The clash between Berlin and Washington over the war on Iraq in 2002–03 came as a surprise to the community of scholars and analysts watching German foreign policy and transatlantic relations. Attempts to explain German behaviour have mostly focused on either the anti-American or the pacifist nature of German society. There is some relevance in these explanations, but they poorly explain the timing of the change, its sudden emergence and its focus on the Iraq issue. This article argues that the most important driving force behind the change was neither anti-Americanism nor pacifism, but rather Germany’s political emancipation. The Germans had been gradually growing into their role as a leading power in Europe that is willing to take on greater international responsibility. When Berlin felt that it was not consulted in the decisionmaking process, it reacted strongly. The question at stake was the nature of the world order and the relations of the USA to its allies, and no longer the single issue of Iraq.
Banchoff, Thomas , 1999. ‘German Identity and European Integration’ , European Journal of International Relations5(3): 259–289 .
2.
Baumann, Rainer ; Volker Rittberger & Wolfgang Wagner , 1999. ‘Macht und Machtpolitik. Neorealistische Außenpolitiktheorie und Prognosen über die deutsche Außenpolitik nach der Vereinigung’ [Power and Power Politics: Neorealist Theories of Foreign Policy and Prognoses About German Foreign Policy After Unification] , Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen6(2): 245–286 .
3.
Becher, Klaus , 2004. ‘German Forces in International Military Operations’ , Orbis48(3): 397–408 .
4.
Berendse, Gerrit-Jan , 2003. ‘German Anti-Americanism in Context’ , Journal of European Studies33(3–4): 333–350 .
5.
Berger, Thomas , 1997. ‘The Past in the Present: Historical Memory and German National Security Policy’ , German Politics6(1): 39–59 .
6.
Berman, Russell , 2004. Anti-Americanism in Europe: A Cultural Problem. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution .
7.
Bernstein, Richard , 2004. ‘The German Question’, New York Times, 2 May.
8.
Bertram, Christoph , 2003. ‘Germany Will Not Become America’s Vassal’, Financial Times, 27 May.
9.
Blome, Nikolaus , 2003. ‘“Operation Augenhöhe” des Bundeskanzlers’ [The Chancellor’s ‘Operation Eye-Level’], Die Welt, 25 September.
10.
Buras, Piotr & Kerry Longhurst , 2004. ‘The Berlin Republic, Iraq, and the Use of Force’ , European Security13(3): 215–245 .
11.
Bush, George W. , 2002. ‘Graduation Speech’, United States Military Academy, West Point, NY , 1 June.
12.
Chandler, William , 2003. ‘Foreign and European Policy Issues in the 2002 Bundestag Elections’ , German Politics and Society21(1): 161–177 .
13.
Chrobog, Jürgen , 2000. ‘Krach mit Amerika?’ [Crash with America?], Die Zeit, 18 May.
14.
Diner, Dan , 2002. Feindbild Amerika. Über die Beständigkeit eines Ressentiments [Enemy Image America: About the Permanence of a Resentment]. Berlin: Propyläen .
15.
Duffield, John , 1999. ‘Political Culture and State Behavior: Why Germany Confounds Neorealism’ , International Organization53(4): 765–803 .
16.
Erlanger, Steven , 2001. ‘Fissures in German Support for U.S. Attacks’, New York Times, 16 October.
17.
Erlanger, Steven , 2002. ‘U.S. Officials Try To Assure Europeans on NATO’, New York Times, 3 February.
18.
Financial Times Deutschland, 2003. ‘Vierergipfel plant europäischen Militärstab’ [The Four Nations’ Summit Plans a European Military Headquarter], 29 April.
19.
Fischer, Joschka , 1994. ‘Les Certitudes Allemandes. Grundkonstanten bundesdeutscher Aussenpolitik’ [The Main Constants of German Foreign Policy] , Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik39(9): 1082–1090
20.
Fischer, Joschka , 1998. ‘Die Selbstbeschränkung der Macht muß fortbestehen’ [The Self-Restrictions of Power Must Continue], in Karl Kaiser , ed., Zur Zukunft der deutschen Außenpolitik. Reden zur Außenpolitik der Berliner Republik [For the Future of German Foreign Policy: Speeches to the Foreign Policy of the Berliner Republic], Bonn: Europa Union Verlag (76–95).
21.
Fischer, Joschka , 2002a. ‘Wir sind keine Satelliten’ [We Are Not Satellites], interview with Joschka Fischer, Die Welt, 12 February.
22.
Fischer, Joschka , 2002b. ‘Ein unheimliches Gefühl’ [A Horrible Feeling], interview with Joschka Fischer, Der Spiegel, 18 May.
23.
Fischer, Joschka , 2002c. ‘Die Hoffnung wird immer kleiner’ [Hope is Becoming Smaller All the Time], interview with Joschka Fischer, Der Spiegel, 30 December.
24.
Fischer, Joschka , 2003. ‘Struggling Hard To Find Solutions to the Conflict in Iraq’ , speech at the 39th Munich Conference on Security Policy, 8 February; available at http://www.securityconference.de/konferenzen/2003/ (accessed 1 February 2005).
25.
Fischer, Joschka , 2004. ‘Prospects of Transatlantic Relations’ , speech at the 40th Munich Conference on Security Policy, 7 February; available at http://www.securityconference.de/konferenzen/2004/ (accessed 1 February 2005).
26.
Ford, Peter , 2002. ‘United Against Terror, Divided on Trade, Coalition Strains’, Christian Science Monitor, 8 March.
27.
Forsberg, Tuomas , 2000. ‘The Debate over German Normality: A Normal German Debate?’, in Howard Williams , Colin Wight & Norbert Kapferer , eds, Political Thought and German Unification: A New German Ideology. London: Macmillan (139–155).
28.
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 2003. ‘Das Alte Europa antwortet Herrn Rumsfeld’ [The Old Europe Answers to Mr Rumsfeld], 24 January.
29.
Gordon, Philip & Jeremy Shapiro , 2004. Allies at War: America, Europe and the Crisis over Iraq. New York: McGraw-Hill .
30.
Hacke, Christian , 2003. ‘Deutschland, Europa und der Irakkonflikt’ [Germany, Europe and the Iraq Conflict] , Aus Politik und ZeitgeschichteB24–25(10 June): 8–16 .
31.
Handelsblatt, 2003. ‘Schröder betont gute Beziehungen trotz Irak-Streits’ [Schröder Emphasizes Good Relations Despite the Dispute over Iraq], 9 May.
32.
Harnisch, Sebastian , 2004. ‘German Non-Proliferation Policy and the Iraq Conflict’ , German Politics13(1): 1–34 .
33.
Hellmann, Gunther , 1996. ‘Goodbye Bismarck? The Foreign Policy of Contemporary Germany’ , Mershon International Studies Review40(1): 1–39 .
34.
Hellmann, Gunther & Sebastian Enskat , 2004. ‘Umfragedaten zu deutscher Außenpolitik und Deutschlands Rolle in der Welt seit 1990. Eine Dokumentation’ [Public Opinion Poll Data on German Foreign Policy and Germany’s Role in the World Since 1990: A Documentation]. Frankfurt: University of Frankfurt am Main .
35.
Holbrook, Richard , 2000. ‘Krise? Welche Krise? [Crisis: What Crisis?], interview with Richard Holbrook, Die Zeit, 19 May.
36.
Hyde-Price, Adrian & Charlie Jeffery , 2001. ‘Germany in the European Union: Constructing Normality’ , Journal of Common Market Studies39(4): 689–717 .
37.
Kalberg, Stephen , 2003. ‘The Influence of Political Culture upon Cross-Cultural Misperceptions and Foreign Policy: The United States and Germany’ , German Politics and Society21(3): 1–23 .
38.
Kohl, Helmut , 2003. ‘Schröder ist ein Anti-Amerikaner’ [Schröder Is an Anti-American], interview with Helmut Kohl, Die Welt, 3 April.
39.
McAdams, A. James , 1997. ‘Germany After Unification: Normal at Last?’ , World Politics49(2): 282–308 .
40.
Markovits, Andrei , 2004. ‘European Anti-Americanisms (and Anti-Semitism): Ever Present Though Always Denied’, Working Paper no. 108. Cambridge, MA: Center for European Studies, Harvard University .
41.
Marsh, Steve , 2002. ‘The Dangers of German History: Lessons from a Decade of Post-Cold War German Foreign and Security Policy’ , Perspectives on European Politics and Society3(3): 389–424 .
42.
Maull, Hanns , 1990–91. ‘Germany and Japan: The New Civilian Powers’ , Foreign Affairs69(5): 91–106 .
43.
Maull, Hanns , 2004. ‘Normalisierung oder Auszehrung? Deutsche Außenpolitik in Wandel’ [Normalization or Weakening? German Foreign Policy in Transformation] , Aus Politik und ZeitgeschichteB11(8 March): 17–23 .
44.
Mearsheimer, John , 1990. ‘Back to the Future. Instability in Europe after the Cold War’ , International Security15(1): 5–56 .
45.
Meiers, Franz-Josef , 2002. ‘A Change of Course? German Foreign and Security Policy After Unification’ , German Politics11(3): 195–216 .
46.
Mertes, Michael , 2004. ‘Schein und Sein. Das Schlagwort vom deutschen Antiamerikanismus [German Anti-Americanism: Forget It]’ , Internationale Politik59(2): 78–84 .
47.
Murphy, Alexander B. & Corey Johnson , 2004. ‘German Geopolitics in Transition’ , Eurasian Geography and Economics (45)1: 1–17 .
48.
Noelle, Elisabeth , 2003. ‘Die Entfremdung. Deutschland und Amerika entfernen sich voneinander’[The Estrangement: Germany and America Are Distancing from Each Other], Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 23 July.
49.
Otte, Max (with Jürgen Greve ), 2000. A Rising Middle Power? German Foreign Policy in Transformation, 1989–1999. New York: St. Martin’s .
50.
Pew Global Attitudes Project , 2004. ‘A Year After Iraq War: Mistrust of America in Europe Ever Higher, Muslim Anger Persists’. Washington, DC: Pew Research Center ; available at http://people-press.org/reports/display.php3?ReportID=206 (accessed 22 February 2005).
51.
Pond, Elizabeth , 2004. Friendly Fire: The Near-Death of the Transatlantic Alliance. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution .
52.
Risse, Thomas, 2004. ‘Kontinuität durch Wandel. Eine neue deutsche Außenpolitik?’ [Continuity Through Change: A New German Foreign Policy?] Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte B11(8 March): 24–31.
53.
Rittberger, Volker , 2003. ‘Selbstentfesselung in kleinen Schritten? Deutschlands Außenpolitik zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts’ [Self-Emancipation with Small Steps: Germany’s Foreign Policy at the Beginning of the 21st Century] , Politische Vierteljahrschrift44(1): 10–18 .
54.
Rittberger, Volker & Wolfgang Wagner , 2001. ‘German Foreign Policy Since Unification: Theories Meet Reality’, in Volker Ritberger , ed., German Foreign Policy Since Unification: Theories and Case Studies. Manchester: Manchester University Press (191–211).
55.
Saña, Heleno , 1990. Das Vierte Reich. Deutschlands später Sieg [The Fourth Reich: Germany’s Late Victory]. Hamburg: Rausch und Röring .
56.
Sanger, David , 2000. ‘The 2000 Campaign: World Views – A Special Report’, New York Times, 30 October.
57.
Schäuble, Wolfgang , 2003. ‘Amerika braucht uns’ [America Needs Us], interview with Wolfgang Schäuble, Die Zeit, 15 May.
58.
Schmitt, Carl , [1932] 1996. Der Begriff der Politischen [The Concept of the Political]. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot .
59.
Schröder, Gerhard , 1999. ‘Außenpolitische Verantwortung Deutschlands in der Welt’ [Germany’s Foreign Policy Responsibility in the World] , Internationale Politik54(10): 67–72 .
60.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2001a. ‘German Chancellor Delicately Strives Not To Get in the Middle’, interview with Gerhard Schröder, Los Angeles Times, 1 April.
61.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2001b. Interview with Gerhard Schröder, ‘Berlin Direkt’, ZDF, 11 August.
62.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2001c. ‘Der Gestrige 11. September wird als ein schwarzer Tag für uns alle in die Geschichte eingehen’ [Yesterday, September 11 Will Mark a Black Day in History to All of Us], Government Position, 12 September.
63.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2001d. ‘Die Anschläge in den USA’ [The Strikes in the USA], government declaration, 19 September.
64.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2002a. ‘Meine Vision von Deutschland’ [My Vision of Germany], Die Bild-Zeitung, 8 August.
65.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2002b. ‘Am Ende der ersten Halbzeit’ [At the End of the First Half], interview with Gerhard Schröder, Die Zeit, 15 August.
66.
Schröder, Gerhard2002c. ‘No One Has a Clear Idea About What the Effects Would Be’, interview with Gerhard Schroder, New York Times, 5 September.
67.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2002d. ‘Finanzplan des Bundes 2002 bis 2006’ [Financial Plan of the Federation 2002–06], speech at the German Parliament, 13 September.
68.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2003a. ‘Unsere Verantwortung für den Frieden’ [Our Responsibility for the Peace], government declaration, 13 February.
69.
Schröder, Gerhard , 2003b. ‘Rücktritt wäre Flucht, dazu neige ich nicht’[To Step Down Would Be a Flight, That Is Not My Inclination], interview with Gerhard Schröder, Der Stern, 13 February.
70.
Der Spiegel, 2003. ‘Verschwörung 11. September. Wie Konspirationstheorien die Wirklichkeit auf den Kopf stellen’ [Plot 9/11: How Conspiracy Theories Turn the Reality Upside Down], 8 September.
71.
Szabo, Stephen , 2004. Parting Ways: The Crisis in German–American Relations. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press .
72.
tageszeitung, 2002. ‘Gerhard Schröder auf Anti-Amerika Kurs’ [Gerhard Schröder on an Anti-American Course], 6 August.
73.
Tewes, Henning1997. ‘Das Zivilmachtkonzept in der Theorie der Internationalen Beziehungen’ [The Concept of the Civilian Power in the Theory of International Relations] , Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen4(2): 347–259 .
74.
Tewes, Henning , 2002. Germany, Civilian Power and the New Europe: Enlarging NATO and the European Union. Basingstoke: Palgrave .
75.
Transatlantic Trends , 2003. Transatlantic Trends 2003. Washington, DC: German Marshall Fund/Torino: Compagnia di San Paolo ; available at http://www.transatlantictrends.org (accessed 1 February 2005).
76.
Voigt, Karsten , 2002. ‘George Bush ist kein Cowboy’ [George Bush Is No Cowboy], an interview with Karsten Voigt, tageszeitung, 19 February.
77.
Die Welt, 1999. ‘Fischer: Kein deutscher Sonderweg in der Nato’ [No German Sonderweg in NATO], 9 December.
78.
Die Welt, 2003a. ‘Schröder schließt erstmals Ja zu Irak-Krieg im Sicherheitsrat aus’ [Schröder Rules out for the First Time Yes to the Iraqi War in the Security Council], 21 January.
79.
Die Welt, 2003b. ‘Ausmaß der Bedrohung rechtfertigt keinen Krieg’ [The Magnitude of Threat Does Not Justify Any War], 19 March.
80.
Die Welt, 2003c. ‘Irak-Krieg: Schröder warnt USA vor Wiederholungen’ [The War on Iraq: Schröder Warns the USA of Repetitions], 11 April.
81.
Die Welt, 2003d. ‘Bush: Die Deutschen sind Pazifisten’ [The Germans Are Pacifists], 24 September.
82.
Die Welt, 2003e. ‘Bush und Schröder: Die Krise ist beendet’ [Bush and Schröder: The Crisis Is Over], 24 September.
83.
Wood, Steve , 2002. ‘German Foreign and Security Policy After Kohl and Kosovo’ , Government and Opposition34(4): 250–268 .
84.
Zimmer, Mathias , 1997. ‘Return of the Mittellage? The Discourse of Centre in German Foreign Policy’ , German Politics6(1): 23–38 .
