Men Too? Victim Advocates’ Perceptions of the Inclusion of Survivors who Identify as Men in the #MeToo Movement

Abstract

The #MeToo movement promotes awareness of the prevalence of sexual victimization, but it has been criticized for overlooking some survivors. The purpose of this qualitative research is to explore 41 U.S. rape victim advocates’ perceptions of the #MeToo movement’s inclusion of or impact on survivors who identify as men. Results indicate that advocates perceive that men are not encouraged to disclose their experiences or become involved in the #MeToo movement. This reflects differences in general societal responses to rape survivors based on gender. Advocates’ perceptions inform the #MeToo movement’s future and possibly the anti-rape movement’s future. The movement’s efforts to recognize the prevalence of sexual victimization and create change through social media activism may fall short without recognition of the experiences of all survivors.

In recent years there has been an increase in awareness of the prevalence of sexual victimization, and several U.S. high-profile perpetrators have been held accountable through charges or conviction (e.g., producer Harvey Weinstein, USA gymnastics coach Larry Nassar, financier Jeffrey Epstein, and socialite Ghislaine Maxwell). Attention has also been given to male survivors of sexual violence and abuse due to the widely publicized cases of child sexual abuse committed by Jerry Sandusky, a Penn State University assistant coach (Klein & Tolson, 2015), as well as the sexual abuse and victimization by Roman Catholic priests mostly against boys (Holt & Massey, 2012).

Awareness of the prevalence of sexual violence has been promoted through the #MeToo movement. The #MeToo movement has received praise for bringing greater awareness to the frequency of sexual victimization and encouraging survivors to disclose their experience, be recognized, and find support from other survivors (Alaggia & Wang, 2020; Anderson & Overby, 2021). However, the #MeToo movement also has been criticized for not encouraging men to disclose their experiences or become a part of the movement (Garcia, 2017).

Recognizing all sexual violence survivors is important. Although the focal point of sexual victimization is typically on women survivors and gendered power dynamics, the sexual victimization of men cannot be ignored. Approximately 18% to 23% of U.S. men have experienced unwanted sexual contact, and 2% to 3% have experienced completed or attempted rape in their lifetime (Smith et al., 2018). These estimates most likely are low given that men often do not report their victimization (Walker et al., 2005).

The purpose of this research is to explore U.S. rape victim advocates’ (volunteers, interns, staff, directors of centers) perceptions of #MeToo’s ¹ inclusion of or impact on survivors who identify as men. To the author’s knowledge, there is no research examining this, and empirical research on the #MeToo movement is just emerging (Alaggia & Wang, 2020; Bogen et al., 2021; Mendes et al., 2018; Nutbeam & Mereish, 2021). A good deal of research samples survivors to explore their individual experiences; advocates provide a more comprehensive perspective since they respond to and support a wide variety of survivors ² at various stages after their victimization (from immediately after the incident when they first report to police or seek medical attention at a hospital to many years later when trauma may resurface). Given that advocates not only respond to survivors but also tend to be activists with a goal to reduce sexual victimization and raise awareness, understanding their perceptions is important. Advocates were selected rather than survivors due to their broad perspectives, since they have a variety of experiences with many survivors. Prior research has examined advocates’ perceptions of the experiences and re-victimization of rape survivors after disclosure (Campbell, 1998; Long, 2018; Maier, 2008; Murphy et al., 2011; Patterson & Tringali, 2015). As stated by Murphy et al. (2011), advocates, “offer a more complete perception of barriers that victims face” (p. 691).

Advocates’ perceptions of if and how the #MeToo movement encourages or discourages disclosure and involvement by some victims may reflect the historical lack of recognition of certain victims. Survivor gender identities shape not only their experiences but also their inclusion within social justice movements, such as the #MeToo movement. This research could result in greater sensitivity towards victims who may be discouraged from participating in the #MeToo movement, or even the broader anti-rape movement.

Review of Literature

Many sexual victimization survivors have faced and continue to face victim-blaming, unfair treatment by the criminal justice and legal systems, and have been left feeling disregarded (Jordan, 2011; Persson & Dhingra, 2020; Romero-Sanchez et al., 2018). The silencing of victims was the impetus for Tarana Burke, who has her own history of child sexual abuse and sexual violence, to start “me too” in 2006 on the social media platform MySpace to connect young women of color who experienced sexual victimization to resources and other survivors (Carroll, 2020; Garcia, 2017). The movement did not gain much attention until 2017 when actress Alyssa Milano responded to allegations against producer Harvey Weinstein by tweeting #MeToo, influencing millions of survivors to share their past experiences of sexual assault, rape, and harassment through social media (Garcia, 2017). Although Burke has indicated it was not her intention, the #MeToo movement became a female-dominated social media movement and became a way for certain victims (cisgender White women) to disclose their experiences and connect with other survivors to find support (Bogen et al., 2018).

Before exploring men’s place in the #MeToo movement, their experiences and general treatment must briefly be considered. As women are much more likely than men to be victims of sexual assault and rape (with men as perpetrators), men’s victimization experiences have not been a substantial focus for sexual violence researchers (Chapleau et al., 2008; Javaid, 2015). Also, the occurrence of sexual violence against men may be overlooked since men are less likely than women to disclose sexual victimization or report victimization to police given the negative stigma or disbelief surrounding their victimization (Delle Donne et al., 2018; Javaid, 2015; 2016; 2018a; Walker et al., 2005; Weiss, 2010). Men may not disclose their sexual victimization due to avoidance, not knowing how to discuss or understand it, or embarrassment (Carlisle & Schmitz, 2022; Weiss, 2010). Gender stereotypes influence men’s emotional response and coping after victimization (Ralston, 2020).

Furthermore, the sexual victimization of men is portrayed to be less serious due to myths about victimization of men. The myth that men are “unrapeable” (especially by women) and should be able to physically defend themselves may prevent men even from labeling their experience as rape or sexual assault (Davies & Rogers, 2006; Javaid, 2018a; 2018b; Mortimer et al., 2019; Weiss, 2010). When victimized by a woman, men may be ridiculed or not taken seriously by police for not being able to physically defend themselves (Hammond et al., 2017; Weiss, 2010), may not be believed (Davies & Rogers, 2006; Javaid, 2018a), or it may be viewed as less harmful than if victimized by another man (Williams & Bierie, 2015). Interviews with law enforcement, mental health professionals, and rape center workers reveal stereotypes about rape survivors who identify as men. For example, perceptions include that men cannot be raped, and sexual violence is not relevant to heterosexual men (Donnelly & Kenyon, 1996.) This is also supported by more recent research. Hammond et al. (2017) find that 35% of U.K. men sampled agreed or strongly agreed that men can defend themselves against sexual assault. A recent study finds that 31% of a U.S. sample would have a “hard time” believing a man claiming to be raped by a woman, and 32% indicated that his resistance should be a “major factor” to determine if he was raped (Walfield, 2021, p. 6404).

Even young boys who are sexually victimized are not always believed and may be blamed. Boys are held responsible for their victimization to some extent because they are perceived as more able than girls to fight back against sexual abuse (Rogers & Terry, 1984). Boys are also less likely than girls to be believed (Haegerich & Bottoms, 2000). Research including U.S. college students serving as mock jurors concludes that mock jurors were more likely to indicate that a female defendant was guilty when accused of sexually abusing a girl rather than a boy (Quas et al., 2006).

Men of color face additional barriers to disclosing sexual victimization experiences due to the intersection of their gender and racial identities. Since African American boys/men are perceived to be sexually aggressive, their victimization is largely ignored (Curry, 2019; Curry & Utley, 2018). Research finds that those with “multiple stigmatized identities” may not seek support after sexual victimization (Delle Donne et al., 2018). Curry (2019) discusses the 2017 disclosure by actor and former professional U.S. football player Terry Crews that he was sexually assaulted by a male Hollywood executive. Crews was blamed for not defending himself physically; he explained that as an African American man he could not react with violence because of the response he expected to face given his race (Curry, 2019).

Societal views of survivors who identify as men certainly are reflected in the #MeToo movement. The #MeToo movement has been criticized for not leaving a space for men to disclose their victimization, and for ignoring their experiences (Associated Press, 2018; Bogen et al., 2020; Corrigan, 2019; Curry, 2019; Nutbeam & Mereish, 2021). Research including Canadian college students reveals that they see that a downside of the #MeToo movement is that survivors who identify as men are not included (Williamson et al., 2020). Although the #MeToo movement became a way for women to disclose their sexual victimization, those who do not identify as women are not encouraged to use social media to post their experiences with sexual victimization (Gallagher et al., 2019). The #MeToo movement is about disclosure and discussion of sexual victimization, and has been associated with feminist consciousness-raising (Boyle, 2019). Therefore, men perceive that they are not welcomed by the movement or encouraged to disclose their victimization on social media, since most perpetrators of sexual violence are men and most victims are women (Beavan, 2017; Stemple et al., 2017). As U.S. writer and activist Colin Beavan (2017), who was raped when he was 14 years old, explains, “There was a thought, also, that a man speaking out about abuse somehow blurred the conversation about the abuse women suffered” (para. 5). Weiss (2010) explains, “to envision men as victims (or women as aggressors) requires a conscious bracketing of preconceived notions about both sexual violence and gender” (p. 276). It is not surprising that 97% of more than 1.8 million #MeToo tweets posted over a two-week period in 2017 were made by women (Gallagher et al., 2019).

It is important to note, however, that the #MeToo movement opened the door for some men to disclose their victimization, although not as common as disclosures made by women. For example, in 2017 Time named “The Silence Breakers” its Person of the Year. Twenty-four survivors were featured, of whom two were men (director Blaise Godbe Lipman and actor and professional athlete Terry Crews). In the wake of the #MeToo movement, Lipman disclosed on Facebook that he was sexually assaulted by a Hollywood talent agent (Lockett, 2017). In 2017, Crews announced on Twitter that he was sexually assaulted by a Hollywood executive (Curry, 2019). Other men who in 2017 and 2018 disclosed their sexual assault by men include actors Brendan Frasier, Anthony Rapp, Michael Gatson, James Van Der Beek, and Alexander Polinsky (Oswald, 2018). In addition to Rapp, more than 30 men came forward with allegations including sexual harassment, sexual assault, and attempted rape against actor Kevin Spacey (Romano, 2018).

In summary, although some men have disclosed their sexual victimization as a result of the #MeToo movement, the absence of survivors who identify as men in the #MeToo movement may be a byproduct of the fact that the broader anti-rape movement is built upon the notion that rape and sexual assault are problems only faced by women (Bevacqua, 2000). Although rape and sexual assault have moved from a feminist agenda to more of a public policy agenda (Bevacqua, 2000), the origination of the anti-rape movement as a feminist movement may have not only shaped the #MeToo movement but also shaped men’s place in it.

As previously stated, the purpose of this research is to explore advocates’ perceptions of the #MeToo movement’s inclusion of or impact on survivors who identify as men. Advocates were selected rather than survivors due to their broad perspectives; they have a variety of experiences with many survivors. While research including the perceptions of rape victim advocates is limited, researchers have sampled rape victim advocates about their perceptions of the treatment and experiences of survivors of rape and sexual assault, giving advocates an opportunity to speak as secondary reporters of survivors’ experiences. The author previously has examined the perceptions of the experiences and re-victimization of rape survivors by rape victim advocates (Maier, 2008), Sexual Assault Nurse Examiners (Maier, 2012), and detectives (Maier, 2014). Campbell (1998) interviewed 168 rape victim advocates to explore their perceptions about victims’ experiences with the medical, criminal justice, and legal systems. Other researchers have explored advocates’ perceptions about survivors’ experiences with police (Long, 2018), and challenges in the criminal justice system (Murphy et al., 2011). Research has also examined the needs and experiences of LGBTQ survivors of sexual violence by exploring the perceptions of sexual and domestic violence activists and professionals providing services to them (Todahl et al., 2009). Research also includes health care professionals’ perception of the experiences and disempowerment of rape survivors in healthcare settings (Jancey et al., 2011). Patterson and Tringali (2015) interviewed both advocates and forensic nurses to explore how their advocacy could encourage survivors to continue with the criminal justice process.

Methodology

Recruitment and Sample

Forty-one in-depth interviews were conducted with advocates working or volunteering in five centers located in two U.S. East Coast states that will not be revealed. These U.S. states were selected because of geographical convenience (to accommodate face-to-face interview), and familiarity with the processing of cases in the states given the author’s prior research. Ten rape crisis centers were identified (7 in State A, 3 in State B) through each state’s anti-rape coalition website. Contact information for the centers’ leaders was obtained though the state anti-rape coalition website or rape crisis centers’ webpages. Recruitment material (emails sent directly to advocates, flyers distributed by rape crisis center directors) indicated that the purpose of the research was to: “explore the experiences and viewpoints of rape survivor advocates responding to rape survivors.” Participants were informed that the interviews would focus on general perceptions and experiences, but would primarily focus on views about the #MeToo movement. This language was also used in the IRB approved consent form. Advocates were not told prior to the interview that one of the questions asked would be on their perception of whether the #MeToo movement is impacting or including rape survivors who identify as men.

Four centers from State A were included in the research; leaders at three of the seven centers in State A were unresponsive to emails and a follow-up letter. After interviews began, the researcher also relied on snowball sampling. Three centers were identified in State B, but participants were only recruited from one center due to the already large sample size at the time (n = 41, 32 from U.S. State A, 9 from U.S. State B). Data saturation was reached at this point; no new themes were emerging from interview data. A larger sample size may have been unmanageable, due to the complexity and detail provided in interviews. Qualitative research sample sizes are small because the focus is on data’s richness not sample size (Patton, 2014).

Advocates were selected rather than survivors due to their broad perspectives since they have a variety of experiences with many survivors. In addition, their perceptions tend to be overlooked in research. Given their advocacy work, it was expected that the research participants would be familiar with the #MeToo movement. All participants were required to be 18 or older, had at least one experience responding to a survivor in the past year, and have worked or volunteered for a rape crisis center for at least three months. All advocates’ names are pseudonyms. The 41 advocates were in a variety of positions (paid, intern, volunteer). Almost half (49%) were paid full-time employees, 29% were volunteers, and 5% were interns. The remaining 16% were paid hotline workers, part-time employees, or volunteers only paid to facilitate survivors’ groups. Advocates revealed that they responded to a wide variety of survivors in terms of background, age, race/ethnicity, education level, and recentness of victimization. However, advocates state that the survivors that they respond to are more likely to know their perpetrator, and while some survivors that they respond to identify as men, survivors who contact the rape crisis center are more likely to identify as women.

The average length of experience was five years at the time of the interview (median three years, range three months to 33 years). Advocates’ ages ranged from 21 to 70 (Mean: 32, Median: 29). Most participants (88%) identified as women, four participants (10%) identified as men, and one participant identified as trans/non-binary. While most of the sample identified as women, prior research including rape victim advocates include all women (Campbell, 1998; Long; 2018; Martin, 2005). The sample was expected to consist mostly of advocates who identify as women since rape crisis centers began as feminist organizations and continue to be run by women. Most (81%) participants identified as White, 10% as bi-racial, 5% as African American, 2% as Hispanic, and 2% as multi-racial.

Procedure and Analysis

After Institutional Review Board approval from the author’s university, interviews were conducted between May 2019 and February 2020. All participants signed and returned a consent form prior to the interview. While U.S. states were selected because of geographical convenience to accommodate face-to-face interviews, all research participants requested a phone interview. All participants received a US $25 Amazon ecard as a token of appreciation for their time. Interviews were recorded through a password protected conference call. Data for this manuscript are gleaned from the following questions: Is the #MeToo movement impacting or including rape survivors who identify as men? If yes, how? Should the movement include survivors who identify as men? Prior to asking these questions, advocates were also asked about their general perceptions of the #MeToo movement, and were further probed on their perceptions of its strengths and weaknesses. Data gleaned from this question allowed the researcher to verify that research participants were familiar with the #MeToo movement. This was reflected in data showing common words or phrases such as: disclosure, coming forward, speak up, reach out, awareness, and not alone. This general question also yielded data about men’s inclusion in the #MeToo movement. Data are part of a larger research study that also explored U.S. advocates’ general perceptions of the #MeToo movement and its sustainability; their stress, burnout, and coping skills; and perceptions of their collaboration with other agencies that respond to victims (criminal justice, legal, medical). Data are part of a larger research study exploring advocates’ perceptions; this is one of the reasons that advocates who identify as men were not purposively recruited.

Interviews were transcribed verbatim through a password protected speech-to-text automated service (Rev.com). Computer-generated transcripts were reviewed for accuracy against the original audio recording by the researcher and two undergraduate research assistants. Data were analyzed through an inductive approach, since the intention was to give voice to an overlooked sample (victim advocates).

The researcher began by reading all transcripts several times to identify preliminary themes. The more frequently the same concept occurs in a text, the more likely it is a theme (Ryan & Bernard, 2003). During open coding, data were analyzed line-by-line and descriptive codes were identified (Charmaz, 2006). Descriptive codes were recorded in the margins of the transcripts (paper copy). In addition, notes were written in a notebook (memoing). This allowed the researcher to process how themes emerged, and to reflect on decisions made on theme identification during data analysis (see Noble & Smith, 2015; Nowell et al., 2017). Next, with assistance from two undergraduate research assistants, responses for each individual question were copied into several Microsoft Word documents to allow for easier comparison by question (axial coding or systematic analysis of data and comparison of data) (Corbin & Strauss, 1990; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Data were reviewed again to refine codes and identify links between themes. No computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software was used. Instead, interview data was coded manually using highlighters and colored pencils. Reflexivity in qualitative research is important (Charmaz, 2006). Therefore, the author wrote notes in a notebook (memoing) during the first review of all transcripts and later coding. One researcher coded the data in its entirety.

In the final stage of analysis, identified themes were reviewed to ensure there was ample data to support them. Since researchers show how conclusions are drawn by including evidence through verbatim quotes by research participants (Noble & Smith, 2015), the manuscript includes many direct quotes from advocates. Credibility is exhibited through verbatim quotes by participants as evidence (Noble & Smith, 2015). In addition, data were analyzed during two separate periods over six months to verify that the same codes were developed and themes were identified. Therefore, the same interview data were double coded and differences were not identified.

Results

Weakness of the #MeToo Movement

Although advocates were specifically asked to reflect on the impact that the #MeToo movement has on survivors who identify as men, they were also asked about the general weaknesses of the #MeToo movement. Eleven advocates discuss the lack of inclusion of men; over one-quarter (27%) of the sample specifically mention this when reflecting on the #MeToo movement’s weaknesses without specifically being asked about the movement’s impact on survivors who identify as men. Advocates point out that men are one of the groups ignored as survivors of sexual violence. Donna (full-time counselor) ³ states, “It [#MeToo] needs to be inclusive of survivors of all colors, shapes, genders, sexualities, everything, really making sure that it is as inclusive as it should be.” When discussing general weaknesses of the #MeToo movement, Ciara (hotline volunteer) states, “It does make it really tough for men who go through sexual violence to feel like they necessarily fit in with that movement. This is something I’ve heard.” Barb (hotline volunteer) explains that since women are the “front line” of #MeToo the assumption is being made that only women are survivors of sexual violence. Julia (hotline volunteer) agrees:

The thing with MeToo, and with a lot of these movements such as MeToo, they're more started by females. They put the strength in women, but you also have men who are survivors too. Because of how society says a man should be, many men won't speak up. Many men won’t be a part of this. You do have supporters because this man may support his female friend or wife or sister or someone they are close to, but if it's something within them there are not too many men that are going to stand up and say this is what happened and be a part of the empowerment.

When reflecting on the general weaknesses of the #MeToo movement, Heather (volunteer advocate) agrees that the misperception is that sexual victimization only happens to women:

One interesting thing that I saw very early in the MeToo movement was the backlash against men who were joining in the hashtag thing and then people telling them this is not your moment. If a man was saying “MeToo” people were like, “This is about women. Why are you trying to make this about you?”

Advocates are aware that women are more likely than men to be victims of sexual violence and are more likely to report, and therefore this movement does not leave a space for survivors who identify as men. This may be due to the fact that women are the “front line” of the #MeToo movement, and men are not taught that they can be victims of sexual violence given societal stereotypes about victims who identify as men and masculinity norms.

Men and the #MeToo Movement

Data reveal that all advocates agree that the #MeToo movement should include men. Advocates base this perception on the premise that the #MeToo movement is about survivors, and men are also survivors of sexual victimization. Advocates recognize that although most victims of sexual violence and abuse are women, ignoring victims who identify as men is not going to discredit that. A few advocates (seven) mention that the #MeToo movement benefits survivors who identify as men because it fosters conversations and raises general awareness about sexual victimization. ⁴ However, all advocates state that they perceive the #MeToo movement as “not giving a space” or a “seat at the table” to victims who identify as men. The seven advocates who discuss the specific ways that the #MeToo movement benefits survivors who identify as men, also discuss ways that men are left out of the movement.

Advocates perceive that survivors who identify as men may not disclose their victimization through social media or try to seek support from other survivors because they do not see that the movement is for all survivors. For example, Amber (full-time counselor) reflects on her experience with survivors who identify as men, “I don’t know that some of the male survivors that I have worked with look at the MeToo movement and think, ‘This is something for me.’” Sally (full-time counselor) agrees, “I think it is really leaving out men.” Lauren (full-time counselor) agrees, “They [victims who identify as men] weren’t even part of the conversation. It just didn’t feel like there was a lot of space for them.”

Data reflect that it is not simply that the #MeToo movement does not include men, but instead more general societal views do not recognize survivors of sexual violence who identify as men. The societal views that transcend the #MeToo movement include: most survivors of sexual victimization are women, so men should not speak up about their experiences; survivors who identify as men are blamed, not believed, or discredited because victimization of men contradicts masculinity norms—namely, men are expected to be able to physically defend themselves, and expected to not experience emotional harm or trauma, or are expected to recover from it quickly.

Societal Views of Survivors who Identify as Men

First, since the vast majority of survivors of sexual victimization are women, generally survivors who identify as men may be silenced and discouraged from sharing their experiences, as specifically discussed by 22 advocates. Carolyn (full-time counselor) reflects on power dynamics:

Misogyny and patriarchy can play out here as well. It’s important that all survivors get the services that they need. We don’t want to leave anybody out. This is the problem we have. In order to raise one group up, one group has to go down. That’s not true. We have to raise all groups up and recognize all groups.

Carolyn’s statement reflects a perceived challenge. Given the history of patriarchy, and since most rape survivors identify as women, there is caution about including men in the #MeToo movement because of the assumption that it would take away attention from women who are more likely survivors. Survivors who identify as men may anticipate a backlash when speaking out about their experiences. Ciara (hotline volunteer) states:

I've heard from people I have met who were men who experienced sexual violence that they didn't feel like they were a part of MeToo. Like it wasn't a space for them and that they didn't really have a space because men are more than not the perpetrators of women.

Jennifer (full-time counselor) explains:

Even if a male has survived sexual assault, I do not know that the MeToo movement is talking to them yet. I think it is a very female-directed movement even though it’s intended not to be. I think that because of the overwhelming majority of survivors in our country who have come forward are women, I don’t know if men and boys feel invited to the table to share in the movement.

Charlotte (paid counselor as well as volunteer) mentions:

I have talked to male survivors…my understanding is that they do feel left out of it [MeToo]. They do not think it has been an intentional thing, but the fact remains that most sexual assault victims are women. So that’s who is going to dominate conversations when it comes to survivors. By default, they [men] are just less of the conversation because there are fewer of them just based on statistics.

Abigail (hotline volunteer) states, “I think a lot of the dialogue of the MeToo movement has been focused around women just because they are the great majority of rape survivors. I think that it isolates men because I definitely think it has sort of become like the women’s movement.” Melissa (hotline volunteer) agrees, “A lot of its [#MeToo] discussion about the idea of a survivor is a young woman and it does not really leave space for men.” Philip (full-time counselor who assists inmates) shares, “I think the culture still has a really tough time seeing survivors in men.” Colleen (full-time counselor) agrees, “I think there is a cultural discomfort still with men identifying as survivors.” Barb (hotline volunteer) reflects on the fact that until recently the rape crisis center where she volunteers had “women” in its name, which conveyed to men that resources were not available to them. She states, “There are issues with males reporting and it being tied into societal perceptions of masculinity.” Advocates perceive that since most sexual violence victims identify as women, men are not being encouraged to participate in #MeToo.

Masculinity Norms Reflected in the #MeToo Movement

Second, masculinity norms regarding the experiences of trauma and victimization is neglected in the #MeToo movement, as specifically discussed by 11 advocates. According to advocates, men are expected not to experience trauma, or if they do, they are not encouraged to express their emotions. Amelia (hotline volunteer) reflects that if victimized men are expected to “get over it.” Amelia explains:

Men are usually perpetrators, which is I think, is fairly true. But that doesn't mean that they can't also be the victims. So, when people are like, “Well, it doesn't matter, like you're fine, you can get over it, whatever.” I think that that can be just as damaging as saying that it didn't happen to a woman.

Gina (full-time paid advocate) states, “There’s so many ways in which we rob men of their right to have a traumatic experience, not just in not believing them, but allowing them to be survivors of trauma.” Eliza (case manager) agrees, “I think they’re kind of seeing what’s always been reinforced is that men can’t be victims. Men can’t experience trauma. Men cannot be rape survivors. It’s just all that miseducation.” Matthew (paid advocate) reflects on a common societal perception, “You don’t need to talk about MeToo or anything like that. You’re a man.” Lori (hotline volunteer) reflects, “We have a stigma in society that we think that men are pretty much not affected by this at all and that is not true.” Barb (hotline volunteer), states, “There are issues with males reporting and it being tied into societal perceptions of masculinity.”

Furthermore, advocates s state that the #MeToo movement reflects general societal perceptions that survivors of sexual victimization who identify as men are blamed or not believed because they are expected to be able to physically defend themselves against sexual violence, as specifically discussed by five advocates. Sexual victimization of men contradicts masculinity norms that prescribe that men be physically strong. For example, Mary (full-time case manager) states:

I think part of that [men not included in #MeToo] is just because men come out and they're far less believed or they somehow deserve it because they couldn't fight the person off or decided not to keep themselves safe or whatever it might be. I just don't know if they feel empowered enough at this point to come forward when they see how we treat them.

Farrah (intern) shares:

There are the stigmas that exist and the stereotypes that exist when it comes to males. The men are the ones who are strong and have this strength and machoism comes in in this really big way. A man can't be assaulted because he's supposed to be the strong one, which is not true.

Advocates perceive that general and persistent myths about victimization of men influence their ability to participate in the #MeToo movement by disclosing their experience and connecting with other survivors for support.

Discussion

This research contributes to the limited empirical research on the #MeToo movement and includes the perceptions of rape victim advocates who have a variety of experiences with many victims. Presenting advocates’ perceptions on if survivors who identify as men should be included in the #MeToo movement, as well as their perceptions of how men are impacted by the #MeToo movement, provide direction as efforts to recognize the prevalence of sexual victimization and create change through social media activism continue. Advocates’ perceptions of the inclusion of survivors who identify as men could inform the future of the #MeToo movement and possibly influence the responses by advocates and counselors at rape crisis centers, criminal justice and legal professionals, and friends/families of sexual victimization survivors who identify as men. As previous research supports that survivors who identify as men are much more unlikely than survivors who identify as women to disclose their sexual victimization and seek resources (Javaid, 2016; 2017), advocates are in a unique position to reflect not only on their personal perceptions, but also their perceptions from their position responding to many survivors.

Advocates perceive that the #MeToo movement is not welcoming for men and does not encourage them to disclose their victimization on social media or seek support. The perception that all survivors of sexual violence are women continues to silence victims who identify as men. Advocates’ perceptions are supported by research that finds that the #MeToo movement overlooks, excludes, and does not encourage men (Bogen et al., 2020; Gallagher et al., 2019; Nutbeam & Mereish, 2021). Although victims who identify as men tend to be overlooked by the #MeToo movement, they are called on to be allies of women and intervene when they see the potential for sexual victimization (Stemple & Meyer, 2014). In fact, there are men’s anti-rape organizations (e.g., Men Stopping Rape, Men Can Stop Rape) that raise awareness about sexual victimization and challenge masculinity norms that lead to sexual violence (Bevacqua, 2000; Messner et al., 2015). Men are invited and encouraged to act as bystanders to prevent women’s victimization and challenge norms of masculinity and dominance, yet their own sexual victimization remains largely ignored. The #MeToo movement “asks that men contribute to social change, both by challenging other men and by contributing to wider efforts to shift the systemic gender inequalities that form the foundation of sexual harassment and abuse” (Flood, 2019, p. 286).

The purpose of this research is neither to discredit or overlook the experiences of women, who are much more likely to be survivors of sexual victimization than men, nor is it to overlook men’s privilege and historical and continued dominance over women, or ignore that masculinity norms contribute to the victimization of women. Most victims of rape and sexual assault are women (Smith et al., 2018), and women’s experiences with sexual victimization also are dismissed and challenged (MacKinnon, 2019; Safronova & Halleck, 2019). Nonetheless, the current research findings conclude that rape victim advocates perceive that first, survivors who identify as men should be included in the #MeToo movement. Second, advocates perceive that survivors of sexual victimization who identify as men have not been given a space in the #MeToo movement, which highlights the possible isolation felt by survivors who identify as men. While Tarana Burke started “me too” in 2006 to connect young women of color who experienced sexual victimization to resources and to other survivors, she is very clear about it being a movement for survivors, not just women (BBC News, 2020; Greenfield, 2018). She explains that while men are “wonderful allies” they are also survivors of sexual violence (BBC News, 2020). In 2018, Burke posted to her Twitter account: “I’ve said repeatedly that the #metooMVMT is for all of us, including these brave young men who are now coming forward” (Burke, 2018). Despite this, advocates recognize that men do not have a place in the #MeToo movement, as reflected by data on general weaknesses of the #MeToo movement, as well as data obtained when advocates were specifically asked about the impact of the movement on survivors who identify as men. The success and sustainability of the #MeToo movement may rest on acknowledging the experiences of all survivors of sexual victimization. Surprisingly given the backlash against the participation of survivors who identify as men, the fact that rape crisis centers began as feminist agencies, and the association of the movement with feminist consciousness-raising, all advocates state that men should be included in the #MeToo movement. Some advocates specifically reflect that their inclusion does not take away from the recognition of survivors who identify as women.

Despite its contribution to research on sexual victimization and the role of social media in bringing awareness to it, this research has limitations. First, one researcher coded the data in its entirety, so it is possible that others would interpret advocates’ responses differently. Inter-coder reliability is not possible. While an undergraduate research student assisted the author with reviewing computer-generated transcripts for errors and with data organization, the assistant did not code data because she did not have the necessary qualitative research expertise or knowledge of the subject. Coders should, “have sufficient background knowledge in the subject matter of the interviews” (Campbell et al., 2013, p. 297). Assistance from data coders who do not have the same knowledge as the primary researcher is futile (Morse, 2020). Member checking was also not used in this research. Member checking, or participant validation, is when the researcher asks participants for feedback on results or conclusions drawn from the research. While member checking has been recognized as one way to show the rigor or credibility of qualitative research (Lincoln & Guba, 1985), it has also been questioned whether member checking truly strengthens research credibility (see Morse, 2015; Motlusky, 2021).

Second, the results are not generalizable since the sample is limited to advocates in two U.S. states, and most advocates (78%) were from one state. It is possible that advocates’ perceptions of the extent to which the #MeToo movement encourages disclosure by all survivors may not be shared by survivors. Data presented in this article come from a larger study examining advocates’ perceptions of the #MeToo movement, advocates’ secondary traumatic stress, and perceptions of collaboration with other agencies responding to survivors of sexual victimization. While not included in this manuscript due to page limitations, the research also examined advocates’ perceptions of the inclusion of women of color and trans survivors in the #MeToo movement (hence another reason why it was important to include advocates of all gender identities). Nonetheless, future research should explore the perceptions of the #MeToo movement by survivors who identify as men who are not rape victim advocates.

The limited research on survivors’ perceptions of the #MeToo movement includes very few survivors who identify as men. Strauss Swanson and Szymanski (2020) interviewed 16 survivors about the influence of social activism and #MeToo on their healing process; only one participant identified as a man. The underrepresentation of men is not the fault of researchers. Not only do men have greater difficulty recognizing themselves as survivors (Cook & Ellis, 2020), few survivors who identify as men seek counseling for sexual victimization (Masho & Anderson, 2009), or disclose their victimization (Javaid, 2016; 2017). While the stories of survivors who identify as men are included in news articles and opinion pieces (see Associated Press, 2018; Bruggeman, 2019), there must be purposive recruiting efforts to include survivors who identify as men in empirical research. Researchers should consider collaborating with groups that specifically respond to survivors who identify as men (i.e., 1 in 6). Future research also should consider how intersectionality influences survivors who are marginalized for different reasons (see Staples & Fuller, 2021). For example, research including advocates’ perceptions of the inclusion of LGBQ + survivors, survivors who do not speak English, immigrant survivors, and survivors with disabilities is needed. ⁵

A third limitation of this research is that only four of the advocates identify as men, and only one of those advocates had his own personal experience with sexual victimization. Understanding the benefits of exploring advocates’ perceptions since they have experiences responding to many survivors; future research should include a larger sample of advocates who identify as men. Rape crisis centers continue to be run by women, so the fact that most of the research participants are women is expected. However, researchers could include more rape crisis centers so that male advocates can purposively be recruited for research participation.

Despite limitations, this research helps us to understand the #MeToo movement’s inclusion (or lack of inclusion) of survivors who identify as men by examining the perceptions of advocates who respond to many survivors at various stages after their victimization. Understanding their perceptions could improve the recognition and inclusion of all survivors, not only by the #MeToo movement but also in general. One counselor is previously quoted as saying, “We don’t want to leave anybody out. This is the problem we have. In order to raise one group up, one group has to go down. That’s not true. We have to raise all groups up and recognize all groups.” The movement’s efforts to recognize the prevalence of sexual violence and create change through social media activism will fall short without recognition of the experiences of all survivors.