Security and Culture,or,Why NATO Won't Last

1 Ronnie D. Lipschutz, `The Insecurity Dilemma', in Lipschutz, After Authority: War, Peace, and Global Politics in the 21st Century (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 2000), pp. 33-62; Steve Smith, `The Increasing Insecurity of Security Studies: Conceptualizing Security in the Last Twenty Years', Contemporary Security Studies, vol. 20, no. 3, December 1999, pp. 72-101; and Bill McSweeney, `The Meaning of Security', in McSweeney, Security, Identity and Interests: A Sociology of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 3-22.

2 Yosef Lapid & Friedrich Kratochwil, eds, The Return of Culture and Identity in IR Theory (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1996); Alexander Wendt, `Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics', International Organization, vol. 46, no. 2, Spring 1992, pp. 391-426; and Emanuel Adler, `Seizing the Middle Ground: Constructivism in World Politics', European Journal of International Relations, vol. 3, no. 3, September 1997, pp. 319-363.

3 Ronald L. Jepperson, Alexander Wendt & Peter J. Katzenstein, `Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security', in Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), pp. 33-75.

4 Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (London: Touchstone, 1998), p. 43.

5 Michel Foucault, `Governmentality', in Graham Burchell, Colin Cordon & Peter Miller, eds, The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 87-104.

6 See, for example, Matthias Dembinski & Kinka Gerka, eds, Cooperation or Conflict? Transatlantic Relations in Transition (New York: St. Martin's, 1999); Max Kaase & Andrew Kohut, eds, Estranged Friends? The Transatlantic Consequences of Societal Change (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1996); and Gary L. Geipel & Robert A. Manning, eds, Rethinking the Transatlantic Partnership: Security and Economics in a New Era (Washington, DC: Hudson Institute, 1996).

7 This section draws upon my `Mind the Gap! Transatlantic Security and NATO's Future', in Ustina Markus & Daniel N. Nelson, eds, Eurasian and East European Security Yearbook: 2001 (Dulles, VA: Brassey's, forthcoming).

8 David Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity, rev. edn (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), pp. 138-139.

9 Karl Deutsch defined a `security community' as an area `in which there is real assurance that the members of that community will not fight each other physically, but will settle their disputes in some other way'. See Karl W. Deutsch, Political Community and the North Atlantic Area (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957), p. 5. For a different view, see Antony J. Blinken, `The False Crisis Over the Atlantic', Foreign Affairs, vol. 80, no. 3, May/June 2001, pp. 35-48.

10 David Gress, From Plato to NATO: The Idea of the West and Its Opponents (New York: Free Press, 1998).

11 Iver B. Neumann & Jennifer M. Welsh, `The Other in European Self-Definition', Review of International Studies, vol. 17, no. 4, October 1991, pp. 327-348.

12 Rob de Wijk, `What Is NATO?', in Rob de Wijk, Bram Boxhoorn & Niklaas Hoekstra, eds, NATO After Kosovo (Breda: Tilburg University Press, 2000), pp. 3-18.

13 Tony Blair, Prime Minister's Speech on a New Beginning for Kosovo (10 June 1999); available at http://www.number-10.gov.uk/news.asp?Newsld=391.

14 Huntington (note 4 above), p. 161.

15 NATO's Washington Summit Communiqué (23-25 April 1999); available at http://www.nato.int/docu/rdr-gde/rdrgde-e.pdf.

16 The Kosovo war also offered the EU an opportunity to assert its moral superiority. For example, French Prime Minister Lionel Jospin argued in March 1999: `For decades Europe, at any rate our Europe, has been being rebuilt on new foundations of peace, respect for human rights. To accept the flouting of these values on the European Union's doorstep would have meant betraying ourselves. What is at stake in today's conflict is a certain conception of Europe. Do we accept the return of barbarism on our continent or do we rise up against it? For us, the choice is clear.' See Lionel Jospin, Speech to the National Assembly (Paris, 26 March 1999). Available at http://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr//actual/dossiers/kosovo/kosovo12.bg.html (accessed 16 November 2000).

17 Campbell (note 8 above), p. 156.

18 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1995).

19 Reinhold Viehoff & Rien T. Segers, eds, Kultur, Identität, Europa: Über die Schwierigkeiten und Möglichkeiten einer Konstruktion [Culture, Identity, Europe: On the Difficulties and Possibilities of a Construction] (Frankfurt a/M: Suhrkamp, 1999); and Peter van Ham, `Europe's Postmodern Identity: A Critical Appraisal', International Politics, vol. 38, no. 2, June 2001, pp. 229-251.

20 Romano Prodi, President of the European Commission, `2000-2005: Shaping the New Europe', European Parliament (Strasbourg), 15 February 2000; available at http://europa.eu.int/rapid/start/cgi/guesten.ksh?p_action.gettxt=gt&doc= SPEECH/00/41|0| AGED&lg=EN.

21 On governmentality, see Foucault (note 5 above); Mitchell Dean, Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society (London: Sage, 1999); and Michael Dillon, `Sovereignty and Governmentality: From the Problematics of the “New World Order” to the Ethical Problematic of the World Order', Alternatives, vol. 20, no. 3, July-September 1995, pp. 323-368.

22 Quoted in Michael Ignatieff, `Nationalism and Toleration', in Richard Caplan & John Feffer, eds, Europe's New Nationalism: States and Minorities in Conflict (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 213-231, on p. 213.

23 Barry W. Lynn, `Wrong Man for Justice', MSNBC, 15 January 2001; available at http://www.msnbc.com/news/516635.asp?cp1=1 (accessed 17 January 2001).

24 Walter Schwimmer, Secretary General of the Council of Europe, `Death Penalty in U.S. Must be Rethought', International Herald Tribune, 25 January 2001.

25 Naomi Klein, No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies (New York: Picador, 1999); and Peter van Ham `The Rise of the Brand State: The Postmodern Politics of Image and Reputation', Foreign Affairs, vol. 80, no. 5, September/October 2001, pp. 2-6.

26 Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power (New York: Basic, 1990), p. 191.

27 See http://www.wired.com/news/politics/0,1283,36504,00.html.

28 Benjamin R. Barber, Jihad vs. McWorld (New York: Times Books, 1995); and Barber, `Democracy at Risk: American Culture in a Global Culture', World Policy Journal, vol. 15, no. 2, Summer 1998, pp. 29-41.

29 Zygmunt Bauman, Globalization: The Human Consequences (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998).

30 Speech by NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson, `Turkey and a European Security and Defence Identity', in Istanbul (Turkey), 23 November 2000.

31 Speech by George W. Bush at Iowa Western Community College, 21 January 2000. Quoted from http://politics.slate.msn.com/Features/bushisms/bushisms.asp (accessed 31 January 2001).

32 George W. Bush, presidential candidacy announcement speech in Cedar Rapids, IA, 12 June 1999; available at http://issues2000.org/Celeb/More_George_W_ Bush_Defense.htm (accessed 1 February 2001).

33 Quoted in `US National Security Concerns', Financial Times, 31 January 2001.

34 American Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, quoted in American Forces Information Service, `Bush, Rumsfeld Pledge Support to Military', 26 January 2001; available at http://www.defenselink.mil/news/ Jan2001/n01262001_200101266.html.

35 Both quotes from `From Missile Defense to a Space Arms Race? Rumsfeld's Support of Satellite Attack and Defense Could Fuel Global Debate on Military's Reach', Washington Post, 30 December 2000.

36 With the exception of the United Kingdom and Denmark, which are basing countries for current and future upgraded NMD systems.

37 Such as the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the Wassenaar arrangement (on dual-use technology export control), the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), and the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC).

38 `Target Practice', The Guardian (Manchester), 22 January 2001.

39 Peter van Ham, European Integration and the Postmodern Condition: Governance, Democracy, Identity (London: Routledge, 2001).

40 Philip H. Gordon, ` “Rogue States” and Transatlantic Relations', in Frances G. Burwell & Ivo Daalder, eds, The United States and Europe in the Global Arena (New York: St. Martin's, 1999), pp. 109-127.

41 United States President Bill Clinton argued at the end of the Kosovo war: `The demands of an outraged and united international community have been met.' Quoted in Washington Post, 11 June 1999.