Saudi Women's Attitudes Toward Advocacy for Women's Rights

Abstract

There is a growing women's rights advocacy movement in Saudi Arabia—much of which explicitly targets the male guardianship system. In this system, Saudi women are restricted by the male-dominated culture and face obstacles that hold them accountable to their male guardians. Recent changes in this system have become crucially important to women's lives, but still, leave women lacking full freedom. This exploratory study provides a thematic analysis of 16 Saudi women's advocacy perspectives by focusing on the deeper meanings of their expressed attitudes toward the male guardianship system in Saudi Arabia. Analysis revealed conflicting attitudes toward women's advocacy for women's rights. Women who were hurt by the system raised concerns about being labeled as advocates. They feared being socially judged and having their families shamed for advocating against social norms and principles of Islam. These concerns led them to use fake social media accounts to support advocates. Those who supported the male guardianship system expressed their worries about the next generation being influenced by outside ideologies and abandoning their Islamic values. This paper concludes with recommendations for future social work practice and scholarship.

Introduction & Background

Eleanor Roosevelt noted that “In the end, we are one world and that which injures any one of us, injures all of us” (as cited in U.S. Department of State, 2018, para. 5). In the Kingdom of Saudia Arabia—an Islamic, patriarchal state—women continue to be injured and struggle to loosen the bonds of the male guardianship system, which has oppressed women there for centuries. Throughout history, Saudi women's rights have been influenced by a complicated cultural mixture of religious and traditional beliefs. Many Saudi women suffer from societal and systemic oppression due to extremist religious beliefs and strongly ingrained customs. Some of these beliefs have been codified into law, resulting in men's authority over important aspects of women's lives, including marriage, travel, work, study, and moving from the family home (Alharbi, 2017; Al-Saggaf & Williamson, 2004; Doumato, 1992).

For decades, Saudi women have organized in an attempt to resist the Kingdom's gendered laws. In the 1990s, a group of 49 women protestors drove their cars in public. They wrote to officials and demanded women's equal right to drive. These women were all educated in the West and came from well-known families. Five held doctoral degrees. In response, the religious police tried to arrest them. The Interior Ministry subsequently issued official bans on women's driving and all future political activity. Moreover, the head of the Council of Senior Clerics, Al-Sheikh Abdulaziz Ibn Baz, declared that women were not allowed to drive motor vehicles. The resulting punishment for the protestors was harsh. The authorities confiscated the passports of women and their husbands and suspended those who were working in educational institutions from their jobs (Doumato, 1992). The religious police also released the names of the protestors to the public in a derogatory form: “Here are the names of the sluts who advocate vice and corruption on the earth” (Doumato, 1992, p. 32). The excessive reaction from the authorities in Saudi Arabia resulted in the absence of any demonstrations or protests for nearly 20 years.

Restrictions against public, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in Saudi Arabia have further limited women's activist opportunities to individual scattered efforts (Tonnessen, 2016). The unregulated groups advocating for human rights present opinions more widely on social media, the prevalence of which has allowed women to express views about their issues (Alhargan, 2012). Using social media for a women's rights campaign in Saudi Arabia has become valuable and effective advocacy. Women of various age groups have access and input, including those women who cannot leave their homes and meet others. Social media has been a convenient way to provide access to various ideas, conversation related to women's rights concerns., and give relatively safe opportunities to engage in free public dialogue (Shirky, 2011).

There have been three critical recent social media campaigns in Saudi Arabia that have drawn public attention due to widespread participation. First, on October 26, 2011, campaign was launched through both YouTube and Twitter to demand women's right to drive in public. Women's activist strategies included uploading videos of themselves driving, which were ultimately shared on YouTube and Twitter. Although this campaign generated significant interest around the country and serious attention from the government, it did not yield legislation to authorize women's right to obtain drivers’ licenses.

Secondly, the 2013 “No more abuse” campaign was an antidomestic abuse campaign established by Saudi Arabia's King Khalid Foundation (2013). Although its goals were somewhat general and innocuous, it helped reduce the stigma surrounding public discourse on intimate partner violence in Saudi Arabia. As a result, discussions about the issue appeared in popular media for the first time and opened the door for future action on the issue.

Finally, a Twitter campaign with the hashtag “Abolishing guardianship system” was begun by a group of women in August 2016. The campaign continued daily for over a year and effectively influenced other women to post their stories, experiences, and opinions (BBC News, 2017). After the hashtag started, Azizah Al-Yousif and a group of educated women uploaded an online petition to gather women's signatures. The petition requested that the male guardianship regulations be revisited. It contained 15 requests, including abolishing the required male permission for women to access education, work, treatment, other social services, and the freedom of women's mobility. Thirty thousand Saudi women signed the petition with their full names (Khalejia, 2016).

Despite decades of efforts, policy reforms related to women's empowerment have been slow to arrive. A major achievement came in 2011 when King Abdullah announced his decision to allow women to be involved in politics as members of the Shura Council and be elected in the next municipal election cycle. The Shura Council is a panel of experts appointed by the king to provide input on policy issues for the kingdom. The king appointed women on the Council, and along with some supportive male co-members, they presented many issues related to women's rights. Despite the rejection of these proposals, their ongoing efforts helped sustain public attention and media coverage of women's issues over time. For instance, women's right to drive was proposed to the Council in 2005 and 2013 but was ultimately rejected.

After King Abdullah's death in 2015, reforms were continued by King Salman and his son, the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Reforms included opening job opportunities for women in the private sector and limiting the role of the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, which prevented the harassment of women in public places for showing their faces or for the way they cover themselves. In 2017, a draft of an amendment outlawing girls’ underage marriage was proposed to the Council. The Council largely rejected consideration of the issue, claiming that the case was under the Council of Senior Scholars’ competence as a religious issue. After six months, in January 2018, the Shura Council was directed by higher authorities to discuss the issue and provide its recommendations to the cabinet (Okaz, 2018). Similar circumstances occurred for all issues related to women and involved long and heated discussions in the Shura Council, which were followed by the media. This coverage raised awareness and public consciousness of these issues. Although there are institutionalized limits to the effectiveness of women's participation in politics in Saudi Arabia, this slow and steady progress demonstrates considerable achievement for women's opportunity to bring to the surface women's issues that had never been presented or negotiated before.

Recently, there have been two key women's rights victories in Saudi Arabia. In April 2017, King Salman issued an order to all government agencies to provide services to women even if they did not have a male guardian's consent. Months later, he issued an order allowing women the right to drive a car by June 2018. In July 2019, he granted women the right to be issued passports and leave the country without guardian approval. This royal decree (M 134) stated that all Saudi citizens, aged 21 and up, can obtain passport documents. This policy made women's freedom to travel equal to that of men.

Although progress has been made in many areas, there remain dangers to women's advocacy in Saudi Arabia. Some women's rights activists have experienced defamation campaigns such as threats of murder and malicious legal complaints (Tonnessen, 2016, p. 18). Still, women's social media campaigns have had a large-scale echo locally and abroad despite the physical, social, and political danger. Even though there has been a success with campaigns that call for abolishing male guardianship to mobilize proponents, including men and women, there remains a considerable segment who see the abolishment as a way that leads to the westernization of Islamic principles, which they describe as an act from religious and political enemies (Tonnessen, 2016).

At the same time, there has been international scrutiny over Saudi Arabia's compliance with international treaties over women's rights. For example, Human Rights Watch (2017) observed contradictions in annual reports provided by the Saudi government regarding the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Saudi Arabia has claimed and maintained a unique approach to implementing the agreement by stating that development and reforms for women's status are based on the heritage of Islamic civilization and the associated religious values (Pharaon, 2004). The Saudi government has specified a general reservation, stating that, “In case of contradiction between any term of the Convention and the norms of Islamic law, the Kingdom is not under obligation to observe the contradictory terms of the Convention” (Human Rights Watch, 2017).

Despite these constraints, Saudi women have worked to transform the hegemonic power structure via multimedia platforms using technology such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube. Muslim feminist scholars are interpreting Islamic religious texts more liberally, but more Saudi female theologian scholars are needed. However, the risks are still many for those who want to counter the hegemony. Many have been condemned by society-at-large and some have been imprisoned for accusations of corruption, or for spreading liberal or secular ideologies to incite women against their male guardians to create political and social instability. For these reasons, many Saudi women have concealed their opinions on women's rights issues in public. As a result, little is known about their perspectives on women's rights advocacy in Saudi Arabia. To address this gap, this paper reports on a thematic analysis of interviews with 16 Saudi women regarding the current women's rights movement in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Theoretical Perspectives

Feminist Theory

Feminist theory provides a critical perspective that, “unlike more familiar traditions, explains the structure and dynamics of women's experiences within sociopolitical and interpersonal sexual hierarchies” (Lewis, 1992, p. 6). Feminist theory provides a basis for considering women's experiences, status, and position within society by viewing their experiences within the contexts of social, political, and economic structures (Freeman, 1990). The feminist movement influenced social work learning and practice and created new perspectives on women's roles in society. This long history of feminist progress has also carried a new understanding of women's issues, which has helped both women and men better understand women's positions and social roles. A feminist perspective provides researchers with a useful lens with which to explore women's issues. Feminist practice provides practical methods and skills for collaborative work that can be used to raise the consciousness level for issues that affect gendered social relations within societies (Author, 2020; Payne, 2005).

The application of feminist theory is beneficial in two essential ways. First, a holistic social work education should consider the influence of gender. Including a feminist perspective will enhance the educational experience (Freeman, 1990). Therefore, applying feminist ideas within the cultural framework of the Saudi Arabian experience in a social work curriculum will benefit social workers in comprehensively dealing with women's issues. Second, feminist theory “offers a relevant framework for assessing social functioning and the design and implementation of interventions to improve, enhance, or restore the functioning of individuals, families, groups, organizations, communities, and society. These tasks are the core of social work practice” (Freeman, 1990, p. 149). This perspective allows social workers to understand Saudi women's enduring guardianship struggles and allows social workers to advocate for equality.

Feminist Legal Theory

Feminist legal theory emerged from feminist theory and is based on the belief that the law or societal structures have been fundamental in women's historical subordination (Fletcher, 2002; Lacey, 1989). Within Saudi society, Sharia law was instituted based on culture and ideology and has played a significant role in women's subordinate status. In addition, feminist legal theory distinguishes between public and private law. The state is permitted to intrude in the public sphere, but not in the private sphere, and private refers to the domestic and familial realm of interpersonal relationships (Alhajri, 2020). In Saudi Arabia, as it is around the world, the personal is political, as women's personal lives are affected by their subordination to men and governmental and religious structures systemically. Feminist legal theory supports the notion that societal change occurs when laws change as they did during the beginnings of the feminist movements in Europe and the United States. These movements challenged laws perpetuating gender bias against women over the years, which led feminists to seek equality and justice by subjecting legal concepts to critical analysis methods (Drakopoulou, 2013; Fletcher, 2002; Lacey, 1989). This tactic is now being used by Saudi women seeking equality and justice.

In this project, we use feminist legal theory to show how the law can be used to reflect social change, initiate movement, and even facilitate it—regardless of the dominant conceptualizations and conclusions of the majority culture. In Saudi Arabia, as worldwide, assumptions about women's biological differences have been used to prejudice social practices. Yet, as feminist theories have demonstrated, gender, and indeed sex, are socially constructed concepts. This reflects the social processes of learning and internalizing behaviors and roles that have historically been considered appropriate to each sex (McCann & Kim, 2013). Feminist legal theory challenges conventional thoughts and traditions that maintain male power and privilege over women (Levit et al., 2016; McCann & Kim, 2013). Moreover, the concept of intersectionality offers a useful analytical tool to appreciate power differentials involved in intersecting identity characteristics such as gender, race, nationality, and religion (Crenshaw, 1991). This consideration is crucial given the nuanced intersectional aspects of being a woman, Arab, Saudi Arabian, and Muslim.

Literature Review

A literature review demonstrated limited availability of information on feminist legal theory in a social work research, particularly on Arab Muslim women and male guardianship (Mojab, 2001). A famous symbol of Muslim Arab feminism is Huda Shaarawi's work in the early 20th century. Shaarawi was a Muslim Arab woman who grew up in Egypt. She was well known for taking off her Hijab during a public protest with her women followers after her husband's death in 1922. Shaarawi was an educated woman and an influential leader. She established a women's welfare society to raise money for the poor women of Egypt, opened a school for girls, and founded the Egyptian Feminist Union, a women's social service organization, and the Intellectual Association of Egyptian Women (Shaarawi, 1987). Another famous feminist woman is the novelist Nawal Saadawi. She addressed Muslim women's issues in her writing and wrote her autobiography as a Muslim physician woman in a patriarchal society. She devoted her life to be the voice of Muslim women in Egypt and in international forums (Britannica, 2021)

Amina Wadud reinterpreted the Quran from a Woman's Perspective in her book, Quran and Women. Wadud argued that the Quran does not strictly delineate roles for women and men. There is no inherent value placed on men or women as she refuted all the traditional interpretations of the verses that indicate men's superiority over women (Wadud, 1999). The book is banned in Saudi Arabia and some other Arab countries. However, Arab Muslim feminist scholars who are recognized elsewhere in the world are not typically appreciated in Saudi academic literature. On the contrary, Saudi women who intellectually advocate for women's rights tend to disconnect themselves from these feminists to be free of the guilt of association to be accepted by the public.

Women in Saudi Arabia are under the auspices of Sharia law and subject to its legal texts without feminist argumentation being considered through transparent legal or religious debate. According to feminist legal analysis, the Saudi social system—including Sharia law, traditions, education, religion, and everyday social interactions—shapes men's power over women. Several studies addressed the prevalence of domestic violence against women in Saudi Arabia. Reports of abuse are often denied, minimized, and the legal response is generally passive (Almosaed, 2004; Barnawi, 2015; Eldoseri et al., 2014). Physical, emotional, and economic exploitation and abuse of women continued in the absence of laws and deterrent sanctions related to women's protection and safety (Shalhoub, 2015). This may relate to the belief in physical punishment among men as an effective way of dealing with women's perceived misconduct or disobedience (Almosaed, 2004). Legal regulation of private aspects of life, like marriage and family matters, is sorely needed (Alhajri, 2020).

Among the literature on social work in Saudi Arabia that discusses issues of women's rights, few pieces refer to a feminist perspective or feminist legal theory. The terms “feminism” and “feminist” are not widely used among Saudi women's rights researchers and activists (Author, 2020). Saudi authorities view women's rights activists as threats to the state (Al-Dabbagh, 2015). Al-Dabbagh (2015) describes three categories of activists for women's rights based on their direct experiences with collaborative feminist work in Saudi Arabia. These groups include liberal activists that organize international human rights activities in general; Islamic feminist groups that focus on promoting women's rights within Sharia law by revising and reinterpreting Islamic texts; and conservative groups who tend to hold to a strict, traditional interpretation of Sharia law to maintain the cultural status quo (Al-Dabbagh, 2015). Other, more conservative, scholars address feminism as Western propaganda toward equality between women and men. They also view feminism as a form of neocolonialism and imperialism developed by Western countries and consider the idea of equality to be unnatural and unfair as they see women are biologically unsuitable for any role but motherhood (Pharaon, 2004).

Bawazeer (2015) studied feminist perspectives and women's education challenges in Saudi Arabia. She developed a survey that was discussed among focus group interviews of female college students in Jeddah. She demonstrated that a small portion of the elite and highly educated society are pro-western feminists who stressed equality as a key to addressing women's issues. This group followed the Western feminist agenda and benefitted from its experience. They did not have concerns for women's needs in a more traditional religious culture. The second group, the pro-Islamic group, opposes a feminist perspective based on a mix of religious and traditional beliefs. The pro-Islamic group argues that women should have fair treatment, but not equal to men as they naturally are not equal to men. The third group tends to affiliate with the pro-Islamic group and considers themselves the contemporary Islamic group. They promote fairness but not equality and disagree with pro-Islamic mentalities on some significant issues (Bawazeer, 2015). However, both the pro-Islamic and the contemporary Islamic groups have reservations about the first group (Alhajri, 2020).

In a study of empowering Saudi women through social policymaking, Shalhoub (2015) explored ensuring women's equality according to Islamic law. The study included 338 faculty members from five universities in Saudi Arabia and 55 Shura Council members. The results showed some weaknesses in the Saudi judiciary system regarding women's rights issues. She reported no policies protecting women from some forms of physical violence, no deterrent sanctions for abusers, and no proper procedure for following up on the enforcement of court rulings (Shalhoub, 2015).

Research Aims and Research Question

There is a gap in the literature regarding contemporary attitudes toward Saudi women's rights advocacy, especially since women have been given more rights through the recent law reforms. To address this gap, this study addresses the following research question: What are Saudi women's attitudes toward women's rights advocacy? The answers will reveal Saudi women's attitudes toward advocacy and advocates and bring understanding about the motives that encourage or deter their participation in advocacy.

Methodology

The University Institutional Review Board approved this exploratory study to examine Saudi women's attitudes toward advocacy for women's rights. Uncovering women's attitudes is instrumental to understanding how Saudi women perceive advocacy. A qualitative study provided a more comprehensive understanding of women's perspectives by focusing on the deeper meaning that is hidden in participants’ minds and can be brought to the surface through open and interactive dialogue with the researchers. Meanings of what we believe and why we believe it is often influenced by interactions with other people within any sociocultural context (Turner, 2010).

Sampling and Participant Recruitment

An appropriate sample size for a qualitative study is one that allows the researchers to adequately answer the research question (Marshall, 1996, p. 523). The need for detailed intensive information requires a small number of purposefully chosen participants, selected based on a conceptual, theoretical framework with a size better not to be predetermined (Tuckett, 2004; Walsh & Downe, 2006). Purposive sampling methods were used to recruit the initial participants, and snowball sampling techniques were also used so that participants made referrals to their potential contacts who agreed to be interviewed. This technique is helpful due to the population of this study who are unlikely to respond to advertisements due to the sensitivity of the topic being studied (Heckathorn, 2011). This strategy allowed the researcher to obtain specific information by deliberately selecting individuals who have a unique and critical perspective on women's rights advocacy. Sixteen women were recruited. Seven of them were interviewed face-to-face at locations of their convenience in Saudi Arabia. Nine interviews were conducted via phone calls using different apps. The interviews were conducted in the Arabic language. Prior to analysis, they were translated and transcribed into English by the lead author. The participants were asked their opinion on advocacy for women's rights in Saudi Arabia and if they were participating in this advocacy. They were also asked why they did or did not participate. The average duration of each interview was about an hour. The researcher obtained the participants’ permission to be contacted during the interview translation as needed. The researchers emphasized the voluntary nature of participation, explaining the right to withdraw at any time, and ensured confidentiality by using pseudonyms for participants.

Data Analysis

Thematic analysis is a foundational method that is widely used in qualitative research. Thematic analysis was used to identify, report, and analyze data for the meanings produced by participants’ perspectives through themes. To find common themes across the sample, the researchers analyzed the data using a codebook in which themes were compared within and across all transcripts. These initial codes were grouped under more abstract codes by the themes that compared shared characteristics and meanings. The researchers wrote memos about the meaning of each code during the analysis. Five major themes were extracted from 27 codes. For example, codes such as religious respect, tradition respect, undervalue advocacy effects, contempt for the advocates, and contempt for the advocacy's demands generated the opponent theme. By way of contrast, participating, encouraging, supporting, responding with likes and comments, and sharing stories generated the proponent theme. The risk of being socially judged or officially castigated and harmed was developed by codes such as risk and safety, judged, fake social media accounts, and labeled as against the Islamic values.

Validity

This study used one source of data, the words of the Saudi women, and one data gathering method, semistructured interviews conducted either face-to-face or via telephone. To enhance validity, the strategy of member-checking was done formally and informally (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Riessman, 1993). At the end of each question, the researcher summarized and repeated the participant's answer and allowed them to reform their statement and delete or add. After the interview and the notes were organized and based on the participant's willingness, the documents were sent back to the participants for formal member-checking. This strategy allowed the participants to understand and assess the interview and correct errors and any potential misinterpretations. A thick description strategy was used to describe the experience in sufficient detail to allow readers to evaluate the extent to which the study's findings are transferable to other times, situations, and populations. Further validity was ensured using various strategies such as field notes and accurate transcribing (Creswell et al., 2007). Field notes included things such as silence moments, tone of voice, and feelings such as hesitation, concerns, and participants’ devotion to tradition. The principal researcher is a Saudi woman raised in Saudi Arabia and has a personal perspective of the study topic. To reduce bias, a reflective journal was used throughout the study to document and account for the impact of her experience. The researcher read that reflective journal before analyzing the data to be conscious of the influence of her own experience. The second author served in an advisory capacity and was not involved in data collection or analysis. Ethical considerations were addressed by obtaining informed consent that ensured confidentiality by not disclosing participants’ identities. Women who were invited to participate in this study were aged 18 and older.

Results

All of the 16 participants identified themselves as Saudi women who were born and raised in Saudi Arabia. Their ages ranged from 20 to 60. Participants declined to provide further demographic information related to income, education, and employment due to concerns over anonymity. The participants were given pseudonyms to protect their identity.

A thematic analysis of qualitative interview revealed five major themes: opponents of advocacy, proponents of advocacy, the effect of risk and fear on decision-making, positive impact, and negative impact. Of the 16 women interviewed, only five participants were proponents of women's rights. However, they were also afraid of being socially judged or officially castigated for supporting women's rights. Each theme is discussed below.

Opponents

The reasons that women stated in opposition to advocacy for women's rights varied. Lulu expressed her opposition to women's rights campaigns as she described advocates as “spoiled girls” referring to their demands to travel without permission from male guardians. The theme of the opponent addressed what opponents viewed as the advocates’ misrepresentation, which increases the society's resistance. Summer did not feel that those women represented her because they were publicly considered corrupted and careless by focusing on traveling for pleasure or hanging around for fun, leading the Saudi government to take action against them and other women. She stated:

I do not feel those women represent me. Some of them misrepresented the issue more than they benefited from it. They appeared in social media and international media to harm the issue and were provocative to the government. They seemed to the public as corrupted and careless girls who want just to get away from their guardians to have fun. They presented the issue of the guardian as preventing women from traveling for pleasure or to hang around for fun as part of their luxury life. You know because we are a wealthy society in general, some people think we just want to have more fun and spend money abroad.

Likewise, Nurah thought that the advocates for women's rights provoked society and the government against women. She said:

I do not agree with them. I do not participate in their campaigns. I will never do this. All they do is provoke the society against women.

Almas thought that activists did not do any good for Saudi women by posting “bad” pictures of themselves in “bad” places, referring to being in other countries where they appeared in public without Abaya (the black long dress Saudi women must wear in public). She said:

In fact, they did not rescue any women. Some of them hurt themselves really badly. To me, they have gone so far. As you know, people accused them of horrible stuff. Some of them posted pictures of themselves without Abaya and being in wrong places.

Nuof believed that the advocates were corrupted and were trying to influence other girls. She referred to girls who made it out of the country without their guardian's approval as victims of social media. She believed that the guardian's job and the mother's job were to keep the women in the household, regardless of their ages, to ensure safety and not be exposed to bad friends and social media. As she stated:

Traveling is their most important issue. We all heard about girls escaping their homes and their country. This is an awful thing to happen to those girls who are victims of social media, and bad relationships with bad friends. I feel so sorry for their family because they did not take care of them from the beginning. We do our best and God will help us. Men and good mothers are in a war trying to keep our daughters and wives safe. Hopefully, the government will never allow women to travel. My concern is about those young women who get brainwashed and make awful decisions such as leaving their family.

Rana had another point of view explaining why she disagreed with the advocates. She stated that they were disorganized and did not have a clear agenda. She described their demands as they were against Islamic values and their own families. She noted that they shamed their families in public by posting their family names. She said:

It is not clear to me what they are advocating about. There have no clear goals. Some said the goal is to abolish the guardianship system. Their demands are hurting Saudi women's reputations. People talk about Saudi women as a repellent, disobedient to Islamic values. Some of them have gone so far. What kind of girl shames her family in public? The girls took their father to court and to encourage them against their families. They posted their names and their family names. Some of them escaped the country, telling the story that they had fallen in love with somebody. All these things are not good behavior as Muslim girls.

Proponents

On the other hand, some supported advocacy. For example, Abeer and Sarah expressed their complete support of advocacy for women's rights and participation in the women's rights campaigns. Sarah appreciated the advocates’ sacrifices. She pointed out the effects of the driving campaign, as it gave women their right to drive while at the same time putting some of the advocates in jail. Also, she appreciated the abolishment of the guardianship system campaign. She said:

I think they deserve to be respected. They did so much for us. Some of them are in jail now while we benefited from their advocacy. The driving campaign has so much impact on the government. Abolish guardianship system campaign helped women to get their paperwork done by themselves.

Laila was appreciative and supportive of women's rights campaigns but had some reservations about some of the advocates’ liberal ideas. She thought those women activists did not present the essential needs of women:

Even though we do not agree with some of their actions, I support the idea. They are brave girls. Most of them are young and liberal. We need those who are hurt by the system to keep the advocacy going. More critical issues include women being physically abused, deprived of their right to marry, and denied their right to work.

Maha expressed her support for the women's rights campaigns. However, she recognized Saudi values and respected the campaign. She did not appreciate some of those advocates who disrespected the Islamic religion or the social norms. She said:

I support them entirely and sometimes I commented in their posts. However, they have bad reputation because they posted their picture without Hijab. Some of them talk about traditions and religion in a sarcastic way.

Almas attributed the reform policies that allowed women to leave the country without being accused of escaping or running away to the hard work of activists. She said:

I appreciate what they are doing. Women are the only brave ones who advocate for their rights and we see the results. If the policy reforms are true, at least women who choose to leave the country for good, no one will call her “escaped” or “running away” and they will not be brought back by force.

Risk of Being Socially Judged or Officially Castigated and Harmed

Most of the participants referred to advocacy as dangerous, including those who were against it. Given historic imprisonment and other forms of persecution such as physical and sexual violence against women advocates, most participants indicated that it was not safe to advocate openly. Hence, they participated in media campaigns with fake names and fake pictures. Some participants reported they initiated separate Twitter accounts to feel safe and protect their families from facing social ostracization. Laila stated that she could not advocate because she feared being labeled as anti-Islamic or a corrupted woman. She said:

Most women think it is useless, and dangers are great to advocate. So, I do not do any advocacy because people around me will judge me as corrupted, anti-Islamic or that I want to show off.

Laila also shared that she is judged just because she is driving, indicating that she supports women's right to drive. She drove her car in a small town and faced social stigma and judgment although she was driving wearing Niqab. She spoke painfully about the ostracization that she faced. She said:

When I drive in a small city, I face so many incidents that hurt my feelings while driving. My kids were usually with me during these incidents. For instance, I parked my car in front of store one time. Two women said some bad words to me, and one of them lifted her Niqab and spat on my car window. My kids saw that. Another time a woman with her man in their car looked at me and made a hand gesture insulting me because I was behind the wheel driving. Men drive around me with no respect sometimes. These incidents made me feel bad. How about if I am an advocate. These women have been subjected to all kinds of harassment.

Also, Abeer explained how she protected her identity by participating in an anonymous profile. She stated that she did this to avoid family conflict and social judgments:

Because my family will make a big deal of it and it is not good all relatives know that I am doing it. Even people at work will judge me. I did not want that. It is so much headache.

Nurah and Sarah commented that they appreciated the sacrifices of women's rights advocates. Other participants feared being arrested or jailed. Sarah and Nurah respected many women's rights advocates who risked their lives to give voice to women. They said:

I appreciate what they are doing for all women. Some of them survived, and some of them lost their freedom. It causes some of them to be in jail and lose what was left of their freedom.

Those who disclosed their identity and lived here are those I really respect. They face all kinds of threats from people, the authorities too and sometimes from their own family. I do not want to end up in prison like what happened to some of the advocates.

Positive Impact

Another important theme that has shaped women's attitudes toward advocacy is the positive impact on the participants’ lives. For example, Laila felt supported and attributed the recent policy reforms to women advocates’ efforts as she said:

The guardianship system campaign has become the topic number one among the public. It got religious, media, and finally government attention. During that time, I was going through a rough situation. I was heavily engaging in social media. I was reading about women's experiences and commenting on some issues.

Haya said: “The ongoing dialogue in the media at all levels, such as political, social, and religious dialogues about women's rights, inspired me to fight for my rights.” About participating in social media campaigns, she added, “I am always eager to take part in it.”

Three participants reported that they are not in favor of the guardianship system but have no problem with it—either because they have adjusted their life to it or their guardians make it easy to live with it. They appreciated the advocates’ efforts and valued their work as they participated and supported the campaigns. As Maha said:

My father does everything for me. I do not feel what other women are going through, but I understand that because I have a good father. I also feel their pain. Some girls at school cannot join us at a party or meet us anywhere when we have a group project because their father will not allow them. The rules are changing. After the policy reform, many families started to give their daughters some freedom.

Negative Impact

Five participants reported that they were oppressed by the system, but did not support the advocacy, tended to tolerate the oppression, and had no intention to challenge it. Lulu explained that the advocacy harms the advocates and has no influence on women's lives. As she noted:

Those who advocate for women's rights get nothing but disrespect and are socially judged. I do not participate in any advocacy. It has had no impact on my life. The policies reform was not a result of the advocacy. It was the king's decision that did not affect my life anyway because my father was the one who made the rules in our family.

Dana, who suffered a great deal from the system, has an opposite opinion on the impact of the advocacy. She thinks that women advocates already have a wide margin of freedom. They are provoking her father to be stricter by posting demands and pictures of themselves that are not accepted by the conservative Saudi norms. As she expressed:

When I discussed my rights with my family, they started talking about seeing the advocates’ pictures and videos flaunt in public with no Niqab or Hijab. They say you just want to go loitering and showing off like women on social media. They shift the discussion and accuse me that this is all that I want to be.

Three participants reported that the advocacy for women's rights is calling for social corruption, damaging the family relationship, and denigrating the repetition of Muslim women.

Nuof has four daughters who are all adults. She criticized women advocating against the male guardianship system and how some men give up their duty by letting women do what they want regardless of the Islamic values and social norms.

We used to stay home. Nowadays, it is hard to control my daughters. My husband relies on me to watch our daughters. Those who want women to go out and live like men destroy the family and make it hard for the parents to control their daughters.

Although Rana has been through an unjust situation by her guardian, which negatively impacted her life for a long term, she believes women cannot live without men. These events did not change her attitude about the system. She kept her belief, and she thinks that women who advocate against the system are hurting Saudi women.

We are Muslim women. We respect Islam values. It is embarrassing when I see Saudi women demand things that are against decency.

Discussion

Women's rights activists in Saudi Arabia face cultural resistance. Surprisingly, even some of the proponents expressed reservations about the advocates crossing social norms and religious rules. Religious criticism, posting pictures without Hijab, or challenging the government were considered inappropriate actions for most of the participants. This finding is consistent with previous studies demonstrating that posting women's photos online without a Hijab or criticizing religion in Saudi Arabia is influenced by Islamic rules and social norms (Alharbi, 2017; Guta & Karolak, 2015). In a society that respects and values its tradition, such acts would classify advocates as opponents of Islam and social norms. Although women's status appears to have progressed since the 1990s, society still stigmatizes women who raise their voices, speak up about their needs, and present themselves in public as they want to be. This finding showed that women condemned other women for simply practicing their granted rights. For instance, a woman spits in another woman's face in front of her children while in her car, just because she was driving. This reaction showed how some women still believe in traditional roles that keep women at home for household jobs.

The feminist movement has had similar issues elsewhere, including resistance and condemnation from men and women regardless of their age or education level. Huda Shaarawi is one of the pioneer feminists in Arab Muslim countries. Notwithstanding her incredible legacy of effort and success, she is still targeted by conventional value-holders and conservative Muslim scholars in the Arab world. In the eyes of conservative Muslims, she has been symbolic of corrupted women and accused of detracting from Islamic values, declaring disobedience of social norms, and serving outsider agendas. Feminist practice aims to create new beliefs and carry a new perspective toward women's issues, which usually face resistance (Payne, 2005). In a conservative society like Saudi Arabia, the opposition is expected to be more aggressive as the demands and acts are unfamiliar and need time to be accepted.

It is essential to recognize that the participants’ greatest critique was toward social media advocacy. Conversely, women who advocated within the government context, such as through the Shura Council or government-monitored newspaper columns, were viewed more positively because they used these channels to draw attention to women's rights issues. The success within these existing structures may be explained by their relatively moderate approaches to advocacy that respected social and religious norms.

Women reported that the social media advocates’ actions globally embarrass the government. They stated that some advocates provoked the government to take harsh responses toward advocacy, which caused some activists to lose their freedom. This attitude from women can be explained as a social attitude toward government's response to any disturbing actions. The nature of tribal society relies on absolute respect and obedience to the leader's decision. People tend to validate any action made based on the leader's approval of that action. Regardless of their motive, people tend to condemn any disturbing actions challenging the rulers. In addition, there is a strong belief in the attempt to foster and protect traditional values linked with maintaining internal security and solidarity in Saudi Society (Niblock, 2015).

Notably, all the research participants who reported participating and supporting these campaigns participated anonymously. They justified that in different ways. Some women spoke of their fear of being detained. Others felt the guilt of association with liberal women. These findings supported the conclusion of Guta and Karolak (2015) that ongoing discussion via social media is one way for women to engage in open dialogue. The internet creates a ripe opportunity to communicate without gatekeepers or supervision where women hide their identity under fake names. But the consensus in Saudi society is that a woman represents the whole family and the extended family. Being caught with socially inappropriate content on media can be considered dishonorable for all family members, especially male relatives (Guta & Karolak, 2015).

More efforts are needed from women in the intellectual atmosphere, social work educators, and social work practitioners working for/with oppressed and marginalized women. More efforts are also needed in the political arena where women's rights are protected and women's activities are regulated by law. Feminist legal theory, while a valuable and essential frame for women's liberation overall, posits that societies change as laws change. In the case of Saudi women, while some rules have changed, many women in society are either in disagreement with change or too fearful of supporting it openly. Usage of the terms “feminist” or “women's rights” was not evident in most of this sample of women, perhaps due to fear or devout religious beliefs.

Limitations

This study was not without limitations. As is common in qualitative studies, research was limited by reliance on a small convenience sample. Therefore, results are not generalizable beyond the study group. Additionally, this research was limited by participants’ unwillingness to provide in-depth demographic information. However, there were understandable cultural constraints that contributed to such apprehensions. A further challenge involved the validity of data, which was limited by the use of member-checking. Although this method empowered participants, it also had the disadvantage of allowing them to edit their own comments. Given the previously stated constraints, participants may have censored their own comments to conform to cultural standards.

Conclusion

Despite its limitations, this study contributes to the literature by revealing Saudi women's perspectives on women's advocacy in Saudi Arabia. As with all women in any society, Saudi women differ in their class, education levels, ages, cultural backgrounds, and feelings about advocacy for liberation. It is crucial for social workers to understand the individual differences, the importance of religious influence, and intersectionality of differences for these women. As advocates, social workers need to understand that for women to achieve empowerment and equality, they need to get beyond their differences and unite and coordinate their efforts to overcome oppression (Hamdan, 2005). Following the lead of Muslim feminists, Saudi advocates need to develop inclusive language to be accepted by all women from different backgrounds. Muslim feminists delivered their ideas and arguments in various contacts. Shaarawi's work targeted poor and rich women regardless of their level of education. Her intellectual and fieldwork included all women in Egypt, same as Saadawi novels. Inclusive dialogue is also needed. It is beneficial for Saudi advocates to open themselves to Muslim feminist advocates around the world and learn from their experience and work. It may also be helpful for women to have a space in which men and women can cooperate and organize change agents. Social work advocates and other allies need to work together to be able to influence societal attitudes and policies to implement changes across strong cultural, legal, and persecution barriers. One way to overcome these barriers is to support Muslim female scholarship in interpreting Islamic writings and female scholars teaching women about feminist principles.

This small, trustworthy study supported prior work regarding proponents, opponents, and women's fears of repercussions for advocacy. Feminist scholars, particularly Muslim women scholars, could extend this work by increasing the sample and including women from all living generations to identify future thinking. Overall, this study provided a glimpse into the perspectives and beliefs of 16 women who were brave enough to have the conversation.