Abstract
On-demand platforms such as ride-sharing services rely heavily on economic incentives to attract, retain, and manage independent workers who have significant discretion over whether and where to work. Using an analytically tractable spatial model, we explore the impact of different pricing and commission strategies on customer demand, driver entry and retention, and their location choices. Our model yields several unique results and actionable insights. We find that flexible commission policies are more effective than fixed commission policies in allocating drivers efficiently across locations, reducing bottlenecks, and improving driver retention. We also show that commission-based interventions are more effective than price interventions in responding to labor market changes, as they directly affect driver incentives without distorting customer demand. Finally, if fairness-sensitive customers are prevalent in the market, then fixed pricing, combined with flexible commissions, becomes the optimal rule. Simulations based on actual ride patterns from New York City and Los Angeles confirm our insights.
Introduction
Uber operates in over 70 countries and 10,000 cities, and it has reported an average of 28 million trips per day globally in 2024 (Uber, 2024). Finding and keeping drivers has always been a challenge for ride-hailing platforms, as they experience significant driver turnover (Brown, 2019; Cook et al., 2020). Indeed, according to a report by Uber, 11% of new drivers stop driving within a month, and about half of them leave within a year (Huet, 2015). Flexible labor supply in ride-sharing platforms has been further affected by the recent emergence of alternative work options such as food and grocery delivery (Bursztynsky, 2021), and ongoing issues with drivers’ employment rights, working, and pay conditions (Paul, 2021).
In modern ride-sharing, platforms engage with a large number of drivers whose participation and retention are highly responsive to earning opportunities. When a platform offers attractive earnings—through high fares and favorable commission rates—drivers would be more inclined to log in and accept rides. Conversely, if the incentives are insufficient, drivers might decide to log off and stop accepting rides. For instance, a driver might use both Uber and Lyft apps simultaneously and switch between them (Allon et al., 2023a). Additionally, it is important to recognize that these dynamics are also influenced by local labor market conditions, which can differ from city to city.
Pricing plays a crucial dual role in this ecosystem by influencing both drivers’ expected earnings and customer demand. Generally, drivers prefer higher prices, but such prices can deter potential riders and decrease demand. Conversely, lower prices make rides more affordable, boosting demand. Finally, the spatial differentiation of supply and demand can create varying earning opportunities, attracting more drivers to certain locations and impacting service availability in other areas.
Given these dynamics, the platform must adopt a comprehensive approach in its operational policy decisions, considering the interplay between pricing policies, driver entry and exit, customer demand, and drivers’ location choices. That is, the platform needs to create the right incentives using alternative compensation schemes in the right market, retain the right fleet size, serve the right locations, and ultimately maintain a smooth and successful operation in serving customers. To study the strategic impact of such incentives, we develop an analytically tractable model based on four key features.
First, the model is spatial in that the platform and the drivers operate over a network of locations with differing distances and traffic flows. Indeed, some locations have fundamentally different demand patterns as they consistently pull in and send away more traffic than others. 1 The spatial structure allows the platform to account for such variations in local demand and supply, as well as the self-selection of drivers who choose where to search for passengers based on location-specific factors such as local demand, price, and commission rates. By employing a spatial model, the platform effectively takes a system-wide view, choosing prices and commissions while anticipating how each decision shapes city-wide outcomes.
Second, we consider four alternative operational models: (1) fixed price, fixed commission; (2) flexible price, fixed commission; (3) fixed price, flexible commission; and (4) flexible price, flexible commission, comparing their performance in terms of the number of matches and profits. These four schemes capture a wide range of real-world practices employed by ride-sharing platforms such as Uber and Lyft. Under fixed pricing, the platform charges a uniform, per-mile rate across the entire city. In contrast, flexible pricing involves location-specific rates. Uber, for instance, employs “route-based pricing,” setting different prices for routes based on “their understanding of demand patterns.” This approach is justified by the fact that “traveling between a fancy neighborhood and a city center [
Third, the platform faces a flexible labor supply, which makes driver entry endogenous in our model. By setting prices and commissions, the platform determines the expected earnings for drivers, which, in turn, determines the number of driver entries. These policies also influence how drivers distribute themselves across locations based on earning potential. As a result, the choice of prices and commissions impacts both the size of the driver fleet as well as its allocation in the city.
Fourth, drivers’ participation depends on their ability to secure customers. Those who repeatedly struggle to find customers may become “discouraged” and ultimately leave the platform (as discussed further below). That is, driver retention is also endogenous in our model. Finally, in Section 5.2, we further consider the presence of behavioral customers who may react negatively to location-specific pricing due to perceived fairness concerns.
Our analysis reveals important insights as well as several actionable operational strategies by the platform. Our first results pertain to the interplay between operational policies, driver incentives, and fleet size. A primary challenge for the platform is ensuring an even distribution of drivers across the city, particularly by incentivizing them toward undesirable locations, as failing to do so could turn such locations into bottlenecks. With fixed commission models (Operational Models 1 and 2), the platform can address this issue only through price interventions, which not only distort the demand but also do a poor job of incentivizing drivers. In contrast, flexible commission policies (Models 3 and 4) can efficiently utilize available vehicles for rides without resorting to unnecessary price hikes.
This difference has further implications when considering free entry. Due to their under-utilization of available vehicles, fixed commission models often result in a larger fleet size. In contrast, flexible commission models prevent bottlenecks and maximize the use of available vehicles, thereby reducing the need for a large fleet. A smaller fleet size, however, does not equate to fewer matches or reduced profits. Indeed, our analysis demonstrates that flexible commission models, by effectively utilizing drivers, generate more matches, higher profits, and greater consumer surplus. This presents an opportunity for the platform to leverage flexible commissions, which can enhance its operational performance.
Our second result highlights a key connection between flexible commissions and driver retention. Consistent with recent research on driver motivation (Allon et al., 2023a, 2023b; Hall and Krueger, 2018), we recognize that drivers may drop out if they struggle to find passengers, while successful matches encourage continued participation. This notion yields an important insight. Under a fixed commission system, to mitigate the dropout risk, the platform must reduce prices to stimulate demand and help drivers secure matches. By contrast, with flexible commissions, such price adjustments are unnecessary. Indeed, flexible commission systems utilize the driver fleet more efficiently, so drivers consistently find customers and, therefore, are unlikely to drop out prematurely. Consequently, the platform benefits from not having to deal with the disruption associated with the frequent turnover of drivers. This represents a significant operational advantage for the platform.
Our third result focuses on how the platform optimally responds to changes in the local labor market conditions. The extent of driver entry depends on the attractiveness of earning opportunities. When drivers become less responsive to such opportunities—indicating a reduced market sensitivity—the platform faces a challenge in maintaining an adequate number of drivers to meet the demand. To address this, the platform must improve expected earnings. Our analysis suggests that this is best achieved by raising commissions (drivers’ share of the revenue), rather than prices. This is because higher commissions incentivize drivers without suppressing customer demand, whereas higher prices reduce demand, making them a suboptimal tool for attracting drivers. Our result, therefore, has a clear actionable insight: when faced with changing labor market conditions, the platform should prioritize the use of commissions. Doing so successfully incentivizes drivers and ensures an adequately sized driver fleet while preserving a stable demand.
Fourth, to illustrate our findings in a real-world setting, we calibrate the model for New York City and Los Angeles based on ride patterns we extracted from a publicly available connectome map on Uber’s website. Our simulations reveal two important insights: (i) We document that the performance of operating models depends on how balanced a city’s traffic structure is in terms of trip lengths and traffic flows. If these parameters show significant variation across the city, then pursuing a non-flexible policy is more “costly” for the platform. Because Los Angeles has a more imbalanced traffic structure than New York in our data, non-flexible rules fare worse in Los Angeles than in New York. Our subsequent simulations based on randomly generated cities with varying distances and transition matrices further confirm this insight. (ii) Since Model 4 (flexible commission, flexible price) encompasses the other operating models as special cases, it outperforms them in generating profits. Interestingly, however, the performance difference between Model 3 (flexible commission, fixed price) and Model 4 is minimal. This observation highlights the importance of flexible commissions in preventing bottlenecks and efficiently utilizing drivers across the city. Once this aspect is accounted for, the advantage of pursuing a location-specific pricing scheme seems to be relatively small.
Finally, our fifth result provides a more nuanced connection between customer behavior and the optimal operating policy. As noted above, Model 4 outperforms the other operating models and is, in principle, the platform’s best option. However, the fact that Model 3—which relies on uniform pricing—performs nearly as well introduces an important caveat. Model 4 incorporates location-specific pricing, meaning that certain areas may face significantly higher prices than others. This can alienate behavioral customers who perceive such differences as unfair and respond by disengaging from the platform. 4 If the share of such customers exceeds a threshold, Model 4’s profitability falls below that of Model 3. This result offers a key managerial insight for the platform. Behavioral reactions by customers can offset the benefits of location-specific pricing. When a large segment of customers responds this way, a uniform pricing strategy, combined with flexible commissions, becomes the optimal approach.
Related Literature
Our study focuses on ride-hailing with the objective of efficiently matching riders and drivers. To provide context, we briefly review the relevant literature on the taxi industry that forms the foundation of our work. Lagos (2000) highlights endogenous search frictions in the taxi-cab market. Buchholz (2022) considers a non-stationary environment by employing data from New York City and analyzing the dynamic spatial equilibrium of taxi-cabs. Our research extends this body of work by incorporating a platform that sets prices and commission rates, whereas in the aforementioned models, there is no platform, and prices are exogenous.
Our work is related to two-sided markets (Armstrong, 2006; Parker and Van Alstyne, 2005; Rochet and Tirole, 2006) and the literature on peer-to-peer matching platforms (Benjaafar and Hu, 2020; Cramer and Krueger, 2016; Einav et al., 2016) with a focus on ride-hailing (Chakravarty, 2021; Naumov and Keith, 2022; Wang et al., 2019). While the study of pricing strategies has a long history in the two-sided markets literature (Eisenmann et al., 2006; Parker and Van Alstyne, 2005; Rochet and Tirole, 2003; Tan et al., 2020; Weyl, 2010), there has been increased attention on the design of on-demand ride-hailing platforms and corresponding incentive schemes with the ultimate goal of better matching demand with supply (Bai et al., 2019; Cachon et al., 2017). However, most of these studies have focused on addressing short-term demand fluctuations with dynamic surge pricing (Banerjee et al., 2015; Castillo, 2023; Castillo et al., 2017; Chen and Sheldon, 2015).
Ride-sharing platforms’ pricing, wage, and compensation decisions have attracted attention (Cachon et al., 2017; Cohen and Zhang, 2022; Hu and Zhou, 2019); however, these studies do not explicitly take into account spatial features of the city where the platform operates. Indeed, a key aspect of the process of matching demand with supply in ride-sharing is the spatial differentiation of consumer demand and the direct influence of pricing policies on the strategic search behavior of drivers across various locations, which has received relatively little attention in the literature. Exceptions include Guda and Subramanian (2019), who study surge pricing and information sharing in a two-zone-two-period setup, and more importantly Bimpikis et al. (2019), who explore spatial price discrimination for a ride-sharing platform.
We significantly extend this line of work by concentrating on driver entry, driver retention, and customer fairness concerns—factors that increasingly influence platform operations. We build on a spatial model while differing from Bimpikis et al. (2019) in several important aspects. First, driver entry in our model is endogenous, and the optimal fleet size depends on the labor market sensitivity to earning opportunities. Second, driver retention is also endogenous, as drivers may become discouraged and drop out prematurely if they cannot find enough matches. Finally, we consider the presence of behavioral customers who may react negatively to location-specific pricing due to perceived fairness concerns. Thanks to these novel features, our model yields several unique results and actionable insights. To summarize briefly: (i) Adopting a flexible (location-specific) commission policy leads to more matches, which in turn improves driver retention and reduces operational disruptions. 5 (ii) Adjusting commissions, rather than prices, is a more effective way to respond to labor market fluctuations. 6 (iii) If fairness-sensitive customers are prevalent, then uniform pricing, combined with flexible commissions, becomes the optimal rule. 7 To the best of our knowledge, these assumptions and the resulting managerial insights are unique to our model, making it a distinct and significant contribution to the literature.
Finally, our work also has broad connections with the literature on incentives and compensation plan design (Chan et al., 2014; Jain, 2012). Previous literature explored how to best align incentives of flexible workers with those of the firm by considering commissions and bonuses (Schöttner, 2017). More recent work focused on two-sided market platforms and examined the compensation of salespeople employed by such platforms in the presence of network effects (Bhargava and Rubel, 2019). A common aim of this literature is to understand how different compensation schemes affect the effort choices of salespeople who have considerable autonomy and flexibility in their work. In a similar spirit, our study investigates how an on-demand platform designs incentives to manage a highly independent and flexible workforce effectively.
Model
Environment
Time is discrete and continues forever. We consider a city that consists of
People and cabs are matched via an online platform that sets prices and commission rates. People’s willingness to pay is uniformly distributed in
In addition to matching passengers to cabs, the platform sets prices and commission rates across the city. In terms of notation,
Each period starts with a matching session in which vacant cars at each location are matched with passengers. We ignore operating costs (petrol, insurance, etc.) as one can redefine the outside option net of such expenses. In line with recent studies on driver motivation and retention (Allon et al., 2023b; Hall and Krueger, 2018), we assume that drivers are more likely to be discouraged and quit if they struggle to find passengers. This can be in the form of, for instance, a driver simply switching off the app and logging on to another one, for example, a driver switching from Uber to Lyft, commonly known as multi-homing in the literature (Allon et al., 2023a). In contrast, successful matches enhance their likelihood of continuing to offer services. More specifically, drivers matched with a passenger complete their journey, and continue to the next period with probability
Drivers’ Problem and the Steady State Equilibrium
Let
The number of rides in the steady state satisfies
All proofs are in the E-Companion. If there are a total of
Furthermore, we assume that in the steady state, drivers are indifferent across locations, that is,
Simplifying the expression for

Layout and traffic flows.
The re-labeling is important for the following reasons. From a driver’s perspective, the location with the minimum
Drivers participate if
A steady state equilibrium is a time-invariant tuple
For now, we treat the number of drivers Model 1: Single price, single commission rate: Model 2: Multiple prices, single commission rate: Model 3: Single price, multiple commission rates: Model 4: Multiple prices, multiple commission rates: Both
Model 1: Single Price, Single Commission Rate
We start with the claim that the probability of finding a customer,
We say there is excess demand at location
There cannot be an equilibrium in which
In the proof, we start with a scenario with excess demand, and show that the platform is better off by increasing the price to absorb the excess demand and match it with the local supply. Before moving forward, let us introduce the following notation:
If
If there are sufficiently many cars in the city, that is, if
If the number of cars is insufficient,

Model 1.
A reduction in
The remark establishes that as
Note that, in contrast to what one might expect, increasing prices does not lead to higher driver retention. Drivers drop out due to a lack of customers, and the platform addresses the root issue by lowering prices to stimulate demand. This dynamic underscores the interplay between driver retention and pricing strategy. Finally, the remark also holds true for operating Models 2, 3, and 4. However, as the underlying intuition remains unchanged, we will not reiterate it for the remaining models.
There cannot be an equilibrium in which If Prices in Models 2, 3, and 4.

If Let Regime-k obtains if
If
The above observations seem to resonate with the surge pricing strategy employed by Uber. The surge pricing scheme kicks in when the number of passengers asking for a ride at a location exceeds the number of available drivers at that location, which in our model is equivalent to the constraint
In highlighting our model’s insights that may be relevant to real practice, such as surge pricing, we should note the following caveat. Our model is based on a steady-state setting; as such, Figure 3 depicts steady-state equilibrium prices associated with different values of
Lemma 3 remains valid, that is, there cannot be an equilibrium in which a location exhibits excess demand. Save for some minor differences (instead of prices, the platform uses commission rates to incentivize drivers toward excess demand locations) the proof remains the same, so we only provide a sketch here. Fix some
Since
Fix
The idea behind the proof is this. We can generate a new
If
If
In contrast to the preceding two models, Model 3 gives the platform the ability to avoid bottlenecks. Thanks to the flexible commission structure, the platform does not resort to a price intervention until the passenger-to-cab ratio is equal to 100% at every location. Up to that point, by adjusting the commission rates—increasing them at less desirable locations, decreasing them at more desirable locations, or a combination—the platform manages to spread the cars evenly and serve the demand associated with the interior solution. Thus, in contrast to the previous model, no location turns into a bottleneck.
Finally, we turn to the most flexible operating model. As before, we start with the claim that there cannot be an equilibrium in which
If
With sufficiently many cars in the city (
Equilibrium prices satisfy
So far, we treated
Here, we rely on the parameter
In what follows, we analyze the selection of the optimal number of drivers
Optimal entries are given by
The platform picks prices and commission rates, while the number of entrants is pinned down through the indifference condition (14). A generous combination of
Fixed commission models, Models 1 and 2, generally lead to more entries than flexible commission models, Models 3 and 4. This is because flexible commission models can efficiently utilize all available vehicles in rides, leading to fewer cars being needed. Fixed commission models, on the other hand, create bottlenecks and under-utilize drivers in rides. Therefore, they require more cars to function, which means higher entry numbers. Higher entries, however, do not translate to increased matches or profits. We will revisit this point in Proposition 8.
A fall in
A decline in

Labor supply, profits, and consumer surplus.
In response to changes in
In the proof we show that
For instance, if
We explore this insight further in Section A.2 in E-Companion with a different model of labor supply and driver entry. Our simulation looks at how commission rates and prices change as the minimum wage drivers are required to join the platform increases. In our current setup, this is equivalent to
A more general implication of the aforementioned results is that the platform must prioritize consideration of the labor market sensitivity specific to the cities or localities in which it operates. It should tailor its operating models, pricing structures, and commissions based on these local factors, rather than relying on overarching, one-size-fits-all policies. Indeed, Uber already seems to be taking this approach: in its recent efforts to grow its driver base in London and across the UK to meet the growing demand, Uber has announced changes to its pricing and driver compensation policy, which critically “vary city by city” (Uber, 2022b).
The consumer surplus at location
We have
Flexible commission models, Models 3 and 4, make efficient use of all available vehicles, leading to higher performance. In contrast, fixed commission models, Models 1 and 2, suffer from inefficiencies such as bottlenecks and under-utilized drivers, resulting in fewer matches, lower profits, and reduced consumer surplus. The middle and right panels of Figure 4 provide an illustration for these insights. The proposition establishes them analytically.
Model 4 stands out as the most versatile operating model and generally delivers the best performance across all metrics. On the other hand, Model 1 is the least flexible and tends to perform the poorest. Models 2 and 3 fall in between. While this observation may not be surprising, it is worth noting that in situations involving behavioral customers who may perceive location-specific pricing as “unfair,” Model 3 might actually outperform Model 4. Below, we will come back to this point.
One might wonder how, say, Model 4 can create more profits and more consumer surplus at the same time, as higher profits usually mean lower consumer surplus. This is possible because, due to its flexible nature, it creates more matches than other models, which translates into more profits and more consumer surplus. Said differently, it creates a bigger pie; thus, higher profits do not necessarily equate to lower consumer surplus.
The implication is that if the platform adopts a flexible commission policy, it can significantly reduce the risk of drivers leaving the market too soon. The flexible commission rule ensures that drivers are fully utilized, and as a result, the platform benefits from not having to deal with the disruption and challenges associated with the frequent turnover of drivers. This represents a significant operational advantage for the platform.
In this sense, driver surplus reflects the extra benefit received by drivers who would have been willing to participate even at lower earnings. Its magnitude depends on how many drivers enter and how the wage compares to their underlying participation thresholds. Since these elements interact in nontrivial ways with operating models, we evaluate driver surplus as part of the numerical simulations in the next section, when we analyze New York City and Los Angeles.
Model 4 delivers the highest profits and is therefore, in principle, the natural choice for the platform. However, it relies on location-specific pricing, which results in higher prices in certain areas. This practice may be perceived as unfair by some passengers, potentially leading them to disengage from the platform. As a result, Model 4’s performance may fall short of uniform-pricing alternatives such as Model 3, particularly in markets where fairness concerns strongly influence consumer behavior.
Indeed, customers seem to develop mental reference points based on their past experiences or their expectations of what should be a “fair” price (Bolton et al., 2003). In the context of ride-hailing, these reference points may come from previous trips, competitors’ prices, or the platform’s fares in the past. When Model 4 creates relatively higher fares at certain locations, customers may perceive these deviations as losses, leading to dissatisfaction and calling such a practice unfair. This sense of unfairness can be further compounded by inequity aversion (Fehr and Schmidt, 1999), where customers compare their fare to what others might be paying. Those who pay higher fares may think that riders in other locations are receiving better deals for basically the same service. This feeling of inequity may provoke emotional responses, including disengaging from the platform and seeking alternative options.
The response to Uber’s surge pricing appears to support these ideas. 19 Despite its economic rationale, surge pricing has faced significant backlash, illustrating how price differences—whether due to short-term fluctuations or long-term structural factors—can lead to strong consumer dissatisfaction. It is described as “price gouging” by The New York Times (Lowrey, 2014) and “exploitative” by Harvard Business Review (Dholakia, 2015). CNN Business went further, labeling such pricing practices as feeling like a “scam” (Morrow, 2024). These negative perceptions have even led competitors to explore alternative strategies. For instance, Lyft introduced a $2.99 monthly subscription service called Price Lock, which fixes fares on specific routes at select times. According to the company’s CEO, this feature was designed to address what he called the app’s “most hated feature” (CBS News, 2024). These concerns highlight a critical tradeoff for ride-hailing platforms. If fairness concerns lead to a significant drop in consumer participation, the platform then needs to reconsider its pricing strategy.
Considering the presence of such customers, a uniform pricing approach, as in Model 3, could prove more effective. To explore this point in more detail, suppose that a proportion
If, on the other hand, the platforms were to use Model 3, then it would still earn
The threshold on the right-hand side depends, among other things, on the traffic and the shape of a city. In cities where the traffic is balanced and locations have similar expected travel distances,
A natural question is how one might estimate
In the preceding analysis, we focused on comparing Models 3 and 4 while intentionally excluding Models 1 and 2. To see why, note that Model 1 uses uniform pricing, which avoids the issue of behavioral customers. However, Model 3 also has uniform pricing, avoids the behavioral customer issue, and, as shown in Proposition 8, outperforms Model 1. Therefore, further consideration of Model 1 is unnecessary. Model 2, on the other hand, relies on location-specific pricing and thus faces the same challenges with behavioral customers. Since Model 4 encompasses Model 2 as a special case and performs better, Model 2 does not warrant further consideration either. For these reasons, when accounting for behavioral customers, the relevant comparison is the one between Models 3 and 4. 21
A Brief Discussion on Fairness Concerns
The literature on fairness in behavioral economics is vast, and we do not attempt a comprehensive review in our study. Instead, we highlight several key contributions that have shaped the way fairness considerations are understood in pricing and market behavior, and we take these insights as a guide in analyzing our platform pricing setting.
Fairness concerns often shape behavior in market transactions and, in many cases, act as a “behavioral constraint” for firms. Kahneman et al. (1986) show that consumers evaluate price changes not only by their economic impact but also by their perceived fairness. Raising a price is deemed acceptable if it maintains a certain amount of profit (e.g., to cover higher costs), but the same price increase is widely judged unfair if it is seen as exploiting a surge in demand. Such perceptions effectively impose a constraint on sellers—hence the title of their seminal paper.
When pricing decisions overlook this behavioral constraint, the outcome can be costly: customers may abandon the relationship, turn to competitors, spread negative word-of-mouth, or take other actions that undermine the firm. Xia et al. (2004) document these effects and emphasize that managers must be mindful of customer reactions when setting prices. Survey evidence confirms that practitioners themselves recognize this constraint. For example, Eyster et al. (2021) summarize responses from more than 12,000 firm managers and find that considerations of “implicit contracts” with customers consistently rank among the most important explanations for price rigidity. Managers frequently report implicitly stabilizing prices “out of fairness to customers,” with such concerns receiving the highest median rank among competing theories.
Taken together, these studies establish that fairness concerns act as a fundamental behavioral constraint on pricing policy. Our paper builds directly on this principle and applies it to the context of ridesharing and platform policy design. Indeed, our analysis shows that fairness concerns influence the effectiveness of alternative platform policies, highlighting the interaction between operational decisions and perceived fairness.
Calibration
In what follows, we calibrate the model for New York City and Los Angeles based on real-world ride patterns. Before giving the details of our calibration, we provide a brief discussion on the background of ride-hailing in both cities. Uber began operating in New York City in 2011, launching in Manhattan as one of its first major expansions beyond San Francisco. Lyft entered the market in 2014, initially serving Brooklyn and Queens (Luckerson, 2014). However, in Manhattan—particularly Midtown, the Upper East Side, Chelsea, and the West Village—yellow cabs remain competitive due to high street-hailing demand. Indeed, these neighborhoods account for a disproportionate share of total ride activity in both the taxi and ride-sharing datasets, which we discuss below.
Uber launched in Los Angeles in 2011, with Lyft following in 2013. Unlike New York, LA had a weaker incumbent taxi industry and little tradition of street-hailing, allowing ride-sharing to scale rapidly. The city’s dispersed layout—with major hubs such as Downtown LA, West Hollywood, Santa Monica, and LAX separated by longer travel distances—leads to a more imbalanced traffic structure than in NYC. This difference has implications for platform performance in our model, which we explore in more detail below.
Our data is extracted from a publicly available connectome map of rides on Uber’s website (Bimpikis et al., 2019; Uber, 2019). Much like a classical connectome map showing point-to-point spatial connectivity of neural pathways in the brain, the connectome map that was available on Uber’s website included a visual map of the ride patterns during July 2014 among the neighborhoods of these cities. Actual ride frequencies, however, were not readily available in this visual map. Using the open html code of the website, we were able to scrape the data to obtain raw details such as borders defining various neighborhoods in both cities (much like the
To visualize the traffic flows, we constructed network maps using the scraped data, which include neighborhood-level ride flows and the geographic coordinates of each location. We interpret the transition matrix
Figure 5 presents the resulting visualizations. In both cities, blue lines indicate light traffic, green lines moderate flows, and yellow lines heavy traffic. Larger orange dots indicate busier locations. In New York, the busiest areas include Midtown, Upper East Side, Chelsea, and West Village. In Los Angeles, high-traffic zones include West Hollywood, Beverly Hills, Downtown LA, Santa Monica, and Westchester (LAX). While New York displays a relatively balanced and interconnected network, Los Angeles exhibits more polarized flows, with dense west-side activity and sparse connections elsewhere. These structural differences have important implications for the relative performance of alternative operating models. 23

Traffic flow maps in NYC and LA.
Based on the transition matrix

Performance of operating models in NYC and LA.
The left and the middle panel in Figure 6 show the performance of fixed commission models (Models 1 and 2). In NYC, they yield profits 10% to 20% lower than the benchmark, with even lower outcomes observed in LA. The right panel shows the performance of Model 3, and interestingly, the under-performance is not significant, with a difference of
A second observation is that the results are higher in NYC than they are in LA (Figure 6, all three panels). This is because traffic patterns in NYC are more uniform than they are in LA. More specifically, if the components of
To confirm these insights, we randomly generated 100 cities, each consisting of 20 locations with distances varying from 4 to 12 miles. Accompanying transition matrices, too, were randomly generated. In each map, we computed the profits under each scheme, as well as the coefficient of variation of

Traffic imbalance and profits in randomly generated cities.

Social welfare.
The reason is straightforward. Models 3 and 4 make the most efficient use of the driver fleet: they avoid bottlenecks, fully utilize available drivers, and achieve more matches than fixed commission models. This efficiency allows them to operate with a smaller fleet size, which in turn raises platform profits and consumer surplus. The only tradeoff is that a smaller fleet generates less driver surplus, since relatively fewer drivers are earning above their participation thresholds. As a result, the performance gap in terms of social welfare is somewhat narrower than the gap in profits, but the ranking of the models remains unchanged.
Overall, the inclusion of driver surplus does not alter the main conclusion: flexible commission models remain the dominant performers, and their advantage persists when all stakeholders’ interests are taken into account.
On-demand platforms are characterized by the flexible nature of work and the supply of independent workers, who have significant discretion over when and where to work, whether to continue working for a given platform or switch to an alternative work opportunity. Platforms, therefore, need to provide attractive earning opportunities and devise effective compensation mechanisms to incentivize and retain these independent workers. In addition, a key feature and complexity of ride-sharing platforms is the spatial differentiation of supply and demand with varying earning opportunities, which may lead drivers to concentrate in high-demand areas and leave other areas with reduced service.
In light of these considerations, the platform should adopt an operational framework that explicitly accounts for the inter-dependencies among pricing strategies, consumer demand, driver entry and exit, and drivers’ search behavior across locations. To sustain an optimal fleet size and ensure consistent service to customers, the platform must design compensation structures that align driver incentives with market conditions and are tailored to the specific features of each market.
Our analysis reveals several new insights and offers actionable operational strategies to the platforms. The results from our analytically tractable model highlight critical advantages of a flexible (location-specific) commission policy, which we believe has significant practical potential to be implemented for operational advantage. Indeed, ride-sharing platforms increasingly explore various ways to address location-specific supply and demand imbalances. For example, Lyft has introduced targeted promotions and incentives in Bonus Zones—areas with a high demand and a low number of drivers—while Uber has implemented Boost+ zones, which pay drivers extra for trips that begin in designated areas (Lyft, 2024; Uber, 2022a). Our study offers a systematic and strategic understanding of why flexible commission policy is an effective tool to address such imbalances.
In the absence of flexible commissions, the platform needs to address the supply and demand imbalances through price interventions, which suppress consumer demand and do not suitably incentivize drivers. In contrast, flexible commission policies can efficiently utilize available vehicles without resorting to unnecessary price hikes. Moreover, in a setting with free entry, such efficient utilization of drivers reduces the need for an excessively large fleet. Even though a smaller fleet size is associated with smaller driver surplus, flexible commission models still lead to more matches, resulting in higher platform profits, increased consumer surplus, and ultimately higher social welfare.
A second advantage of flexible commission policies is their role in driver retention. When drivers struggle to find rides, they may switch to a different platform or exit the market altogether (Allon et al., 2023a, 2023b; Hall and Krueger, 2018). By allowing the platform to better allocate drivers across locations, such policies increase the likelihood that each driver secures a match. This improved utilization lowers the risk of early market exit, resulting in reduced turnover and stronger retention. This represents a significant operational advantage for the platform.
Ride-sharing platforms are paying closer attention to local labor market conditions (Uber, 2022b), yet among various alternative pricing policies and implementation options, it is not clear which strategies would work better and why. Our analysis offers a clear managerial insight in response to labor market fluctuations: when drivers become less responsive to earning opportunities, the platform should prioritize adjusting commissions rather than prices. Raising commissions improves driver participation without dampening consumer demand, whereas raising prices risks reducing demand without effectively addressing the labor supply challenges.
Finally, while flexible (location-specific) pricing may be attractive for the platform, a well-documented concern in practice is the negative behavioral reaction by some customers who perceive flexible pricing as “unfair” and “exploitative,” akin to customer reaction to surge pricing (Dholakia, 2015; Lowrey, 2014; Morrow, 2024). With this in mind, a noteworthy result of our analysis is that fixed pricing can, in fact, outperform flexible pricing. This finding highlights a critical tradeoff for ride-sharing platforms and offers an important actionable insight. The behavioral reaction of fairness-sensitive customers can reduce the efficiency benefits of adopting flexible pricing. As such, if the percentage of such customers is large enough, then using a simple fixed pricing policy (coupled with flexible commissions) is a more effective and profitable tool in comparison to flexible pricing.
Our real-world calibration of the model for New York City and Los Angeles, and subsequent simulations in randomly generated cities, confirm our results and provide an additional managerial insight. We find that the performance of operating models critically depends on how balanced a city’s traffic structure is in terms of trip lengths and traffic flows. If these parameters show significant variation, then pursuing a non-flexible policy is more “costly” for the platform. Thus, a key takeaway for platform managers is that cities with more uneven traffic patterns stand to gain the most from adopting flexible policies.
Our study comes with some limitations. We acknowledge that our model is stylized and some of our findings are descriptive in nature; as such, their implementation in the field requires a careful approach. However, we believe that our analytical model complements conventional big data analysis by offering a structured framework to uncover the underlying mechanisms and strategic interactions among ride-hailing stakeholders—drivers, customers, and the platform itself. Indeed, while platforms collect vast amounts of transactional data, big data models often function as black boxes, identifying correlations or making predictions, but not fully explaining why certain pricing and commission strategies work better than others. Moreover, since big data analytics inherently relies on observed outcomes, it may struggle to evaluate untested interventions or policy changes—such as how driver retention or the composition of the driver workforce might change under a redesigned pricing or commission policy.
These limitations highlight the need for a theory-driven framework that clarifies how platform policies shape outcomes across the system. Our model offers a general equilibrium approach that captures the effects of pricing and commission strategies on key performance dimensions. It generates testable hypotheses about how these policies influence driver entry and retention, profitability, and overall platform efficiency—insights that can support empirical research and inform managerial experimentation.
While the model is stylized, it serves as a tool to anticipate the effects of platform policies in environments where empirical evidence may be limited or unavailable. The value of the model lies in its ability to inform, not replace, data-driven decision-making. Of course, the effectiveness of any specific intervention and policy examined in our study ultimately depends on empirical validation and real-world experimentation.
Supplemental Material
sj-pdf-1-pao-10.1177_10591478251403250 - Supplemental material for Incentivizing Flexible Workers in the Gig Economy: The Case of Ride-Hailing
Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-pao-10.1177_10591478251403250 for Incentivizing Flexible Workers in the Gig Economy: The Case of Ride-Hailing by Cemil Selcuk and Bilal Gokpinar in Production and Operations Management
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
This paper has benefited from the generous research support provided by the Cardiff Business School and by the UCL School of Management.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Notes
How to cite this article
Selcuk C and Gokpinar B (2025) Incentivizing Flexible Workers in the Gig Economy: The Case of Ride-Hailing. Production and Operations Management XX(X): 1–22.
References
Supplementary Material
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