African and Caribbean Women Experiences of Gender-Based Violence and Help-Seeking From the Police in England and Wales: A Qualitative Study

Abstract

The study aims to examine African and Caribbean women’s lived experiences of gender-based violence (GBV) and help-seeking from the police in England and Wales. Thirty-eight participants with lived experiences of GBV were recruited. Data were analyzed using the unique fusion of intersectionality and labelling theories. It found that gendered inequalities reproduced through the intersection of systemic abuse, cultural manifestations, and poor financial independence exacerbate GBV. Labelling through “otherness” was perceived to underpin poor police response and ignite distrust. Individualist culture shock, psychological distress, and poor support channel awareness limit the reporting of GBV. The study can be helpful for policymakers, researchers, and service providers in understanding and providing culturally appropriate psychosocial support and improving confidence in the police to encourage help-seeking.

Keywords

African Black gender-based violence women police

Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a prevalent problem globally, and according to the UN’s Women data (2023), one in three women has been subjected to violence at least once in their lifetime. The Welsh Parliament Equality and Social Justice Committee (2024) suggested that violence and abuse against women is an epidemic in which, weekly, two women are killed by a current or former partner in England and Wales. The Office for National Statistics (ONS, 2022) in England and Wales data indicates that 24.8% of women between the ages of 18 and 74 experienced abuse before turning 16 years old (ONS, 2022). Central to this concern is Black women, for our study will specifically focus on African and Caribbean women’s experiences of GBV and help-seeking from the police in the United Kingdom. Existing data indicate that Black or Black British women experience a higher number of GBV (including domestic violence) at 3.1% compared with other minority ethnic groups such as Asia or Asian British, whose figure stood at 3.0% (Scottish Government, 2024). However, there is a paucity of research on African and Caribbean women’s lived experiences of GBV in the United Kingdom and how it informs their help-seeking behaviour from the police.

Previous literature in the United Kingdom tends to focus on the diverse forms of violence faced by women of colour, which mostly focus on South Asian women (Lewis & Anitha, 2019; Stephens & Eaton, 2020; Gangoli et al., 2020; Sultana et al., 2024). These include physical abuse, controlling behaviour, emotional, financial and sexual abuse (Anitha et al., 2008, Lewis & Anitha, 2019; Batsleer et al., 2002; Gangoli et al., 2006; Gill, 2004). Other forms of violence experienced by women include forced isolation, forced labour, denial of warm clothes and food, denial of privacy, entrapment, rape, and resort to threat (Anitha, 2008, 2019; Gangoli et al., 2020; Thiara & Roy, 2010). Others have focused on forms of GBV faced by the Black and Minority Ethnic (BAME) communities (Gill & Mitra-Kahn, 2012; Meetoo & Mirza, 2007). BAME is an acronym that stands for “Black, Asian, and minority ethnic” and is also used to describe other ethnic groups that are not of white descent. Such violence faced by BAME includes honour-based violence, forced marriage, ethnicity and race influences on experiences of abuse, government policies marginalization of minority ethnic groups experiencing domestic violence through no recourse to public funds (Bates, 2021; Gill & Mitra-Kahn, 2012; Meetoo & Mirza, 2007), and the perception of justice by BAME victims (Gangoli et al., 2020). Concerning immigration status, recent studies suggest that victims or survivors of GBV with insecure immigration statutes in the United Kingdom face complexities (Adisa, 2025; Benslama-Dabdoub, 2024). As Adisa (2025) noted, “the relationship between the self-other, in a peculiar hostile environment which views the other as a ‘threat.’ Migrant women continue to endure this othering within agencies as they seek safety and support” (p. 237), thus highlighting the challenges migrant women face in navigating the perceived otherness and help-seeking against GBV.

While the preceding literature made some important points, the review of the literature suggests that issues surrounding GBV as experienced by African and Caribbean women tend to be conflated with other ethnic minority groups (e.g., Thiara & Gill, 2012; Thiara & Roy, 2010) even though their experiences might vary and be influenced by other complex factors. Such factors may include cultural differences, immigration status, structural inequalities, and religion. As Gangoli et al. (2020) argue, even when an attempt is sought to include victims’ voices, there is a tendency to homogenize BAME experiences while potentially ignoring inequalities such as class, caste, and religious identity. A notable example relates to honor-based violence, where some BAME who experienced domestic abuse are sometimes labeled as honor-related even though the links to honor may not be obvious (Hester et al., 2015; Siddiqui, 2014).

The few studies that have explored Black women’s experiences focused on issues such as acculturation (Femi-Ajao, 2018), bride price practices and commodification (Ajayi et al., 2022), COVID-19 impact (Sapkota et al., 2020) and childhood silence by the abuser as fundamental limitations to seeking help and support (Kanyeredzi, 2018). Another study focused on immigration and the problematic nature of Britain’s welfare service delivery, which is more disadvantageous to Black women due to its perceived racist and patriarchal nature (Williams et al., 2024; Mama, 1989). However, less is known about the lived experiences of African and Caribbean women experiences of GBV and the barriers to help-seeking from the police.

Concerning help-seeking behavior from the police, studies have tended to focus on Asian and Caucasian communities (Gill & Harrison, 2016; McPhee et al., 2022) or a conflation of Blacks with this group and their distrust for the criminal justice system (Banga & Gill, 2008; Fleming & Brown, 2023; Heimer et al., 2024). Even when it concerns the Black population, the focus tends to be on police disproportionate stop and search (Warde, 2023), disproportionate and harsher sentencing of Blacks compared to their white counterpart (Veiga et al., 2023) and police poor investigative practice on issues relating to Blacks as denoted in the Stephen Lawrence inquiry (Macpherson, 1999). While these studies offer some interesting contributions, they appear limited as they do not address African and Caribbean women’s experiences of GBV and help-seeking from the police in England and Wales. This research aims to address this gap by exploring their experiences and interpreting the findings using the unique fusion of intersectionality and labeling theory.

Intersectionality theory, as developed by Crenshaw (1989), provides a valuable lens as it examines how gender, race, class, and other social factors interact to produce dynamics of power relations and how these, in turn, collectively lead to oppression and inequalities for women (Cho et al., 2013). Intersectionality also stresses how multiple and interwoven oppressions surface from the intersection of power hierarchies and social systems (race, gender, culture, ethnicity, and immigration status) experienced by women (Mann & Grimes, 2001). For example, concerning social systems such as culture, which is not a fixed context, research has shown that when the history of colonialism is combined with a patriarchal society, the risk of domestic violence increases with the colonised country 50 times more likely to encounter a high rate of GBV against women (Mannell, 2022). Widespread poverty, gender inequalities, racial discrimination and colonization, put in place structures and systems that tend to be the source of increased violence against women. For example, most colonial governance systems established legal frameworks and regulations that disadvantaged women. This is also denoted in the British approach to its colonies, such as Nigeria. In pre-colonial Nigeria, British colonial officials established a system of land ownership that unequivocally excluded women and limited their ability to participate and influence society (Mannell, 2022; The National Archive, 2023).

In essence, intersectionality highlights an important analytical lens to examine the complexities, inequalities, and varying oppressions reinforced by social systems the current study’s population faces by producing an account of their lived experience. In addition, labelling theory emphasizes that how society labels people can influence their self-identity and behaviour, including societal response, leading to a self-fulfilling prophecy (Becker, 1963). Within this study, it provides a useful lens to examine how police response to GBV is perceived, including how it informs or poses challenges to their identity as Blacks and help-seeking behaviour. Hence, the research question:

What are African and Caribbean women’s lived experiences of GBV and help-seeking behavior from the police in England and Wales?

For this study, GBV is defined as: “Violence directed against a person because of that person’s gender or violence that affects persons of a particular gender disproportionately. Violence against women is understood as a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination against women and shall mean all acts of GBV that result in, or are likely to result in, physical harm, sexual harm, psychological, or economic harm or suffering to women” (European Union, 2024).

The reason for adopting this definition is that it covers the diverse forms of violence that could be encountered and also contextualizes its application to women. Against this backdrop, this article commences with the methodology adopted for the study and a report of the findings from the analyzed data. The article discusses the findings and concludes with recommendations designed to contribute to the literature and inform policies addressing GBV.

Method

Study Design

The study is underpinned by a case study design and a qualitative approach. In terms of the theoretical framework, we adopted interpretivist epistemology informed by the constructionist ontology. Interpretivism assumes that reality is subjective, diverse, and socially constructed (Bryman, 2016). As such, the reality could be understood from an individual lens of how s/he experiences that reality, and this may differ from one person to the other as it is shaped by the individual’s social or historical perspective. Concerning ontology, constructionism was useful in the present study as it is a philosophical and ontological paradigm that emphasizes how one actively constructs one’s notions of reality through cognition (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Schwandt, 1994) and, as such, resulting in the existence of multiple realities. Constructionist ontology also allows for the privileging of the participants’ constructions, narrations and descriptions of their lived experiences and the belief that knowledge is co-constructed between researchers and participants. Given the inductive nature of the research, which focuses on the participant’s lived experiences, the constructionist ontology also appears well suited to examining these experiences as they relate to GBV and the criminal justice system in-depth.

Ethics

Prior to data collection, the researchers applied for and were granted ethical approval by the Teesside University School of Social Sciences, Humanities and Law Research Ethics Committee in the United Kingdom. The study adhered to the core principles of ethical research, including informed consent and voluntary participation. The participants were also informed of how their data would be used, including their right to withdraw. All participants provided electronic informed consent prior to participating in the study.

Sample and Participants Demography

A purposive and snowballing sampling technique was adopted to identify participants who met the study criteria, which included women of African and or Caribbean descent based in the United Kingdom with lived experience of GBV. The researchers leveraged established contact to recruit participants, and this involves civil societies and non-governmental organizations working with the affected population, faith-based organizations such as churches and mosques, and African and Caribbean restaurants frequently visited by this population. Regarding demographic information, the participants were from diverse locations across England and Wales, including Middlesbrough (n = 9), London (n = 4), Cardiff (n-1), Newcastle (n = 4), York (n = 2), Nottingham (n = 4), Leeds (n = 1), Liverpool (n = 3), Manchester (n = 1), Hull (n = 1), and Birmingham (n = 1). Only one participant did not indicate her location. A total of 38 participants were recruited for the study following data saturation. The participants were between 18 and 61 years old. Of these, 23 were Christians, whereas 14 were Muslims, with only one not indicating the religious denomination. Regarding employment, 19 were employed, whereas 18 were unemployed. For the level of education, four indicated having attained primary education, whereas the other 11 indicated secondary education and 21 tertiaries (including higher education and university degree), with only one not indicating the level of education.

Data Collection

Data were collected using questionnaires and a focus group discussion. The online questionnaire was distributed using the researcher’s existing contacts, such as charities working with women experiencing GBV, faith-based groups, and forums. We also distributed flyers, spoke to relevant organizations about the study and used social media handles such as Twitter (now X) to disseminate the recruitment advert and call for participants. The inclusion criteria for the study are that participants must be from the African and Caribbean population, aged 18 years or above, have lived experiences of GBV, be based in England and Wales, and understand the English Language. The participants were also required to be able to give voluntary informed consent prior to participation. Participants were excluded if they were not from the African and Caribbean populations in the United Kingdom, were unable to provide informed consent, and did not meet the overall study inclusion criteria. The purpose of adopting a questionnaire as one of the means of data collection was due to the sensitive nature of the topic, which allowed participants to express themselves devoid of any intrusion or judgment. It is also to ensure the study reaches across the breadth of England and Wales to be able to gather as many lived experiences as possible. In total, 32 questionnaires were duly completed, and one focus group comprising six participants was conducted. The focus group lasted approximately 60 min and was conducted with participants who did not complete the questionnaires.

The focus group was designed to capture the lived experiences of each individual, giving their collective identity from the African and Caribbean contexts. Examples of questions contained in the focus group schedule and questionnaire are: What are your views or experiences of GBV? What do you think are the causes of GBV? What are your perceptions or experiences of interventions addressing GBV? What are your views of the perceived effectiveness or otherwise of the intervention addressing GBV? Have you ever sought help in the form of interventions from the police or any other law enforcement agency addressing domestic violence? If yes, please can you tell me what your experience was like? What are your views on how the police responded to your help-seeking due to GBV? What are your views on the perceived efficacy or otherwise of the police response and its ability to effectively address your complaint on GBV?

Data Analysis

We adopted thematic analysis from the unique combined fusion of intersectionality and labelling theories. The rationale for adopting intersectional theoretical lenses is to examine the inequalities and varying complexities, including oppressions reinforced by social systems African and Caribbean women experience as a result of GBV. Labelling theory also offers a valuable lens to examine how police response to GBV is perceived, including how it informs or poses challenges to their identity as Blacks and help-seeking behaviour. In applying the theoretical lenses, we adopted both an inductive (data-driven generation of themes) and deductive (theoretical-driven approach in making sense of the dataset). Both theoretical frameworks were used to guide data collection and inform the interpretation of the dataset. The theories provide a useful lens through which we view and explain the data while ensuring our findings are not descriptive but grounded in existing knowledge and established concepts.

Both theoretical lenses guided our application of Clarke and Braun’s (2013) six-step process of thematic analysis. First, we commenced with an initial reading of the transcribed focus group data and collated data from the questionnaires multiple times to familiarize ourselves with each individual’s accounts. We noted differences, similarities, and amplifications in each account during the reading. In the next stage, the initial notes are then coded into themes. We also coded the entire transcript and did not attempt to select or omit particular passages for special attention. The codes were then collated into emergent themes while also integrating intersectionality and labelling theory as useful lenses to identify possible patterns, connections and relationships within the dataset. We checked the themes that emerged from the data set with the transcript to ensure that the connections corresponded with the primary source material and the actual words said by the participant. This involved an iterative process that comprised a close interaction between us as researchers and our reading of the text while drawing on the theoretical lens’ interpretative resources to make sense of what the participants were saying.

Findings

Based on the analyzed data, four themes emerged and are reported below: Gendered inequalities reproduced through systemic abuse and cultural manifestations; poor financial independence as a basis for control; “Otherness” reproduced through identity fuels distrust; psychological distress and poor awareness of support channels.

Gendered Inequalities Reproduced Through Systemic Abuse and Cultural Manifestations

A recurrent lived experience shared by participants relates to the perceived role of gender inequalities as a significant driver of GBV, which is reproduced through the intersection of systemic abuse and cultural manifestations. Culture is construed as a way of life passed from one geospatial region to another. In this sense, the culture as practiced in the participant’s country of origin is seen to be exploited in ways that seem disadvantageous by reinforcing the existing gendered inequalities, patriarchal views and subjugation even while they are away from the home country to another one. Such a culture from the participant experience appears to be used as an avenue for fostering domination and suppression of women and, in its extreme, violence. Talking about this, one female participant commented that:

I am a victim of gender-based violence [. . .].I personally experienced when my husband told me that I am directly responsible to look after our kids and that his role is supplementary. He also said I should never let my being in the United Kingdom erode the cultural values I had from my home country as he is an African man and would not tolerate such. The emotional abuse is also overwhelming, I cried a thousand tears because I had no support, how can I go to work? I am left at home to look after our kids because it is what the culture dictates. So even when I tried to resist, it led to serious quarrel which ended up traumatising me the more.

Here, the preceding extract highlights how the intersection between gendered roles, as culturally defined, is often misconstrued in ways that tend to be exploited by the males in perpetrating abuse and sustaining gender inequalities, which could be manifested in the form of either overt violence or indirect, covert abuse. The implication is that it leads to a negative stereotype of the African culture designed to foster cohesive families and respect. It also seems to undermine and take for granted the role of colonialism in impacting these cultures in ways that promote abuse and, as such, lead to the exclusive blaming of the African culture as the basis for the perpetration of abuse. For example, the gendered role of British colonialism in Nigeria often precludes women from owning landed properties, which places them in a precarious position (Mannell, 2022; The National Archive, 2023). This is exemplified when, after their husband passes away, the women are culturally prohibited from inheriting such property, but rather, the landed property is transferred to their male children or, if not, to the husband’s male relatives (Silas, 2017). However, as the participant’s extract shows, the dilemma of gendered inequalities manifested through patriarchal norms and culture denotes a negative experience of how she made sense of its influence on the relationship with her husband. The perceived impact of patriarchal norms reinforced through gendered inequalities is construed to limit her ability to work, which was constrained by the cultural norms and values as interpreted by her spouse in his expectation of her role as a woman. Terms such as “her role is to look after the children and not let being in the West erode her cultural values” denote the significant impact of how her spouse understands and explains his views on cultural values in dictating expectations and even reaction to resistance to such culturally ascribed norms. Other participants have also commented on the impact of gendered inequalities reproduced through systemic abuse of cultural values by their spouse to legitimise behaviour such as cheating in relationships. Commenting on this, a female participant said that:

I believe culture plays a significant role in genderbased violence and poor communication between spouses. Especially here in the UK, some African men still hold onto this culture mentality that they are the head, and their wife must obey them. For example, I left my former relationship because the man was so abusive, he cheats on me with other women and even have the guts to tell me that culturally as an African man he is entitled to as many women as he wants. So, I could not cope and just have to leave for my own sanity.

On a slightly similar vein, another participant said that:

The culture is one of the major causes of genderbased violence. Being originally from Nigeria before moving to the UK, I was raised to always be submissive to my husband and then he the man is the head with rights to behave as he wants. Even when he does wrong and I try to tell him, he is quick to say am disrespectful and then say I have lost my cultural values by embracing western culture which sees the man and woman as equal. So based on my experience, I will say stiff an inflexible adherence to culture as Africans is the root cause of gendered based violence.

As the preceding extracts denote, the intersection of gender inequalities and how they are manifested through extreme interpretation of culture by the perpetrators were problematised for their role in shaping how the identity of being feminine is construed to include one that is submissive to her husband and expected to condone or tolerate the male’s behaviours even if it appears inappropriate. Any attempt to challenge such established cultural values is perceived as disrespectful by the husband or spouse. The implication of such cultural constructions as exploited by the perpetrators of GBV is that it risks not just promoting violence but also stifling attempts to legitimately resist violence and abuse because of the stiff adherence to such values at the detriment of the female.

Poor Financial Independence as a Basis for Control

Financial independence is crucial in enabling decision-making to leave an abusive relationship. As data from the research show, participants recounted their experiences of the intersection between financial independence and its impact as a significant barrier to leaving. This is because being reliant on their husbands or partners means that much control is wielded by the abuser, who can use it to his advantage. Commenting on the impact of financial independence, a female participant from the Caribbean descent note:

As a woman, lack of financial independence is one of the problems I suffered as my husband made sure he provided everything and did not allow me to work. So, because I was financially dependent on him, I could not leave . . . Where do I go to. You know here in England, everybody mind their business and you cannot just approach just any one for help because it is an individualistic society. So, I endured abuse, emotional torture and depression because I was not financially independent and always looking after our kids.

On a slightly similar vein, another participant from the African descent noted:

I suffered a lot of emotional distress and abuse from my husband because I did not have the money to leave. He provides for the family. I was a dependant under his visa, and one condition clearly indicated is that we have no access to public funds—meaning if I report, I risk being deported with him. This is coupled with the fact that I am caring for our children, and he does not want me to work, so I had no money aside from the little 20£ he gives me weekly. So how do I leave? It is impossible knowing in this United Kingdom, you are on your own, especially when you are a black migrant.

Here, how financial abuse impacts women from the African and Caribbean populations as different to their white counterparts is construed from the intersection of the economic abuse they face, which is further heightened by their status, which excludes them from accessing public funds. In addition, the sense of being provided all she needed appears utilized as a way of conditioning the victim not to seek work so that her husband could exercise control over her. As a result, not being financially independent made the participants vulnerable to leaving the abusive relationship because they were unsure of where to start. An interesting aspect of this finding is that the issue of the individualist culture practiced in the United Kingdom was brought to the fore as a significant barrier as help-seeking becomes limited in situations where there is a perception that everyone is on their own. This is unique in that while the white counterparts already used to the cultural context are more confident in seeking help, the lived experiences of African and Caribbean women, most of whom came from a communal culture (Bobb-Smith, 2003; Radović, 2016), are faced with a culture shock, leaving them less likely to seek help. A plausible explanation of why the participants might have felt this way might be tied to their heritage as an African, where communal culture prevails. Thus, making help-seeking much more accessible as opposed to suffering in silence or resorting to a state of learned helplessness by remaining with the spouse or partner inflicting such perceived abuse. According to Psychologist Lenore Walker (1979), such learned helplessness could partly explain why battered women tend to return to their abuser as they become paralyzed psychologically and, by extension, submissive.

The perceived role of control also occurs even when the woman is allowed to work; it is such that all money derived will be channeled toward the upkeep of the family in such a way that nothing is left. When any attempt is made to resist such an act, the male counterpart might resort to violence. One female aptly recounted her experience:

From my experience it is just based on jealousy and male ego. My husband does not want me to work and be financially independent. So even when I started working, he left all the household burden to me, rent, water bill, gas and electric just name it. If I try to complain he is quick to resort to emotionally blackmail by saying, is it because you are earning money that is why you do not have respect for me! That eventually led to misunderstanding between us.

The preceding extract highlights the dilemma that the victim had to overcome to be financially independent. However, this seems detrimental to her, as it appears that the burden of caring for the family was left to her, so she could not complain or even resist its impact on her. Misunderstanding became inevitable as the husband still appeared to control how the victim’s earnings were spent.

“Otherness” Reproduced Through Identity Fuels Distrust

A recurrent theme in the dataset was the role of identity and labelling in informing participants’ views of how the police will respond when issues of GBV are reported. Identity is construed from the intersection of race, colour and geospatial context with its impact in reproducing a sense of labelled “otherness,” which, for the participant, reflects on the police response to their experiences or reporting of GBV. Regarding this, one participant recounts her views as follows:

I could not seek for intervention here in a foreign land in the UK because I don’t want to have a police record that says she reported domestic abuse case. This is also considering me as a black woman so that put me off because I felt it will be detrimental to me. Besides in our culture you do not report your husband to the police you report them to the family, kinsmen, your pastor or imams. Doing otherwise will result in negative backlash both at home and here in England.

Another participant in the focus group also said:

When it happens here and you report bear in mind that you’re also creating, it creates another problem back home, especially from the man’s family [. . .]. The family of the man might even go to your family house and might not hold it peacefully with them. Might create a whole lot of problems. So, in order to avoid it is you tend to mute yourself, you don’t want to talk about it. You don’t want to tell even anybody. That’s the reason you don’t want to create problem back home.

On a slightly similar note, another participant noted that:

I am quite reluctant to report the gender-based violence and abuse I face because here in the UK, in fact to be precise England and Wales we are already aware that as a black woman and person of colour you are already disadvantaged. So, you do not want to be the one to report your husband and then the next thing social service will get involved and, in its extreme, take your children from you. So, I just keep it to myself and suffer in silence.

As the preceding extracts denote, “being black” for the participant conjures an identity characterized by disadvantages. The perceived disproportionate treatment based on the label ascribed to the colour of their skin appears to resonate in their expression of the unlikelihood of seeking help due to the outcome they feel may likely occur as a result, which could be detrimental both in the United Kingdom and with ripple effects extending to their home country. Terms such as “take your children from you” appear to further discourage African and Caribbean female victims with children who suffer from abuse from reporting. Suffering in silence becomes the norm rather than seeking help from the criminal justice system, whose role it is to ensure such crimes are addressed. The implication of such perceptions is that it risks enabling the perpetrators of GBV to continue in their act as their victims are less likely to report for fear of not being taken seriously, treated unfairly and further disadvantaged in the process. Such perceptions of being disadvantaged by the police as a person of colour also appear to resonate in another context as it relates to the criminal justice system, where research has shown that Black people tend to face disproportionate stops and searches and are more likely to receive harsher and longer sentence from the criminal justice system (Lymperopoulou, 2024; Mulaphong & Cheurprakobkit, 2024). One participant commented:

There are interventions here in Middlesbrough, but I am not able to use them because I feel they are designed for the white counterpart. As a black woman if you go there, I feel there is this stereotype which would mean the way you will be treated will be different. I watch the news and see how black people are discriminated against even in the Criminal justice system, so I do not report. I just try to take it to an elderly person to talk to my husband when he does wrong. It is far better than going to the police. It’s like adding fuel to fire.

Again, the perceived link between colour reproduced through labeled “otherness” and how the police, treat its victims is seen to resonate in the extract. The perceived role of discrimination is seen to further discourage help-seeking such that it is likened to “adding fuel to fire.” As a result, based on the participant experience, even when support does exist in another form, the perceived labelled stereotype based on their colour coupled with the lack of confidence in the police makes reporting less likely to occur. A possible explanation of the participant’s perception is further made apparent in her reference to the news, hence highlighting the role of the media in shaping confidence and attitudes toward the police. Such a role is apparent in pointing out disparities in treatment as it relates to people of colour when compared with their white counterparts in areas such as stop and search, arrest, and even the criminal justice system in addressing perceived injustice. This represents a different experience compared with the white counterpart experiencing similar abuse. For example, a recent study based on data from 25 cases of Black and minoritised victim-survivors of rape and other sexual offences from four police forces in England and Wales found that these populations failed on multiple fronts, including police neglect and inaction in the investigation (Lopes Heimer et al., 2024). In essence, any intervention or policy that seeks to address GBV and improve African and Caribbean women’s confidence in the police and criminal justice system is encouraged to address the trust deficit and be more transparent in how the police support people of colour.

Psychological Distress and Poor Awareness of Support Channels

Exposure to abuse because of GBV could trigger traumatic experiences, depression, anxiety and suicidal ideation, which, if left unmanaged, could further lead to distress. A recurrent pattern in the participants’ accounts is the psychological impact exposure to abuse had on them. Such psychological effects include anxiety, depression, and trauma. How African and Caribbean populations experience the psychological effects of GBV is unique and informed by the intersection of cultural factors and the societal response, which tends to conjure a sense of disadvantage and ultimately resort to silence for fear of backlash. These are quite different from their white counterparts, who are more likely to seek psychological help for mental health issues (Memon et al., 2016). Talking about this, one participant said that:

I suffered from depression and trauma as a result of gender-based violence from my husband. He hit me, scream at me and call me a stupid woman who bring nothing to the table even though I look after our kids’ full time and unable to work. I could not speak up for fear I will be criticised and labelled the uncultured woman that could not keep her home. At a point, it began to affect me psychologically that I started talking to myself and my kids will ask me “mom are you alright?” If only I was aware of where I can get non-judgemental psychological support that would have gone a long way instead of suffering in silence.

As the preceding extract shows, the participant’s experience was characterised by fear of being judged even though psychologically, she was undergoing depression, which required some support. The implication of what the participant experienced is that it could have an implicit effect on her children, who were quite concerned about the mental health status of their mother, as talking to herself was perceived to be abnormal. Previous literature has shown that GBV could negatively impact children (Durand et al., 2011; Rosser-Limiñana et al., 2020). In addition, the perceived poor awareness of where to seek psychological, compounded by societal judgmental responses to African and Caribbean women who are victims of GBV, further exacerbated her feelings. Regarding this, one participant recounts her experience as follows:

Genderbased violence is a serious problem mostly suffered by us as women and it could grossly affect the family, especially when children are involved. My experience of Genderbased violence from my husband is terrible. The abuse I go through emotionally is such that I suffer in silence. Here in England is worse because I first think of myself as an African and how the system will treat me if I open up about the emotional trauma, I suffer from the abuse I experience in my marriage. I am scared the social service may get involve and I do not want that. I do not want to be labelled mentally unstable because as an African there is a lot of stigmas that goes with it when you tell people you are emotionally down. They will see you as weak. So, I just pray to God and wish one day everything will be fine.

Another participant from the Caribbean population said:

The anxiety and distress I faced from experiencing domestic abuse from my husband was enormous. At a point, I almost felt like committing suicide but had to restrain myself because of my children, as I knew they would suffer more if anything happened to me.

As the preceding extract denotes, psychological distress remains one of the unintended consequences of experiencing GBV, which, in its extreme, could include suicidal ideation. The fear of speaking up without being judged appears apparent. Such fear is characterised by deep consideration of the ripple impact it may have on the family. This could include the fear of losing her children and being labelled as mentally unstable. As the participant’s experience shows, a trade-off becomes crucial as it relates to deciding whether to report or, stay silent, or endure the abuse and protect her children because of the perception that they will be taken away by the social services. The implication of such a trade-off is its likelihood to exacerbate further the psychological distress suffered. In its extreme, resorting to self-help and praying to God becomes the only solution the participant will refer to instead of receiving judgmental backlash from society for being weak. In essence, to improve policies addressing GBV for this population, it is crucial to provide support in a manner that is likely to instil confidence in these groups of people who are less likely to come forward for support. As one participant suggested based on her experience:

I think there need to be some form of confidential mental health support where one as a victim (like myself) can speak up without being stigmatised. It took me years to recover from the depression from my previous relationship. Sometimes I still have flashbacks and it still hurts emotionally. If not for the way it’s been stigmatised and the fear as a black person that if you try to seek help here in England you will be labelled mentally unstable I would have seek help.

The importance of confidential and non-judgmental support is again reiterated. The fear of being labelled mentally unstable and stigmatized appears to remain a barrier that the participant felt hinders her help-seeking behaviour. Previous research has shown that such negative labels of people of colour pose significant barriers to their help-seeking behaviour and make them less likely to report mental health and psychological distress (Memon et al., 2016). Against this backdrop, adopting psychological interventions to address the mental distress experienced by victims appears crucial.

Discussion and Conclusion

The primary aim of the study was to examine African and Caribbean women’s lived experiences of GBV and help-seeking behaviour from the police in England and Wales using intersectionality and labelling theoretical analytical lens. Based on the collated data, we found that gendered inequalities reproduced through the intersection of systemic abuse and cultural manifestations exacerbate GBV. These gendered inequalities manifest in diverse perspectives, including the prescription of gendered norms that situate the female as subordinate to the male, as one always to be respectful and not challenge the male’s authority. Cultural manifestations became problematised in ways that demonise such a culture without interrogating the underlying role of colonialism in reinforcing a toxic patriarchal norm that upholds gendered inequalities manifested under the guise of culture while limiting help-seeking. Similar findings were reported among other minority ethnic groups where culture appears consistently blamed for further exacerbating GBV among these communities, including Nigerian and Pakistani women (Chantler & Gangoli, 2011; Ike et al., 2023; Tayyab & Sadaf, 2024; Wenham et al., 2023). It is also argued that it constitutes a barrier to service provision and delivery (Burman, Samiles & Chantler, 2004). However, the findings differ between these women and their white counterparts, with the latter experiencing better protection through legislation and support (Jurasz, 2018). In essence, any policy or program that seeks to address gender inequalities and abuse for African and Caribbean women is encouraged to incorporate educational awareness programs that address the inequalities and subjective patriarchal domination, which uses culture as a guise for justifying their underlying abuse while reinforcing such gender inequalities.

Another significant finding was the role of the intersection between poor financial independence and its impact on the inability to leave abusive relationships alongside a feeling of individualist culture in further exacerbating the experience of violence. Research has shown that one of the prevailing factors that triggers domestic violence is the perpetrator’s ability to control the victim (Lange & Young, 2019). As our study also shows, the lack of financial independence makes women more vulnerable to abuse. This is further compounded by factors such as having children and the prevailing subculture within the environment of the victim’s domiciles. For example, the individualistic culture in England, where everyone keeps to their own business, was pointed out as a factor that precludes the victim from speaking to just anyone for help, especially when such victims are already economically disadvantaged with no access to public support. The implication is that remaining in the abusive relationship becomes inevitable due to the lack of financial independence, which is further compounded by their immigration status, which sometimes clearly denotes no access to public funds. Other studies have recounted similar findings and their impact on domestic violence experiences. As Safelives’s (2015) study suggests, one in five women from BAME Communities does not have recourse to public funds, and most of these victims tend not to report domestic abuse due to their immigration status. This finding is unsurprising given the current political climate, which, as Imkaan (2020) argues, seems hostile to migrant women, some of whom fear deportation. The implication of this is that the perpetrator could harness this to his advantage in further controlling the victims and perpetrating abuse. As Imkaan’s (2020) study shows, 92% of migrant women of BAME origin surveyed reported that their perpetrators used their immigration status against them, thereby posing a barrier to seeking help.

A further notable finding is the notion of labelled “otherness” reproduced through identity, which, in turn, fuels distrust for the police. Identity, as denoted in their lived experience, is characterised by various intersections of factors comprising race, colour, and even the geospatial context, which influence how they perceive their sense of self. Such identity fuels a reluctance to report incidences of GBV to the police for fear of having a detrimental record and response coupled with the perceived disadvantage they believe they are likely to face due to being labelled the Black “other.” Previous literature has highlighted the disadvantages associated with the Black identity, which include their higher likelihood of getting harsher and longer sentences when compared with their white counterpart (Veiga et al., 2023). Others have also situated how “otherness” poses challenges and complexities for victims of colour affected by GBV with immigration challenges (Adisa, 2025; Benslama-Dabdoub, 2024). As a result, our findings suggest that African and Caribbean female victims of GBV are more likely to seek alternative informal channels such as their religious leaders (e.g., pastors or imams) or elders. The reason for resorting to informal channels is also due to their perception of the police, which, as our findings show, is characterised by a perceived sense of discrimination also influenced by the media. The preceding findings allude to the distrust that has historically existed between the BAME communities and the police, which further makes it less likely for them to seek support or even report cases of abuse (Imkaan, 2020; Warde, 2023; Thiara et al., 2015). Notable examples include the Brixton riots of 1981 and the Stephen Lawrence inquiry, of which the Macpherson report (1999) denotes the existence of institutional racism, which further seems to undermine the Black communities’ confidence in the police. However, our findings do not seem to be congruent with those of other minorities from the Asian communities who are less likely to report abuse and remain silent to protect their family honour (A. Gill, 2004).

Finally, another notable finding is the psychological distress comprising trauma, anxiety, depression, and even suicidal ideations victims suffer alongside poor awareness of support channels. Participants recounted experiences of emotional trauma which arose because of GBV and due to their poor awareness of where to access psychological support that was termed “non-judgmental.” The need for non-judgmental support was characterised by the perceived fear that reporting GBV or the psychological issues suffered could lead to being labelled as mentally unstable. From the participants’ perspective, this appears terrifying, especially when children are involved, as they fear losing their children to social services. The fear of being labelled mentally unstable and detained under the Mental Health Act, especially for Blacks when compared with their white counterparts, has been reported in previous studies (Dare et al., 2023). Another study also highlights mental health issues and inequality faced by Black women due to experiencing violence and its implication for help-seeking (Khwaja & Baskind, 2023). The implication of these findings is that experiencing trauma from abuse could impact reporting such abuse and promote a culture of suffering in silence, which could have implications not only for the victims’ psychological and mental well-being but also for their children.

Our study has some limitations, including using a qualitative approach and the small sample size, which might not serve as a basis for generalization. However, despite these limitations, our study made an original contribution using the unique combined fusion of intersectionality and labelling theories to examine the lived experiences of African and Caribbean women’s perspectives of GBV and help-seeking behaviours from the police. The findings could serve as a basis for transferability to other contexts with characteristics similar to those of our present study. More specifically, the findings provide important insights for policymakers, researchers and service providers working with this population into how issues of exploitation of culture, otherness and distrust in the police could further inhibit help-seeking or reporting of such abuse. As such, it exacerbates the perpetration of GBV. The findings also show that victims of GBV suffer from psychological distress and trauma. In conclusion, the study recommends that more effort needs to be made on the part of the police to build and instil confidence in the public, especially among Black communities. It is also recommended that the provision of culturally appropriate psychosocial support addressing psychological distress, such as depression, anxiety, trauma, and suicidal ideation suffered because of GBV, be made more accessible alongside better awareness creation and legal education of their rights and avenues for support to encourage affected victims’ reporting and uptake of support services.

Implications for Practice

GBV is an issue that affects women globally, and a central application of our findings for practices is that a one-size-fits-all approach is unlikely to help address the issues. As highlighted in the unique findings of our study, “otherness” reproduced through the intersection of identity, reproduced through factors such as race, colour, and geospatial context, fuels distrust for the police. In this light, policymakers, social workers, researchers, or people working with the affected population are required to pay considerable attention and sensitivity to the culture of the affected victims as this is crucial to the help-seeking behaviour. In addition, the implications of our findings for social workers are the need to dispel the negative myths held by African and Caribbean women with lived experiences of GBV, which revolves around the perception that any contact with social services will involve their children taken away from them. Such beliefs limit help-seeking behaviour and could have implications for the affected victims and families by inflicting further damage on the psychosocial well-being of not just the victim but also the children.

A practical implication to address this issue is for better communication and awareness creation on the social services process to encourage service uptake. This communication could be channeled through religious organizations such as churches, mosques, and ethnic forums that the population usually engage with, given their communal as opposed to individualistic culture.

Another practical implication of our findings for practice, especially for psychologists and counsellors, is the need to provide culturally appropriate service devoid of judgmental stereotypes and stigma. As our study shows, a unique characteristic of African and Caribbean women as distinct from their white counterparts is their reluctance to seek psychological or mental health support due to factors such as cultural beliefs, stigma, and fear. Of which their white counterpart is more open to seeking appropriate and timely mental health services. As such, it calls for better engagement, communication, and inclusive practices.

A further practical implication for practices and the criminal justice system, such as the police, is the need for trust building in their handling of GBV cases for minoritized populations such as those of African and Caribbean descent. Dispelling negative labels and stereotypical “otherness” through transparent response and support for the affected victims could help instil confidence in the police and encourage reporting of GBV.

Footnotes

Disposition editor: Cristina Mogro-Wilson

Author Contributions

T.J.I. and D.E.J. conceptualized the idea, engaged in methodology, investigation, validation, formal analysis data curation, supervision, project administration, and original draft writing. K.O.A., M.L.I., P.R.I., and E.E.A., supported with investigation, writing review, and editing.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Ethical Approval (Applicable for Both Human and/or Animal Studies)

The study received ethical approval from the Teesside University Research Ethics Committee, United Kingdom.

Statements on Consent to Participate and Consent to Publish

All participants duly consented to take part in the study and signed the consent from electronically.

ORCID iD

Tarela Juliet Ike

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