their journaling as I had assumed. Therefore, journaling occurred when class conversation focused on issues of gender and embodiment. Journaling was also encouraged when two or more participants interacted and a participant seemed to want to bring the conversation to a more extensive class discussion.

Positionality Statement

I have been in martial arts for over 30 years. I have taught self-defense since 2014 and continue to do so. I am a cis, White, older woman of immigrant Italian parents in Canada. I attended higher education in Canada and the United States. I am an associate professor at a mid-level university in the Midwest where the majority of students are White. As a graduate student, I learned traditional approaches to qualitative inquiry such as grounded theory, phenomenology, and conventional interviewing and coding. I was not particularly attached to any specific approach but as I continued my career as a researcher, I came to understand the place of reflexivity in my research. As a result, my qualitative work utilizes approaches that identify the reflexive position.

My position as a researcher was informed by my self-defense experience. As a self-defense instructor of Krav Maga and a karate practitioner, I wanted to examine how girls learned self-defense and what they learned. I was also particular about the system used in the program. Krav Maga is easy to learn and can provide practical methods for self-defense. Therefore, the questionnaire was informed by my experience. Importantly, the ability and understanding of the need for the curriculum to be fluid were influenced by my experience teaching self-defense beyond this research. As a sociologist, the lived experience of individuals is impacted by a variety of determinants. As a result, I have always allowed seminar and course participants to help guide the curriculum so it is relatable to their life experiences. This is important in the way I teach self-defense.

My positionality moves beyond gender and experience and includes a reflection on power dynamics (Boveda & Annamma, 2023; Sybing, 2022). As an older person with over 30 years of martial art experience, I understood I may have more knowledge of statistics and strategies used to approach violence, however, these are girls in a society that is different than what I was raised. In addition, as an adult, within our society, I have ascribed power. I need to be aware that this power dynamic could create an environment where the girls may be reluctant to ask questions. However, I did not have the authoritative power of a teacher. This power dynamic may have been more relevant because of the training taking place in a school environment with the physical education teacher in the gym.

In addition, my positionality impacted the production of knowledge (Boveda & Annamma, 2023). My dual role as a researcher and sociologist allows me to present a curriculum that is meaningful and observe how the girls were responding to the training and scenario framing. As a cis White woman, I was able to relate to gendered discourse that the girls may have to navigate but as an adult woman, I was aware I was in a different place than them when approaching situational scripts. I have been navigating gendered scripts longer. My positionality impacted data collection. My traditional qualitative learning suggested that providing some type of pre- and post-questionnaire was necessary; however, feminist paradigm opened me to other methods such as observation and reflexive analysis. Finally, as a cis White female researcher and sociologist, data interpretation is conducted from this gendered and racial lens. Even though the participants were predominantly White, there were girls of color that have varying voices.

Sample

The research study took place at a religious middle school in Indiana. The school was chosen through a snowball approach. I had previous discussions within the community to include girls’ self-defense in the physical education curriculum. Through these conversations, my understanding was that the public school system would be difficult to approach, and a religious or private school would be more open to this training. An outside contact had suggested a counselor who worked at the school. I contacted them and then was placed in contact with the principal. The principal was receptive to the idea of including self-defense within the physical education curriculum for grade seven and eight girls.

Research packets were prepared for all participants and their parent(s) or guardian(s), and delivery proceeded as I had expected. I sent home an assent form for students, a consent form for the parent(s) or guardian(s), and a pre-program survey to be completed by the seventh- and eighth-grade girls. Only those students who gave informed assent and had the consent of their parent(s) or guardian(s) actively participated in the classes. The parent information letter stated that the self-defense program would be part of the physical education class. The information letter stated that if any questions or concerns arose to contact me. Once consent was collected, the school administration suggested girls without informed parental or guardian consent could either sit in the bleachers and watch or do other schoolwork. There needed to be accommodation for those girls who were not participating but still needed to be in the gym for that period. I assumed any alternative arrangements would be discussed between the administration and the guardian. Though not ideal, I felt I needed to work within the structured school environment. I also believed, through discussion with other self-defense instructors through my years of training, the girls in the bleachers who watched may pick up on some of the strategies discussed. This was a hope I had. On the other hand, it may have impacted the girls that were participating as middle school seems to be a difficult time in the socialization process in terms of labeling and in-group and out-group dynamics. I was also concerned that ridicule would occur outside of the class to participants. The 40-minute self-defense class took the place of the students’ regular physical education class for 24 instructional periods. The post-program survey took place on the last day of class. Unfortunately, not all the girls completed the post-program survey.

The research occurred at a religious-based middle school in a midwestern state in the United States. During this discussion, I will present the exploratory findings from September 2016 to May 2017. A reality-based self-defense program was taught to grade seven and eight girls (ages 12–13) at least once a week. Forty girls participated in the pre-program questionnaire, with 23 participants post-questionnaire. In addition, 40 girls took part in some form of journaling. Journaling was to be utilized to expand on topics raised during class that was sensitive to discuss in a large group.

The participants identified as 75% White, 10% as Asian and multicultural, and 5% as Black. The average age was 12.8. Participants described their everyday lives in these areas as being in a good neighborhood and having two-parent homes, divorced families, or blended families. Several comments indicated perceived difficult experiences. These included half-siblings, being judgmental, divorce, and not having a good social life. However, none of the participants suggested violence was part of their everyday reality. Violence refers to the perception of safety and the risk of violence. Participants were also asked in the pre-program survey how they would describe themselves. Many adjectives used to self-identify appeared optimistic such as confident, smart, kind, caring, and funny. However, a few negative comments included violent (as the participant saw themselves), introverted, loud, and hard-on-self. These comments, on their own, may not be seen as negative. However, the girls’ perceptions placed them in a negative context due to answering the survey question.

Instruments

Pre- and Post-Program Survey

The pre-and post-program survey consisted of closed- and open-ended questions. The pre-program survey included: age, race/ethnicity, social, family, and school lives, students’ experience with violence, and students’ experiences with self-defense programs. The post-program survey asked about immediate reactions to the self-defense program, what was most helpful, and least helpful, and how the program had affected them. In addition, the following questions pertained to the techniques the students were taught in terms of realism, ease of learning, ability to perform the techniques, and how they would describe the program to others. The final three questions asked about having a female instructor. The survey was developed organically based on the literature review, research purpose, and the experience of the research as a self-defense instructor.

Journaling

I intended journaling to occur after every class; however, writing out their thoughts took students longer than anticipated, which took time away from teaching and learning the self-defense techniques. As a result, journaling became an activity that focused on specific topics from the classes. In total, journaling took place 11 times. Decisions for journaling were determined based on the participants’ volume of reactions, questions, and interests. Generally, if two or more of the girls commented and the others stopped to hear the conversation, I would ask for a journal entry. I also asked for a journal entry based on their nonverbal cues, such as the girls turning to each other for comments. The topics included: the usefulness of self-defense, reactions to learning specific techniques, reactions to taking part in surprise attacks, discussing issues of consent, permission, and boundaries, and whether the boys should be taking self-defense classes.

Researcher Reflections (Reflexive Narrative)

As a participant–observer, I made observational notes at the end of each class. Before the class, I focused on what I would teach. These notes concentrate on gendered experiences, conversations highlighting internalized discourse, and general self-defense learning. Between classes, words and phrases were recorded that occurred during the class. I used these words and phrases to create expanded memos and note any issues with scenarios and what I wanted to do in the next class. I extended memoing using an iPad and audio recording, then analyzed using structured coding (Saldana, 2016). However, this also proved challenging as I was producing reflections from memories. This became a more autoethnographic reflexive narrative as a result.

Self-Defense Programs

The intervention program focused on a reality-based self-defense system and combined aspects of the scenario-based programs Super Kid, Smartsafe, and Commando Krav Maga. These are intended to be distinct programs; however, I combined aspects of each. The Super Kid program is designed for K-12 children and abduction situations. The Super Kid program addresses bullying in the school environment and abduction. Bullying scenarios would include de-escalation, distance creation, avoidance, and more physical situations such as defending from pushing, pulling hair, and strikes. The abduction portion involves more physical techniques such as groin strikes and eye gauging. The Smartsafe program focuses on situations that may be encountered more by girls and women. I have used Smartsafe as a method to get girls and women acquainted with the thought of using physical techniques for self-protection. This includes being grabbed from behind, wrist grab, being strangled on the ground and acquaintance assault. Finally, Commando Krav Maga is directed toward 12 years of age and older participants and all genders. The program addresses strike defense, ground survival, gun disarm and knife defense. All of the programs focus on survival and getting out of the situation.

I took various aspects of these programs to address bullying, predatory attackers, and specific situations the girls would encounter. I taught these programs on a nonphysical to physical continuum where scenarios are presented, discussed, and addressed. At the nonphysical end of the continuum, participants address psychological barriers encountered in a confrontation, using voice as a weapon, awareness drills, and boundary setting. The other end of the continuum addresses scenarios where physical techniques are needed to escape the situation. The scenarios address choking (standing and on the ground), strike defense, learning to strike, and hold escapes. For this research, the word choking was used instead of “strangulation” because “choking” is more familiar to the general population. This research study included situations such as being grabbed from behind, assaulted on the ground, being pushed in a school, getting away in an uncomfortable situation such as sitting on a couch, bear hug, and learning to strike.

Data Analysis

There were three forms of data collection that took place: pre- and post-surveys, journaling and researcher reflexive reflections. The pre- and post-surveys consisted of closed and open-ended questions. Descriptive statistical analysis was used with the closed questions. As the sample was small, frequency statistics were used for the closed-ended questions. Structured and In Vivo coding (Saldana, 2016) was used for the open-ended questions. The survey open-ended question was used as the theme. With each question, an audit trail was constructed where the initial coding was a general listing of codes. A pattern was defined as two similar comments. However, I also included unique comments outside the patterned definition. This would allow all voices to be included in the initial coding stage. Once the initial coding was completed, a second coding stage was conducted for theme development. This was completed for each open-ended question reported. In addition, researcher reflexive reflections were added for context.

Journaling presented another layer of analysis that involved similar audit trails that were applied to the survey’s open-ended questions. Journaling within the study occurred when two or more girls indicated a discussion topic or situation evoked a reaction. Journaling also occurred when something happened during the duration of the training that connected to literature. The situation that initiated the journaling was used as the overall theme. Within each situation, an audit trail was developed. The themes that are presented within this research are: sexual assault scenario, boundaries and consent, boys and self-defense, surprise attacks, and perceptions of self-defense. The initial coding included any patterned comments and those comments outside of the pattern. Within RTA, themes develop with codes expressing a common core idea (Trainor & Bundon, 2021). The second stage, re-organizational coding, further narrowed the themes that developed from the research and the students’ statements and comments. Researcher reflexive narratives were used to add context to the situations and narratives.

Findings

The exploratory findings will be presented through pre- and post-survey responses, journaling narratives, and researcher reflections. Researcher reflections have been used to add context to the survey responses and journaling narratives. Three research questions were examined. First, can a self-defense program be created to present scenarios the girls might encounter within their lived reality? Second, how well might the girls learn and react within these scenarios through discussions and observations, or might they continue to be “frozen”? Third, could this experience enable them to begin to challenge their own internalized gendered discourse?

Pre-Program Surveys

Pre-program surveys indicated that 20 girls were afraid of something happening to them, and 22 were afraid of something violent. The violence feared was assault-based, with one girl mentioning a gun and another girl mentioning a knife. Four of the girls had suggested prior experience with violence, as they defined it. These situations included being followed, sexual harassment, being held down, and verbal aggression. Researcher reflections through conversations suggested that environmental aspects may have factored into these answers. The girls in more affluent neighborhoods seemed to have less fear than those in not-as-affluent neighborhoods. Those in the less affluent neighborhood were more aware of their environment. There appear to be external factors that impact the perception of the potential of violence.

Post-Program Surveys

Post-program surveys indicated that 20 girls stated that the scenarios were realistic and were supported in their journaling responses. The girls indicated that the scenarios were reflective of their lived reality or possible situations that could occur in their lived realities. Twenty-one girls indicated that they thought the techniques were easy to learn. Researcher reflections supported this perception as we worked on repetition and practice, decreasing their reaction time. The girls performed the technique faster instead of freezing. The techniques being easily learned were intentional. The girls appeared to be able to learn self-defense techniques. Eighteen girls believed they could perform the technique in a real-life situation. This suggests that the girls can learn and apply self-defense techniques. The girls’ belief in their ability is crucial in improving their self-confidence and presenting themselves as a poor target for an attacker. This self-confidence then has the potential to push back against gendered discourse. Also, 18 out of 20 (90%) girls believed the program changed their lives, suggesting things like feeling safer, being more aware, and understanding how it can happen. These answers indicate how these girls began to realize they had capable bodies. The girls seemed to feel that they could use their bodies in these situations to escape where perhaps this was not present before.

Journaling Narratives

Sexual Assault Scenario Narratives

The physical nature of the scenarios utilized within the self-defense course required the girls to be in uncomfortable positions. The sexual assault on the ground was one of those situations. The scenario garnered feelings of “awkwardness,” “uncomfortableness,” “weirdness,” and “fear,” words used by the girls themselves. The girls’ reactions were not surprising. In the role of instructor–researcher, I explored these reactions. This situation had the target lying on the floor with the “attacker” between the target’s legs and choking her. Through observations and journal responses, the girls expressed apprehension about performing this. In addition to the above feelings expressed, the journaling suggested that the girls did not want to think about this situation, let alone physically get into it. The body, at this point for the girls, appeared frozen. Their uncomfortable feelings indicate that their bodies were not yet thawed or embodied. They were sad that they had to learn this type of defense and expressed that the scenario would invade personal, intimate space. These were the expressed thoughts of the girls, “I feel like my privacy is being invaded,” “places we don’t want anyone to be in,” and “as a [12-year-old], we don’t want to hear about rape.”

However, several girls also realized that this scenario could happen in real life. Some of the comments they expressed were, “have to deal with this at a[n] early [age] because people that’s in this world” and “It’s hard to be okay when you think about it really happening.” Although this situation challenged them in several ways, the girls suggested that they also realized these situations occur.

Observationally, I took a great deal of time to address the “weirdness.” Several of the girls were comfortable with being between another’s legs. Many appeared very uncomfortable. The uncomfortableness needed to be taken in steps. It seemed they did not know how to experience their bodies. The uncomfortable girls were allowed to have the attacker kneel next to them and then apply the choke. They slowly moved between the target’s legs once they were more comfortable with their bodies. Gradually, by the end of the academic year, this became less uncomfortable for some, but not all. The repetition, the awareness of the scenario, and familiarity seemed to have opened the girls about their bodies. Some realized that they would be capable of self-protection.

Boundaries and Consent Narrative

Boundaries and consent are essential forms of self-defense. I wanted to make sure the girls discussed these issues. While the girls seemed to know what boundaries and consent are, facial expressions did not support this. The girls tended to look at each other for clarification as if what was being said was doubtful. However, they described boundaries as a line, straightforward, and a limit set with a voice. One girl stated, “you have to have the mental and physical confidence.”

Based on their comments, there appeared to be two distinct boundaries: emotional and physical. There was no elaboration on what this meant for them. Comments suggested a difference between enforcing these boundaries with someone known and unknown. There seems to be hesitation with known attackers versus the “stranger danger” cliché entrenched within societal discourse. The known versus unknown attacker is a nuanced point that needs further examination. There seems to be an allowance for protecting oneself from strangers, permission given, but if the attacker is known, that is a more challenging task. Gendered discourse allows girls to confront the stranger while being non-confrontation with someone they know.

The girls described consent as an agreement, giving permission, being direct, and “no means no.” Consent should be voiced and can be withdrawn. The girls appear to understand consent and its ability to be taken away. Understanding boundary setting and consent is a common aspect of girls’ self-defense. Being able to set boundaries and give consent is part of being empowered. They exhibit an aspect of the lived body by suggesting that “this is my space, and you can’t be here.” The girls were reluctant to show these empowered attributes with known individuals. Thus, their empowerment seemed conditional. This distinction is the “external factor” when discussing empowerment through.

Boys and Self-Defense: It Is About Respect Narrative

In one of the classes, the girls questioned why they had to take a self-defense class and the boys did not. Surprisingly, only a few comments suggested the boys needed to protect themselves. Instead, the girls focused on the boys needing to learn to respect the girls. The responses included not doing bad stuff, not being a bystander, standing up for girls, and how the boys treated and talked with girls; that stop means stop and stop touching. Specific comments suggested that “their mindset needs to change when talking about girls” and “respond the right way when we say no or stop.” These comments indicate that the girls want the boys to participate in self-defense to address these gendered aspects of how boys learn to interact with girls. This mindset can refer to the gendered discourse that boys learn. However, the girls did not label it as gendered discourse.

Some of the girls’ comments suggested that they wanted the boys to participate in a self-defense program because they wanted the boys to understand their experience, what they must do to be safe, and how to teach boys to interact with them seriously. They offered comments such as, “have knowledge of what it is like,” and “they don’t really understand how serious rape is. They all mock us about ‘self-defense,’” “They don’t understand the restrictions girls have to put on themselves to stay safe. They don’t understand the [constant] fear of being scared of getting touched,” and “how this stuff is actually important and for them to stop making jokes about it.” The girls understand that they need to “watch” their behavior, and it appears they are placing that responsibility on themselves. However, some girls thought, “They really should not be involved because they won’t take it serious. It will be a big joke,” and “It might not be very good for them to have this class because most of them won’t take it seriously and it might encourage them to [do] bad things.” Learned gendered discourse seems present within this age group where the girls are aware, and the boys are not. Also, the instructor–researcher role allowed this conversation to result in journaling.

Surprise Attacks Narrative

The surprise attacks are the culmination of the process of embodiment. As part of a reality-based self-defense class, surprise attacks are used to experience how an unknown attack would be handled and felt. An unknown attack means that the attack itself is unknown, not the attacker. The exercise requires groups of three to five participants. The target begins in the “middle.” The whole group performs some form of exercise where the heart rate increases to simulate an adrenaline dump similar to a confrontation. Then, the target is attacked by the attackers one at a time. This exercise helps participants simulate actual attacks, understand how well they know the technique, and control their fight-or-freeze response time. The descriptive words used to express their feelings about this exercise reflected the activity’s intent. Descriptive words included “love,” “scary,” “overwhelming,” “crazy,” “weird but empowering,” “adrenaline,” “fast-paced,” and “cool.” One girl thought it “was tiring and hard to keep going,” “I could not comprehend why someone would do something like this,” “trust what you were taught, and how well my brain/muscles remembered the techniques,” “difficult when you have the adrenaline running,” and “this was cool.”

Many saw their bodies thaw before their own eyes. These perceptions point to how girls may go through experiencing embodiment in varying ways and times. Beyond this research’s scope, it would be helpful to explore these girls’ homelives to understand the environments supporting some girls to move to embodiment easier than others.

Perceptions of Self-Defense Narrative

The girls’ journaling expressed various comments about their general perception of the self-defense program. They highlighted several techniques: use of voice, striking with the palm, choking (standing and ground), hair pull, hand on knee, and being on the ground and kicking the attacker for one minute. The girls also expressed various feelings: increased safety, power, awkwardness, effectiveness, fun, and will not feel helpless. Practicing self-defense in a safe environment was welcomed, and they understood that more practice was needed. The scenarios were realistic and often scary for them. However, they understood that learning self-defense in middle school could be helpful in the future. The girls were encouraged by the self-defense program, as was stated in several comments such as “these techniques are really powerful and when we tried it on the boys in our class, it really worked,” “girls don’t deserve to be pushed into silence”, “your voice is as strong as physical action,” and “when [your] mind has that knowledge of what to do and your body instantly reacts to the whole situation, it’s a great feeling. Invincible!”

However, as inspiring and encouraging as these comments appear, counteracting learned gender discourse that girls are smaller and cannot defend themselves is tricky. Several girls still felt that they would not be successful, stating, “I’m not very strong as I don’t think they will be very effective besides for using my voice,” “if I am attacked, I would know what to do but I don’t think I’d be able to do it,” and “but when it comes to much bigger stronger people I’m not sure.”

Discussion

This research explored how a self-defense program was purposively designed for girls and began a conversation on how empowerment is fluid and coexists with gendered discourse. Three research questions guided this research study. First, can a self-defense program be created to present scenarios the girls might encounter within their lived reality? Second, how well might the girls learn and react within these scenarios through discussions and observations, or might they continue to be “frozen”? Third, could this experience enable them to begin to challenge their own internalized gendered discourse? The first question seems to be directly addressed as the girls suggest yes as they commented in the post-survey and in their journaling. Many found the training realistic. The second and third research questions are more complex and nuanced.

By choosing self-defense scenarios and discussions as possible experiences in their lived realities, this research was a beginning point as the girls could suggest other situations they perceived as relevant. The experience seemed to redefine the information strip associated with the girls’ ability to defend and deal with potential situations within their lived reality. These redefined informational strips reflect how gendered discourse can be impacted. The redefinition may change their experience and behavior in their daily lives and challenge information strips though this may not be true for all nor experienced to the same degree. Clark (2019) suggests that gendered body discourse is influential for later physical participation, but it may also influence the empowerment process.

The information strip can be connected to the concept of empowerment through. Empowerment may be out of the individual’s control, perhaps grounded in information strips. Girls in the study must place their learned knowledge and skills within the larger societal information strip that still influences them. Additionally, RBTs can impact reframing gendered informational strips by reconditioning. The richness of this research explores the process of thawing the frozen female body, creating embodiment, and coming closer to a lived body as these girls were experiencing these scenarios and techniques. Researcher reflections and participant journaling suggest this is a fluid process. Current literature is limited in investigating this age group.

Re-framing was an intentional and meaningful process in this study. The girls within this research were taught self-defense as a tool to thaw their bodies. Empowerment through (Galiè & Farnworth, 2019) was exemplified by several scenarios where external information strips seemed influential. For example, as the girls navigated the choking on the ground scenario, they also navigated the assumption of body proximity and invasion. If I were not the instructor, I would not have investigated the variances of embodiment and how self-defense can reframe the information strip.

Again, Clark (2019) indicated that early gendered socialization influences later physical participation. Gendered socialization had already occurred as various scenarios were perceived as “uncomfortable.” Crossley supports this assumption through RBT training. Navigation and confidence through the self-defense classes were sporadic and not for all. Some girls expressed confidence and the ability to perform, whereas others expressed doubt. The uneven change is assumed to be the push/pull experience as the girls challenged gender socialization and experienced a lived body. The literature discusses program efficacy, such as Paul (2015), Sinclair et al. (2013), Decker et al. (2018), and Sarnquist et al. (2019). These studies all point to increased empowerment and confidence but do not present the fluidity of empowerment. However, I do not want to diminish the empowerment and joy that was experienced by the girls as they became aware of how their bodies were capable of defending themselves. This was illustrated in the journaling about surprise attacks where they had retained more information than they had thought. As one girl stated, she felt “invincible.” These reactions indicate that ESD is important in beginning the awareness that these girls can do it. ESD challenges the “frozen” female body by challenging the information strips that have become the accepted societal narrative of what a female body can and cannot do.

This research creates a new avenue for examining and understanding the process of getting to this endpoint and realizing that empowerment and changing information strips are fluid with a younger population. The girls in this study seemed to be confident with other girls that seemed to have similar body sizes. As a few of the girls indicated, the size of the attacker may impact their ability. In addition, external factors such as the lived reality of middle school labeling and in-group and out-group dynamic could impact empowerment. As a self-defense instructor, creating a women's only environment is crucial to the process of “thawing” the body but perhaps then introduce the girls into a mixed-gendered environment. The girls’ ability to apply this learned empowerment to the “outside” world is challenging. Social networks and strategies that support this growing empowerment outside of the “safe” environment that is created in training need to be considered. There may need to be a better understanding and study of the impact of the lived reality that these girls and others experience after ESD. Finally, as suggested by the literature, gendered discourse is internalized at an early age. Informational strips are internalized during this time. It is at this time, perhaps, ESD should be introduced. It seems that middle school may be too late.

I purposefully created a women's environment, the importance of which was highlighted by Guthrie’s (1995) work. As a result, the girls could be in a safe space where the conversation could be without the gendered tension between boys. Galiè and Farnworth (2019) suggest that a safe environment is an aspect of empowerment through and should be part of a shared experience with other girls. Channon (2018) points to this as relevant to an ESD approach. I was able to place gender within the larger social context. It was necessary to show an understanding of their gendered reality and use the physical education teacher as the “attacker.” Effectively showing a smaller body defending against a bigger body challenged gendered myths. This myth-busting may contribute to the reframing of information strips.

A richer understanding of why the girls wanted the boys to participate in a self-defense program garnered an unanticipated yet relevant perspective. The girls appeared to understand where society had placed the burden of dealing with gender and violence. This realization is an essential identification of the concept of empowerment through (Galiè & Farnworth, 2019). Some of the girls understood the threat they lived with and appeared to know that the boys did not have the same threat or concern. The girls searched for the respect they did not perceive the boys to be giving them. In addition, they wanted the boys to understand what it was like to feel the restrictions and constant worry the girls felt.

Follo (2021) further investigated the prospect of boys being involved in ESD training. Of note, the inclusion of boys in ESD research was a direct result of this research study. The girls in this research study questioned why self-defense training was only directed to them and not the boys. Some of the boys took the training seriously however, as the girls in this research seemed to imply, some of the boys did not take the self-defense training seriously. The author noted that there seemed to be a divide between the grade six boys and the grade seven and eight boys.

Gendered socialization seemed to play a role in the research conducted by Follo (2021). This seemed to be prevalent in the transition from grade six to seven. The boys in grade six seemed to be more attentive and react positively to the training and concerns of abduction, bullying, and other situations that arose. Some of the boys seemed to understand the importance of training whereas others believe they were immortal (Follo, 2021). For example, as they were nearing a class trip, the grade eight boys did not believe they could be abducted. However, gendered discourse seemed to impact grade seven and eight boys and intersects with their social status. Future research should include boys in ESD training as boys are also assaulted. However, the seriousness at which boys take ESD training may be impacted by external factors. This is a nuanced aspect of ESD and gender that is beyond the scope of this research project.

Also, beyond the scope of this research, is the question of ESD and how cis, heterosexual older boys and men would be addressed. Follo (2021) points to the issue that I believe would still resonate with cis, heterosexual older boys and men. The girls in this study seemed to have already internalized gendered discourse. I would assume this would be similar for the boys as two of the girls in this study suggested the boys would not take training seriously. I do not want to generalize that all cis, heterosexual boys and men would not respond to ESD training. But what kind of self-defense or intervention training would be the most impactful requires further research. Any kind of self-defense training or intervention training needs to be directed to the audience within the group discussed. Follo’s (2021) research may have consisted of cis, heterosexual boys who needed ESD training and others who needed intervention training. This could apply to older cis, heterosexual boys and men. What ESD training and intervention training for cis, heterosexual older boys and men look like would depend on the individuals within that group. This training should be fluid and adaptive to the target groups.

However, this can be interpreted as embodiment—the right to be valued is depicted as an external factor as suggested by empowerment through (Galiè & Farnworth, 2019). Future research should examine girls’ voices as they navigate middle school and challenge gendered socialization through self-defense programs and other physically intensive activities.

Lastly, intentionally designed programs can affect social change within this younger group. A reality-based self-defense program is more applicable than more abstract traditional martial arts. Though Mickelsson (2020) points to Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu (BJJ) and MMA as effective, choosing an ESD approach within reality-based self-defense was intended to provide the young participants with practical skills. Lakes and Hoyt (2004) also pointed to the importance of the martial art type. The scenarios were gender framed. Within a female-only environment, the focus was on the female experience where the situation is placed in a social context related to their lived reality. The program was designed for the participants and developed organically with participant involvement.

Limitations and Future Research

Though the research brings a closer look toward understanding girls’ experiences and the process of intentional embodiment, several limitations need to be addressed when considering future research. First, trustworthiness can be improved by having a complete observer in the facility. Balancing the instructor-researcher role was challenging and decreased the ability to provide complete, detailed descriptive observations. Second, gaining assent and parental consent is complex, and time needs to be allotted for this difficulty. This should be done several months before the start of school. In addition, the researcher should attend a parent or guardian meeting to explain the procedure. Third, focus groups or intensive interviews would have added to the depth of understanding. However, if journaling proved an indication, it is difficult for the girls to be introspective with this content. Therefore, focus groups may have a better response. These interviews or focus groups should be done throughout the academic year and in particular situations that address the research question.

In addition, the sample size was small, with only 40 participants and only 23 of those participants completing the post-survey. The sample was predominately White; therefore, diversity should be pursued, allowing for a comparative group regarding socioeconomic status, neighborhoods, and race and ethnicity. Finally, this research began an investigation of the process of empowerment. Methodologically, a reflexive constructionist approach would be appropriate in future research.

Future research needs to examine how family, peers, and others impact challenging discourse. Purposive self-defense programs can be a tool in a more comprehensive approach to empowering personal change. Sporting programs can be an intentional method to increase personal development, but this may vary according to the participant and facility. Additionally, fluidity within empowerment should be included in the future. The concept of empowerment through (Galiè & Farnworth, 2019) would prove a worthwhile avenue to explore. Lastly, future research should continue with more diverse groups of girls to examine how their social context can contribute to their embodiment. This exploratory research should be seen as just a beginning for others to examine.

Conclusion

The internalization of gender discourse occurs at an early age and is entrenched within the body through RBTs. As a result, the body internalizes societal narratives to the point of becoming frozen. To thaw the frozen body, programming must be intentional and reflexive in nature. The program's goal is not to be replicable but adaptive to the population in which it is administered. But by challenging these internalized information strips, the scripts that determine behavior, experience and belief can be rewritten. Empowerment through gives an understanding that external factors impact empowerment. That is, an empowerment program should be holistic in that it not only creates empowerment in a safe environment but also addresses the challenges in the lived reality of the participants.