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Abstract

Studies on doctoral socialization rarely explore the unique nature of social networks important for socialization of international students. This study fills the gap in existing research by exploring social networks of statefunded doctoral students from Kazakhstan. Drawing on the results of indepth online interviews the study concludes that the obligation to return to their home country makes the student oriented to the domestic job market, pushes them to be more active in preparation to the market and encourages them to strategically engage not only in the host-country but also in home-country social networks. The study concludes that doctoral training programs in host countries should recognize the external academic market orientation of some international doctoral students and should take more active steps in supporting their engagement with relevant social networks from home, while future research should take into consideration the importance of home country players in international doctoral student socialization.

Keywords

doctoral socialization international students Kazakhstan socal networks developmental network theory

Introduction

This study explores the process of doctoral socialization of funded international students. For the purposes of the study doctoral socialization is defined as the process by which students are integrated into the academic culture of their discipline, learning its norms, values, practices, and expectations (Gardner, 2009). It involves becoming familiar with research methodologies, academic writing, and scholarly communication, and developing a sense of identity as a scholar.

Numerous studies have explored the process of doctoral student socialization (Gardner & Doore, 2020; Gardner & Mendoza, 2023; Weidman & DeAngelo, 2020). These studies pointed to the importance of social networks in the process. Social networks provide doctoral students with essential support structures, offering avenues for mentorship, peer collaboration, and knowledge exchange (Gardner, 2009). They help students navigate the often-isolating experience of doctoral study, fostering a sense of belonging and emotional support that is crucial for persistence and success (Gardner & Mendoza, 2023). Furthermore, interactions within academic and professional networks contribute to the development of scholarly identity and career trajectories as students gain access to resources, guidance, and opportunities for collaboration with faculty, peers, and members of the larger scholarly community (Austin, 2002). More recent studies also pointed to the importance of online networks, supported by digital social network platforms and mobile applications in doctoral student socialization (Johnson, 2023).

Social networks play particular importance in the socialization of international doctoral students, who often face unique challenges in adapting to new academic and cultural environments (Herman & Meki Kombe, 2019). Importantly for this study, some prior research revealed that international doctoral students tend to rely on different networks compared to their domestic counterparts, often seeking support from peers, faculty, and alumni from similar cultural backgrounds (Lee, 2017), turning to international student organizations or virtual communities to build connections and gain mentorship (Tauginiene & Kalinauskaite, 2018). Prior studies highlighted the importance of developing tailored support systems for international students in doctoral programs and pointed to the need to conduct additional studies to understand the unique types and roles of social networks in international students’ professional socialization.

This study seeks to address the gap in existing research by exploring the social networks important in the socialization of externally funded international doctoral students (EFIDS). Our focus on funded students was not accidental. The students are frequently obligated by the funding agencies to return to their home country upon graduation. Because this obligation limits future employment choices for the students to the home-country academic job market, we expected to see a greater incidence of the student's engagement with social networks in the home country and a different role of the networks in the process of socialization. In addition, previous research pointed to the formation of strong alumni networks among graduates of funded programs (Kuzhabekova & Amankulova, 2023). Therefore, we wanted to explore to what extent EFIDS relied on other students from their home country, who were the same funding recipients, during their doctoral studies.

Using an interview-based approach to collect data and drawing on the Developmental Network Theory by Sweitzer (2009) for data interpretation, the study answers the following research questions:

How does the requirement to return to the home country imposed by the funding agency affect the career aspirations of EFIDS?

How do EFIDS perceive and leverage different developmental networks in the process of socialization, given the career aspirations?

Literature Review

Prior studies of doctoral student experiences have demonstrated that social networks influence doctoral students’ career outcomes, including job satisfaction (Edinger & Edinger, 2018), promotion (Marineau, 2017; Seibert et al., 2001), and career success (Saher et al., 2014; Seibert et al., 2001). Since doctoral education is considered the initial stage in preparing for a faculty career (Austin, 2002), cultivating diverse relationships with faculty, peers, family, friends, and business associates becomes instrumental in expanding opportunities factoring into doctoral students’ professional socialization (Sweitzer, 2009).

Several groups of network actors are important in doctoral socialization. First, previous research suggests that faculty play a paramount role in shaping international doctoral students’ professional identities (Dollarhide et al., 2013; Kuo et al., 2018; Smith & Hatmaker, 2014; Sweitzer, 2009). Feedback, supervision, and research opportunities faculty members provide boost students’ confidence and facilitate the internalization of their professional roles gradually transforming the students’ relations with faculty to more peer-like professional interactions (Auxier et al., 2003; Kuo et al., 2018). Faculty members aid doctoral students in navigating unfamiliar academic and professional spaces (Ng & Smith, 2009).

Among faculty members, academic advisors stand out as particularly influential (Gardner, 2008; Green, 1991; Kuzhabekova & Temerbayeva, 2018; Li et al., 2022; Sweitzer, 2009). Green (1991) found that doctoral students were more committed and productive in their research when they received strong support from their advisors. Kuzhabekova and Temerbayeva (2018) revealed that advisors’ involvement in their students’ planning of conference attendances resulted in greater success in the students’ socialization.

Non-supervising faculty play a significant role in the socialization of doctoral students, contributing to their academic and professional development beyond the supervisory relationship. These faculty members often act as mentors, collaborators, and feedback providers, helping students navigate the complexities of academic life and shaping their research identities (Lechuga, 2011). They can provide important insights into broader disciplinary perspectives, introduce students to new research methodologies, and help them build professional networks (Weidman, Twale & Stein, 2001). Furthermore, non-supervising faculty provide advice on career trajectories, offer opportunities for co-authorship, and guide students through the process of academic publishing (Gardner, 2008; McAlpine & Amundsen, 2009).

Interaction with peers is also important for doctoral socialization (Austin, 2002; Kuo et al., 2018; Kuzhabekova & Temerbayeva, 2018). Positive experiences with peers, such as supportive and encouraging feedback or collaborative research efforts, were highlighted as valuable for professional growth (Kuo et al., 2018). In some studies, peers were identified as the primary providers of career information (Jazvac-Martek et al., 2011; Thiry et al., 2015), especially in the job search process (Thiry et al., 2015).

Prior literature also emphasizes the impact of family and friends on international doctoral students’ personal and professional development (Austin, 2002; Hinojosa & Carney, 2016; Kuo et al., 2018). Family support proved to be crucial in helping students persevere through challenges and instilling values and confidence in students, thus contributing to their success in graduate studies and shaping their professional identities (Hinojosa & Carney, 2016; Kuo et al., 2018).

Some prior studies have highlighted the importance of various social networks in the doctoral socialization of international students. For instance, research by Gardner (2008), Tynan and Egan (2019), Herman and Meki Kombe (2019), and Weidman, Twale and Stein (2001) emphasizes that social networks, including mentors, peers, and institutional contacts, are critical to supporting the academic, personal, and professional development of international students. Some of these studies revealed that social networks (1) play greater importance in international student socialization due to language and cultural integration issues that the students face (Tynan & Egan, 2019), (2) can be somewhat different than the networks used by domestic students with international students relying more on interaction with groups, who have greater cultural proximity to them (Herman & Meki Kombe, 2019), and (3) can be somewhat inaccessible or hard to navigate for international students due to linguistic and cultural barriers, as well as differences between home and host countries’ academic practices (Herman & Meki Kombe, 2019). In addition, some recent studies pointed to the importance of virtual communities and digital technologies in facilitating the social network formation of international doctoral students (Tauginiene & Kalinauskaite, 2018).

An important limitation of the prior studies of social networks of international doctoral students is that they often provide only a broad overview of network types and their general importance, without examining how specific networks contribute to students’ academic persistence and professional identity development. This points to the need to conduct more targeted research to examine the specific dynamics of these networks.

Theoretical Framework

The process of conceptualization, data collection and data interpretation in this study is guided by the Developmental Networks Theory (DNT) by Sweitzer (2009). DNT emphasizes the dynamic and evolving nature of relationships that support career and personal growth, recognizing that these networks consist of diverse stakeholders, including mentors, peers, and institutional actors. In his theory, Sweitzer (2009) pointed out that students can be very strategic in networking with the various agents. The kind of networks students built were, on the one hand, shaped by their individual goals for doctoral education and, on the other hand, shaped the students’ views about future professional pathways.

Sweitzer (2009) identified two types of students based on the networks they formed - Perceiving Fit and Assessing Fit. The former demonstrated a strong inclination to define themselves in professional terms and focused on tangible objectives like publishing in top-tier journals. They interacted primarily with faculty and peers within the university community. These relationships further encouraged activities, such as publication, which emphasized research productivity and placement at highly ranked research institutions.

Assessing Fit students perceived success in the program as more focused on personal growth, with less emphasis on publishing in top-notch scientific journals or securing positions at leading research institutions. They engaged in academic roles, including research assistantship, teaching, and service as interconnected opportunities for personal and professional development. This focus on individual development led the Assessing Fit students to rely on a combination of relationships both within and outside the academic community to maintain a sense of balance.

DNT has proven to be a valuable framework for understanding the diverse and evolving networks of international students. The theory has been especially useful in illustrating how students’ networks shift over time as they adapt to new academic environments and develop professional identities. For instance, Ryder and Chin (2017) used DNT to explore the networks of international doctoral students in Canada, emphasizing the role of mentors and peer relationships in supporting students’ academic persistence and career advancement. Similarly, Lechuga (2012) applied DNT to investigate how international students in the U.S. leverage both formal and informal networks to succeed in their doctoral programs. No studies applied DNT in the analysis of social networks of funded international doctoral students. Collectively, these studies demonstrate that DNT provides a comprehensive lens for understanding the complex and dynamic social networks that international doctoral students rely on, including in the context of funded programs.

Methodology

The study employed a qualitative approach to gain in-depth insights into the central phenomenon - professional socialization experiences of EFIDS from Kazakhstan (Cresswell, 2013). We decided to focus on students funded via “Bolashak” scholarship from Kazakhstan (Perna & Jumakulov, 2015) vs. students from diverse countries funded from various sources because we wanted to explore the potential emergence of peer networks among the recipients and because of our familiarity with the home country context of the students. The selection of students from the U.K. and the U.S. as research participants was motivated by fact that most “Bolashak” scholars pursue education in the two countries (Perna & Jumakulov, 2015).

Individual semi-structured interviews were used for data collection. This interviewing approach helped strike a balance between structured questions and the flexibility to explore unexpected avenues during the conversations (Denzin & Lincoln, 2008). Interviews were conducted in Spring 2024 on Zoom because the researchers were based in Canada while the participants were located in the UK and the US. Prior to the commencement of the interviews, the study was approved by the the University of Calgary Conjoint Faculty Research Ethics Board, which ensured that the study did not inflict harm on the participants, that their rights were observed, and the procedures adhered to the standards of confidentiality.

We reached out to potential interviewees through special Facebook groups that involved EFIDS from Kazakhstan. The groups’ administrators were asked to post a recruitment advertisement with our contact information. To be included in the study prospective participants had to: (a) be currently enrolled as doctoral students; (b) major in Education; (c) pursue their doctoral studies in the UK or the US; and (d) be recipients of the “Bolashak” scholarship. We narrowed the group to Education majors because of our familiarity with the discipline and the desire to limit the influence of disciplinary variation on the results.

Maximum variation sampling (Cresswell, 2013) was used to capture a wide range of experiences within a relatively small group of participants. The participants varied in terms of gender, age, host country, area of specialization within the education major, year of study, marital status, and number of children. Data collection continued until thematic saturation was achieved, defined as the point at which no new themes emerged from subsequent interviews. This approach aligns with established qualitative research practices, which suggest that saturation occurs when additional data no longer contribute new insights or themes (Hennink et al., 2017)

Table 1 summarizes the demographic characteristics of the participants. Notably, all students were ethnic Kazakhs, had advanced mastery of the English language, and most were married. Half of the students studied in the US and another half – in the UK. All students came from research-intensive universities, where the “Bolashak” scholarship places the students.

Table 1.

Participants’ Characteristics.

Participant #	Gender	Host country	Specialization	Year of study	Marital status
1	Male	US	K-12 Administration	2	Married
2	Female	US	International and Multicultural Education	2	Married
3	Female	US	Higher Education	2	Married
4	Female	US	Comparative and International Development Education	1	Married
5	Male	US	Educational Administration	5	Married
6	Female	UK	Education	4	Single
7	Male	UK	Learning, Leadership and Policy	1	Married
8	Female	UK	Education	1	Married
9	Male	UK	Education	3	Married
10	Female	UK	Education	6	Married

The interviews lasted for an hour and were conducted in English. With the consent of participants, the interviews were audio-recorded. The participants had the right not to answer the questions, as well as to withdraw at any point of the interview, and after the interview before initial submission of the article.

The data was transcribed. We then implemented data analysis in English both deductively and inductively. Using the deductive approach, we created a list of preliminary codes that stemmed from the theoretical frameworks and prior literature (Castleberry & Nolen, 2018). The inductive part of the analysis process was based on Corbin and Strauss’ (2015) three-stage model of coding that involved open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. In the process of open coding, we broke down data into discrete categories. This was followed by axial coding to explore relationships between categories. Finally, selective coding was applied to integrate and refine themes into a coherent narrative.

Findings

Post-Graduation Career Aspirations

The participants’ responses revealed a range of career aspirations. The nature of career expectations was influenced by the return requirement imposed by the funding agency only to a certain extent. The factors, which were also important, included the gender of the student, the nature of their previous employment experience, the context of the host country, and the supervisory approach.

In general, the UK-based doctoral students displayed less certainty about future career plans than their US-based counterparts. This could be linked to the fact that, unlike the latter, many UK students worked in schools before joining their doctoral programs. As they considered a career shift towards academia, a new and unfamiliar territory for them, they felt uncertain about their career prospects.

I have ten years of experience working in schools… However, since moving into academia, I’ve begun to envision myself transitioning to a university setting, engaging in research and academic work. This leaves me torn. (Participant 8, UK, female)

Among the US participants, a gendered pattern emerged regarding envisioned career paths. Male doctoral students in the US exhibited a strong interest in attempting faculty positions in the host country, despite the return requirement of the funding agency and their keen awareness of the competitive nature of the US job market. Their confidence in securing a job at home likely contributes to their focus on the host country's job market, with less effort directed towards finding employment back home. Most males in the U.S. also considered alternative career paths in the US job market.

Kazakhstan is option number two. I have offers. They are already in my pocket. (Participant 1, US, male)

While I realize that this is challenging, I am thinking about an academic position in the US. If this does not work, I have a background in Computer Science and Applied Mathematics. So, I am working hard on building my quantitative skills to have an opportunity to work as a data scientist. (Participant 1, US, male)

Unlike their male peers, female doctoral students studying at US universities connect their career aspirations solely with Kazakhstan. Most female students in the U.S. had prior administrative experience. They envision a hybrid role in Kazakhstani academia, where they would make the most of their teaching, research, and administrative skills.

I am considering a role that is part faculty, part administration because I have extensive experience in higher education administration. I do not want to waste this experience…,therefore, I am looking at some administrative positions while still possibly engaging in part-time teaching. (Participant 2, US, female)

In the UK, a gendered pattern was also evident. Unlike their U.S. counterparts, male students were focused on jobs in Kazakhstan. Similarly to their U.S. peers, they aspired to leadership roles either within universities or within the Ministry of Education.

Upon completion of my studies, I envision myself in the field of higher education, possibly holding positions such as vice-rector or rector at the very least. I believe there will be opportunities to offer something beneficial to the government (Participant 7, UK, male)

Most female doctoral students in the UK aspired to focus their future careers in Kazakhstan on teaching and research, while avoiding administrative duties. This preference could be connected to the substantial teaching experience they had before joining their doctoral programs, which in Kazakhstan is linked to substantial bureaucratic burdens.

I want to be teaching plus have the research element in my job to be able to write and to publish… In Kazakhstan an administrative position is not the best option, especially given that I want to have a schedule that would work for me. I know that it [administrative position] requires a lot of you to be there, a lot of defocusing sometimes. (Participant 10, UK, female)

In general, our analysis revealed that the career aspirations of doctoral students from Kazakhstan were shaped by the funding agency's requirement for the students to return to their home country after graduation. However, the way the requirement affected the students’ thinking depended on their gender and their awareness about gendered practices in the Kazakhstani academia, where despite women comprising the majority, top leadership positions are predominantly held by men. Male students recognize this gender dynamic and see a strategic advantage in aiming for high-level administrative roles in Kazakhstan and exploring alternative opportunities in their host countries.

Assessing Fit vs Perceiving Fit

Most participants emphasized the importance of developing skills in three main areas: conducting rigorous research, gaining teaching experience, and engaging in university service while simultaneously maintaining balance in personal and academic/professional lives. This aligns with the DNT's Assessing Fit students, who see academic roles like research assistantships, teaching, and service as interlinked pathways for both personal and professional advancement. The doctoral students regarded these various assistantships as valuable opportunities to understand the broader university system, build a comprehensive skill set, develop professional networks, and prepare for diverse career paths in academia and beyond.

I see three main areas where I need to develop my skills and knowledge. First is doing quality, methodologically rigorous research. I am taking as many research method courses as possible… The second area is teaching, so I have been working as a teaching assistant since my first semester here… The third area is university service, which can enhance my understanding of university-wide systems. In my second year, I have become more engaged with university-wide committees. (Participant 3, US, female)

In addition, while all students were focused on the development of skills necessary in the academic profession, the unpredictability of the job market and the lack of part-time employment opportunities made them strategic in developing a diverse rather than a narrow, specialization-specific set of skills. This strategy was assumed to be useful in broadening employment prospects both at home and abroad. Some of the participants even pursued assistantships outside their immediate field to gain additional skills, potentially increasing their appeal to prospective employers.

I believed that gaining as much experience in the U.K. as possible, regardless of its relevance to my area of specialization, would be beneficial. In my second year, I got a tutoring job that was not related to education…The program was about future employability. This experience has influenced my perspective on using my studies and opportunities to enhance my CV, applications, and job prospects. (Participant 10, UK, female)

Developmental Networks

The uncertainty surrounding their future career paths, coupled with the obligation to return home after graduation, prompted the participants to depend on a mix of relationships within and beyond the academic community. These networks were genuinely meaningful to the students in succeeding in their academic pursuits, advancing their future careers, and maintaining a study-life balance.

Academic Advisors

According to the participants’ narratives, advisors play an important role in their professional socialization. They provide career-oriented advice and encourage participation in research opportunities and conferences, thereby enhancing their advisees’ preparedness for future careers. However, career guidance tends to be limited to general, primarily academic advice.

At times, I feel like my supervisor should be guiding me [in career planning]. However, I also think that perhaps it's not necessarily their role… My supervisor directs me in my research and discusses potential career opportunities after university with me. Yet, I don’t see this as their core responsibility. (Participant 8, UK, female)

Overall, academic advisors in the US appeared to provide more support for career planning compared to those in the UK. In contrast, some participants studying in the UK mentioned that their advisors preferred them to focus on successfully completing their doctoral programs rather than on future career opportunities.

Honestly, my PhD supervisor was openly against jobs. I was doing it secretly because I knew that if I graduated without anything on my CV, it would not be helpful for me to even find a tutoring job. (Participant 10, UK, female)

Other Host University Faculty

Some doctoral students compensate for the lack of support from their supervisors by seeking assistance from other faculty members within their universities. Half of the participants mentioned that other professors offered them publishing opportunities, job prospects, valuable feedback, and methodological support.

To overcome this [lack of supervisor's support], I rely on other professors… I now use my course professor for large datasets for my project, and she is happy to provide detailed feedback. (Participant 2, US, female)

Faculty from Home Country

Our findings demonstrated that faculty members from Kazakhstan play a critical role in the ongoing professional development and career planning of doctoral students studying abroad. Their support encompasses career guidance, practical skills development, and mentorship tailored to the unique cultural and contextual challenges faced by these students. Three participants emphasized that their professors from academic degree programs back home foster crucial Kazakhstan-specific contextual discussions and debates, which are essential for their doctoral research and unavailable from their host university professors.

In our chat of doctoral students from Kazakhstan, there is a Kazakh faculty member. We share a lot in common. She is also Western-educated and she understands the needs of the students from Kazakhstan pursuing their studies in Western universities. The main idea of the chat is to discuss issues within the Kazakhstan educational settings and the Professor's mentorship has become very important. (Participant 3, US, female)

Host University Peers

Four participants indicated that their emotional and academic support came from their peers at host universities who faced similar academic challenges. These peers were instrumental in sharing information about conferences, job opportunities, and collaborative projects. Additionally, these peers’ support greatly boosted some participants’ confidence in pursuing various academic and professional opportunities. Local peers also provided valuable assistance in navigating the academia and the job market in the host country.

Every week, we connect and work together as an accountability motivation measure. I think he is very resourceful in terms of getting prepared for the job market. Through him, I learned about one workshop in quantitative methods that was really useful… He is not going for the faculty position but for the industry research positions. And this is something that I am also considering, and I am getting informed from his experience (Participant 5, US, male)

Conversely, several participants did not view their host university peers as significant. Some felt their interactions with peers were limited to academic settings and did not extend beyond superficial greetings. Others mentioned a noticeable misalignment in research interests and values.

The intention of many international students who are studying with me is to stay here. That's why their research interests are based on the US context or Western context. …Our interests and values are different. (Participant 4, US, female)

Peers from Kazakhstan

Our participants reported establishing extremely beneficial networks with their peers from the home country, which offer a multifaceted support system that encompasses emotional, academic, and professional dimensions. While UK participants mostly relied on home-based peer networks, their US counterparts leaned towards networks with compatriots who were also pursuing doctoral degrees in the US.

Four participants from the UK shared that the networks established in Kazakhstan, particularly those formed during master's studies, remained vital in navigating their PhD journeys. Communication in these networks was maintained via social media and mobile chat applications. These networks provided not only academic and career-related support but also essential social and emotional backing. This support included securing distant jobs in the home country, engaging in regular discussions on research methodologies, and gaining access to contextual advice and specific resources.

When I did my Master's, I was studying with a person, who now works in a good position at a Kazakhstani university. She informed me about a vacancy at her university. I applied and got the place. (Participant 6, UK, female)

When I was writing my context chapter, I needed some Kazakhstani reports and lots of data from the Analytical Center of Education. My friend, who works there sent me the reports and data (Participant 10, UK, female)

The participants studying in the US mostly depended on fellow compatriots pursuing doctoral degrees in the US. They formed small but close-knit networks, which were often rooted in their shared alma mater in Kazakhstan. The discussions within these tight groups ranged from the unique aspects of the US education system and new developments in the educational reforms in Kazakhstan, to career-related issues, such as finding suitable job opportunities and understanding the job market both in the host country and back in Kazakhstan. The shared cultural and educational backgrounds among Kazakhstani peers facilitated deeper understanding and trust, making it easier to discuss complex, context-specific topics without extensive explanations and collaborate on research projects and conference presentations.

My peers from Kazakhstan who are currently pursuing their doctoral degrees in Western contexts… know the context and the system and understand how it might develop in the future. Therefore, my first point of contact are those peers rather than my groupmates here in the States or even my advisor…. There are benefits of connecting with them because we can work on projects together, present, and apply for conferences as a group. We can rely on each other. In terms of our career paths, we share similar plans of going back to our country to try to change something or be part of a big group of agents of change. (Participant 4, US, female)

Family Members

The interview analysis pointed out to the integral role family members play in shaping educational pursuits, career decisions, and lifestyle choices for doctoral students. Spouses, in particular, frequently serve as sounding boards and sources of support throughout the doctoral journey. Many couples are engaged in dual career planning. They did not merely discuss preferences for geographic location, job opportunities, and educational choices for their children, but took concrete steps to broaden their possibilities. Three participants mentioned that they encouraged their spouses to pursue graduate studies at the same universities where they are enrolled.

Even throughout my PhD, I talked to my husband a lot because he was my real listener who would sit and listen to my thoughts. I don’t know why I was sharing with him at that point when he was still not pursuing his PhD; maybe it was just to get some support, whether what I was saying made sense or not. (Participant 10, UK, female)

He [husband] is now learning English in a more advanced way so that he can start a master's program at the same university… (Participant 3, US, female)

Discussion

This study explores how the requirement to return to their home country affects the career aspirations of EFIDS from Kazakhstan and how they navigate developmental networks during socialization. Our findings show that the return-home requirement has a different effect on career aspirations and planning of men and women. The difference is related to the students’ awareness of the gendered education job market in Kazakhstan. Men are confident in their ability to land leadership positions in Kazakhstan given the underrepresentation of men in education in the country and the employers’ preference for males as decision-makers. Hence, in words of one of the participants, they “do not need to think about or prepare for their job in Kazakhstan, as it is waiting for them” (Participant 5, US, male). Instead, aware of the possibility to repay the scholarship to the government in case of non-return, they challenge themselves by preparing for potential employment in the host country. Meanwhile, women understand that their opportunities for landing a well-paid and rewarding job as a faculty member in a research-intensive university in Kazakhstan are quite limited, but they are still higher than the chances of getting such a position in the host country. In addition, unlike men, they are more dependent on their spouses in career planning decisions. So, they envision their future mostly in Kazakhstani academia, considering conventional faculty and administrative tracks as viable options.

Our findings also reveal that EFIDS from Kazakhstan engage in a variety of social networks both in the host and in the home country contexts in the process of socialization. These networks fulfill different needs of the students ranging from providing career advice and assistance in developing research skills to ensuring emotional support to counteract homesickness. DNT (Sweitzer, 2009) predicts a difference in the social networking styles of Perceiving Fit and Assessing Fit students. Students from Kazakhstan are exclusively of the second type. It seems that the unpredictable nature of the academic job opportunities in Kazakhstan, as well as the greater importance of the family values in the Kazakhstan's culture, makes students less focused on future career success and motivates them to try to balance career preparation with personal growth. This makes them open to exploring a variety of social networks and developmental opportunities. The diversified approach to social networking allows students to engage in a broad range of training, mentorship, and employment opportunities and to develop skills preparing for a variety of future positions.

The focus on EFIDS allowed us to shed new light on the social relations of international students. Prior studies pointed to the important role of supervisors in doctoral socialization (Gardner, 2008; Green, 1991; Kuzhabekova & Temerbayeva, 2018; Li et al., 2022; Sweitzer, 2009). Our study revealed that in case of EFIDS, host-country faculty and supervisors are not the only senior academics that students rely on. While specific situations vary, host-country supervisors tend to assume that EFIDS are constrained by the obligation to return to Kazakhstan and are preparing for their home-country job market, with which the supervisors may not have sufficient familiarity. Hence, many supervisors focus their advice on academic experiences. The finding seems to be particularly true for supervisors in the U.K., potentially, due to the shorter duration of Ph.D. programs and different institutional supervisory culture. Meanwhile, students reach out for research and career-related advice to Western-educated faculty members from Kazakhstan, who had similar educational experiences and have a better understanding of the requirements of the Kazakhstani research environment and the job market.

Similarly, EFIDS in our study benefitted from their peers as was suggested by prior studies on doctoral student socialization (Austin, 2002; Kuo et al., 2018; Kuzhabekova & Temerbayeva, 2018). However, uniquely for our research, most of our participants relied more on peers from Kazakhstan rather than on peers in the host country in personal, academic, and career support. While host-country peers continued to serve an important role in shaping the experiences and prospects of male EFIDS in the U.S., they were perceived as less useful by most students, who intended to return to Kazakhstani academia due to the difference in career plans and research interests. Most students were seeking for better understanding of the on-going reforms in their home country, for opportunities to discuss how the knowledge received in the West can be transferred to the domestic context, what research topics might be most promising in terms of policy or scholarly careers in Kazakhstani academia, and what the potential career options in Kazakhstan might be. This kind of support was available only in Kazakhstani student peer networks. In addition, the funded students meticulously maintained their existing connections in their home country expecting to leverage the connections to secure research data or jobs in Kazakhstan.

The finding about the importance of faculty mentors and peers from the home country connects this study with emerging research on in-betweenness of international doctoral students, especially doctoral students from and at non-traditional learning destinations. These studies have explored the experiences of international students from developed countries in the semi-peripheral context of China, as well as the experiences of Chinese doctoral students in Western universities (Dai & Hardy, 2023; Doi & Dai, 2025; Xu, 2023). Similarly to these studies, our study illustrates how Kazakhstani doctoral students occupy a liminal space between their home and host academic environments demonstrating strategic engagement with both domestic and international actors, shaped by their inecessity to return home.

Spouses play an important role in the professional socialization of our participants as predicted by prior research on the topic (Austin, 2002; Hinojosa & Carney, 2016; Kuo et al., 2018). Married couples treat the opportunity to study abroad as an opportunity for career advancement of the whole couple. Interestingly, some of our participants take active steps to actively reshape the careers of their spouses, pushing them to learn the language and to apply for graduate studies abroad.

Finally, our study points to the importance of gender as a factor shaping socialization of doctoral students. The gendered nature of the academic and job market structures in Kazakhstan favors male graduates allowing them to explore and prepare for opportunities both domestically and in the host country. At the same time, it pushes women to be more strategic and selective in choosing between presented opportunities to be able to secure the best possible employment in Kazakhstan.

Conclusion

The main conclusion of our study is that the obligation to return to the sponsoring home country has a constraining effect on job opportunities and career aspirations of EFIDS from Kazakhstan. Most EFIDS envision and prepare for a career in domestic academia. This has a direct effect on their social networking strategies. Orientation to domestic academia increases the importance of interaction with home-country faculty and peers. Whereas the host country faculty and peers provide support with coursework selection, general academic issues, the process of proposal and dissertation writing and general introduction to academic profession and international scholarly society structure and norms; home-country faculty and peers help the student to understand unique structures and norms in the domestic academia, guide in the process of job search and provide advice and opportunities with local research.

The main implication of the study is that it highlights the importance of considering the contribution of home-country networks in understanding doctoral socialization of international students and points to the importance of considering the networks in future applications of DNT. The main limitation of this study is that it does not allow to make any generalization beyond the small sample of funded students from Kazakhstan. Future research should explore the nature and role of domestic networks in the socialization of international students from other countries and should ideally utilize quantitative approaches to permit generalizations.

This study offers several recommendations for relevant practitioners. Supervisors may consider engaging co-supervisors or committee members from home countries to provide additional support to their international students. They may consider allowing students to complete part of their doctoral work in their home country and encouraging students to attend home-country conferences to create opportunities for domestic networking. International student support officers may take more steps in facilitating networking of the international students with peers from the home country. While providing direct contact information may be prohibited by legislation on data privacy, international student services could encourage the formation of international student societies by the country of origin or organize specialized events to bring students from the same country together. Finally, funding agencies should consider introducing a supplementary funding stream to support scholarship recipients’ interaction with domestic scholars and peers. In addition to supporting alumni associations, funders might make greater effort to connect students during their studies. They may also consider introducing competitive grants for research-related trips to the home country.

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Aliya Kuzhabekova

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was supported by funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada within the framework of the project “Scholarly identity development and socialization of international doctoral students in Canada” (PI Aliya Kuzhabekova).

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Social Networks in Doctoral Socialization: Insights from Funded International Students from Kazakhstan

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Literature Review

Theoretical Framework

Methodology

Findings

Post-Graduation Career Aspirations

Assessing Fit vs Perceiving Fit

Developmental Networks

Academic Advisors

Other Host University Faculty

Faculty from Home Country

Host University Peers

Peers from Kazakhstan

Family Members

Discussion

Conclusion

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Funding

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

References