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Abstract

Grandmother caregiving in African American communities is a tradition used across social classes and circumstances of adult children and grandchildren. Yet, in the literature, it is viewed as a strategy used when the well-being of children is in jeopardy, families have low-incomes and limited resources, and parents are experiencing social problems. However, Mrs. Marian Shields Robinson is serving as a grandmother caregiver to the first African American First Family in the White House. This article provides an expanded view on the variations of grandmother caregiving by critically analyzing it and Mrs. Robinson’s role to provide social workers with four implications for practice.

Keywords

affluent African American families supplemental caregiving The Obamas

First families or families of the Presidents of the United States have a high status, ultimate visibility, and extreme scrutiny (Stanyer & Harmer, 2010). A hallmark for a first, such as President Obama and his family, is serving as role models to a future generation regardless of social class (Spearman & Harrison, 2010). In addition, the first African American family in the White House is a source of pride and inspiration for many. The Obamas are an extended family with Mrs. Marian Robinson as grandmother caregiver. This extended family structure has been a source of strength for African American family but has been pathologized when viewed through a Eurocentric lens or oversimplified without attention to variations due to the intersections of diverse traditions and social classes. The Obamas’ choice of a grandmother caregiver, in addition to having qualified nannies to care for their daughters, illuminates the importance of the grandmother caregiver role across socioeconomic and social status locations in African American families. Within the African American culture, this multigenerational or extended family structure is not a pathologized position (Dodson, 2007; Lee, Ensminger, & LaVeist, 2006), but appreciated as a positive, valued family characteristic (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Brown & Mars, 2000; Wells-Wilbon & Simpson, 2009).

For African American females, caregiving is part of the socialization process that has served as a survival mechanism for their families (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Jimenez, 2002; Weaver, 2011, 2013). Many authors have written about the historical and contemporary role of grandmothering in the African American community (see Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Brown & Mars, 2000; Burton & Dilworth-Anderson, 1991; Jimenez, 2002; Lee et al., 2006; Weaver, 2011, 2013). They describe caregiving as a family obligation and expectation. Historically, it occurred while African American women were working during slavery, Jim Crow and the Great Black Migration eras. Caregiving was viewed not as a burden (Jimenez, 2002), but as a means of survival (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Jimenez, 2002; Weaver, 2011, 2013). Grandmothering is described as the central role in families and part of women’s collective responsibility for relative and nonrelative children. It is functional and provides multiple benefits to family members (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Jimenez, 2002). Grandmothers have had a positive and influential role in the lives of their grandchildren by transmitting family and cultural values and providing a safe and stable environment.

Diversity Within African American Grandmothers as Caregivers

Currently, the role of grandmother caregiving in the African American community is complex (Bertera & Crewe, 2013). It occurs across income levels and family structures including coresidential or absent parents and in grandparent- or parent-maintained households. It happens because of assisting family members, a need due to a social problem, or for the transmission of family and cultural values (Brown, Gourdine, Waites, & Owens, 2013; Lee et al., 2006). It is broadly defined as caregiving for grandchildren.

The social construction of grandmother caregiving is driven by interrelated factors such as the (a) circumstances of the biological parents of their grandchildren, (b) structure of the household, and (c) intensity or degree of caregiving. The term “Primary” describes grandmothers who are solely responsible for full-time caregiving in grandparent-maintained household when the parents are absent from the household due to parental social problems (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Gibson, 1999; Weaver, 2011). Social workers have been more attentive to primary caregivers because of their adult children’s problems such as incarceration, drug abuse, domestic violence, mental illness, HIV/AIDS, poverty, and child maltreatment (Bent-Goodley & Brade, 2007; Wells-Wilbon & Simpson, 2009). In this role, grandmothers are seen as sources of strength in African American families and the arrangement as family preservation (Scannapieco & Jackson, 1996) despite problems that may result to them such as financial hardship and increases in chronic health conditions (Kelley, Yorker, Whitley, & Sipe, 2001). Scannapieco and Jackson described this arrangement as allowing the children to remain within the family instead of being placed in foster care with strangers. Weaver (2013) applied the gender entrapment theory to one specific group of grandmother caregivers—those who are single and with adult children who are incarcerated. This author explained how racial socialization traps the grandmother into assuming the caregiver’s role, which results in their increased vulnerability.

Caregiving on a part-time basis is typically described by the terms “surrogate” caregiver and sometimes “supplemental” caregiver (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Brown & Mars, 2000; Hirshorn, 1998; Lee et al., 2006; Ruiz & Carlton-LaNey, 2008; Watson & Koblinsky, 2002; Weaver, 2011; 2013). These terms are also used interchangeably (Hirshorn, 1998) to broadly define the grandmother’s role as permanent or temporary caregiver of children with or without the parents in the household. When parents are present, or coresidential, grandmothers may be in the role as coparent or sharing parenting in a multiple generational family, for example, with teen parents or parents who are struggling with financial or other problems (Lee et al., 2006). These multigenerational families can also include parents who are fully functioning heads of the household and have requested that the grandmother provide child care either because of financial reasons or the transmission of family and cultural values. While types of multiple generational families vary, the distinction is often undergirded by social class. Households that are headed by either birth parents who are employed or males are generally described as middle class (Biblarz, Casper, & Jayasundera, 2009; Clavan, 1978; Weaver, 2013). One within-group variation of “supplemental” caregivers (Hirshorn, 1998) is contemporary and used to describe grandmothers who provide child care for working parents or those with busy schedules (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Weaver, 2013). The parents, who have careers, want grandmothers as caregivers to provide child care to achieve a work–life balance or because of the high cost of and restrictions on child care (Weaver, 2011, 2013). For affluent families with many options for caretakers, reasons to request grandparent caregiving include love, stability, adjustment, family protection, and cultural transmission for grandchildren (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Weaver, 2011, 2013). Yet, discussion of this variation is limited in the social work literature. This limitation perpetuates a pathological view of African American families with grandmothers as caregivers and restricts lessons learned by women in those roles that may be broadly relevant to supporting diverse families.

One widely recognized family currently resides in the White House: President Barack Obama, First Lady Michelle Obama, their daughters and Mrs. Obama’s mother, Mrs. Marian Robinson (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Weaver, 2013). The Obamas are atypical in that they are the first family in the White House in recent years to have a grandmother as a caregiver to the grandchildren (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Bond, 2012; Katz, 2008; Sherwell, 2008; Superville, 2010; The New York Times, 2009). The dual purpose of this article is (a) to demonstrate and call attention to social workers about the variations in African American grandmother caregiving as a traditional role to assist grandchildren and their parents and (b) to distinguish between the two major types of caregiving, primary and supplemental that have implications for culturally relevant practice, using examples of Mrs. Robinson’s role in the President and Mrs. Obama family as a case study to highlight the commonalities and differences. The current literature for social workers on African American grandmothers as primary caregivers focuses on vulnerable families (Lee et al., 2006) and thus distorts the positive meaning of African American grandparent caregiving communities. Attention to Mrs. Marian Robinson’s role as a supplemental grandmother caregiver in an affluent African American family provides an important correction to pathologizing intergenerational African American families and suggests a broader conceptualization of the role of grandmothers in family’s well-being. Indeed, until the Cosby Show, and the first Obama campaign when their lives were featured in the media, affluent African Americans tended to be less visible to most non-African Americans despite having existed for over 100 years (Pattillo-McCoy, 2000).

Conceptual Framework

A combination of three conceptual approaches that are congruent with an ethnocentric lens was used to analyze Mrs. Marian Robinson’s role as a supplemental caregiver that integrates the intersection of role, race, and gender. First are concepts taken from the literature underscores the lived experience of African American grandmothers in their role as caregiver. This literature considers grandmothers’ (a) prior role, (b) desired versus required role, (c) sense of stability in role, (d) costs and benefits of role, (e) needed as opposed to wanted role, (f) attitudes and perceptions of adult children’s parenting role, and (g) other adult children’s role (Bent-Goodley & Brade, 2007; Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Gibson, 1999; Weaver, 2013; Wells-Wilbon & Simpson, 2009). These relevant themes are congruent with Weaver’s (2013) description of Mrs. Robinson as having “characteristics of the modern day grandmother” (p. 2). The second approach is “Intergenerational Solidarity with an Afrocentric Worldview” (Waites, 2008). It considers African American families from strengths and cultural perspectives and stresses the role of extended family members as resources. Waites listed the key areas of focus as traditions, norms, family values, responsibilities, resource exchange, family sentiments, and affection. As a supplemental grandmother caregiver, Mrs. Robinson is providing a level of child care and transmitting family and cultural values (Bertera & Crewe, 2013). The third approach is Womanist theory, which emphasizes the intersectionality of race, gender, and class in the lives of African American women including their distinct experience (Settles, 2006). The intersectionality of race and gender is congruent with Mrs. Robinson’s role as caregiver (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Weaver, 2013). African American women have been socialized to care for children. Weaver connected one of Mrs. Robinson’s comments about her daughter’s life with breaking the cycle of restrictions that she endured as mother due to the intersection of gender and race.

Method

Content analysis was conducted on published reports from 2008 to 2013 on the caregiving role of Mrs. Robinson. Articles in popular media were used (Brawley, 2010; Cole, 2008; Daily News & Analysis, 2012; Helman, 2008; Katz, 2008; Sherwell, 2008; Shipman, Rucci, & Ibanga, 2008; Skiba, 2010; Superville, 2010; The New York Times, 2009; The Sauda Voice, 2009; Times Online, 2010; Westfall, 2009). Two autobiographies by Mrs. Robinson’s family members, son-in-law, President Obama (Obama, 2004), and her son, Mr. Craig Robinson (Robinson, 2010), were included. Other books written about the Obamas by nonfamily members were used (Andersen, 2009; Bond, 2012; Cunnigen & Bruce, 2010; Lynch, 2012; Robinson, 2009; Rogak, 2009). After reading these materials, content on Mrs. Robinson’s role was selected for coding. Data analysis methods of open and selective coding (Strauss, 1987) were followed. Open coding was done on general content on her role and selective coding on commonalities and differences with primary and supplemental caregiving. Direct quotes from interviews with Mrs. Robinson, President Obama, First Lady Michelle Obama, and their relatives and friends about her role as caregivers are cited by their sources.

Results

Mrs. Marian Robinson as a Supplemental Grandmother Caregiver in an Upper-Income African American Multigenerational Family

Mrs. Robinson provides supplemental caregiving to her grandchildren in a multigenerational household with biological parents who have demanding careers (Weaver, 2013). Although previously providing child care on a part-time basis in her home and the home of the Obamas, all published reports on Mrs. Robinson’s move to the White House concur that the main purpose was to continue in that role (Bertera & Crewe, 2013; Bond, 2012; Katz, 2008; Robinson, 2010; Sherwell, 2008; Superville, 2010; The New York Times, 2009). As most grandmother caregivers, she had an established routine before moving into the Obamas’ household, which she initially resisted:

They’re dragging me with them and I’m not comfortable with that. But I’m doing exactly what you do: you do what needs to be done. (Daily News & Analysis, February 17, 2012)

In the above quotation, Mrs. Marian Robinson acknowledged one of the basic tenets of grandmothers as caregivers: Going beyond their own needs to assist with the needs of their grandchildren, what Bertera and Crewe (2013) described as “African American women doing what is required of them rather than what is desired by them” (p. 179). With the support of her son, Mr. Craig Robinson (Robinson, 2010), Mrs. Robinson decided to accede to the “begging” of the First Lady (Sherwell, 2008). Thus, she assumed the role of supplemental caregiver to her two granddaughters creating a multigenerational family in the White House.

Sherwell (2008) wrote, “This is the first time in living memory that three generations of a new presidential family have moved en masse to Washington.” Mrs. Robinson’s residency and role in the White House is indeed historic. Rarely have in-laws occupied the White House with some exceptions: Superville (2010) listed Frederick Dent, father-in-law of Ulysses S. Grant; Madge Gates Wallace, mother-in-law of Harry Truman; and Sally Bolling, mother-in-law of Woodrow Wilson. The New York Times (2009) included Elvira “Minnie” Doud, mother-in-law of Dwight Eisenhower and Katz (2008) added Juliana Gardiner, the mother-in-law of John Tyler. Of those in-laws, none had the role of caregiver to grandchildren. Mrs. Marian Robinson’s role has been acknowledged in social work (Bertera & Crewe, 2013) and law (Weaver, 2013), but showered with attention from the popular press. Numerous articles have been written about her and her new role as “First Granny” (Sherwell, 2008), “US First Grandmother” (Times Online, 2010), “Linchpin of Barack Obama’s presidential campaign” (Helman, 2008), “The bedrock for the entire Obama clan” (Shipman et al., 2008), “Surrogate parent” (Superville), “FGOTUS” (an acronym for First Grandmother of the United States; Superville), “Grandma-in-chief” (Westfall, 2009), and “Chief Caretaker” (The New York Times). Of the eight labels, six of them highlight her role as a grandmother caregiver.

Commonalities Between Supplemental and Primary Caregiving

Prior role

A common characteristic of supplemental and primary caregivers is that these grandmothers had interacted with their grandchildren on an intimate basis and were committed to them prior to becoming their caregiver (Gibson, 1999). In such intergenerational relationships, grandmothers evince race and gender socialization in assuming obligations to care for their grandchildren regardless of social class. In fact, Mrs. Robinson is quoted as saying: “If anyone is going to care for them other than their parents, it had better be me” (Bond, 2012, p. 13). This quote also depicts the authoritative attitude that is classic of some members of this race and gender (Weaver, 2013). It also fits Waites’ (2008) affectional solidarity, a close relationship with family members. Mrs. Robinson explained her role with her granddaughters before becoming their supplemental caregiver: “ … when Barack got in this race, then Michelle was going to start to go out and campaign. I was already picking the girls up from school, so I thought, well maybe Michelle could use me, so I went on and retired” (Cole, 2008).

Desired versus required role

Primary and supplemental caregivers also are in agreement about desiring the grandmother role. Despite being active in the lives of her granddaughters, Mrs. Robinson had no plans to become their primary caregiver: “The whole time I raised Craig and Michelle, I was telling them, ‘I raised my own kids, so don’t expect me to raise any kid of yours!’ Then she added with a laugh, ‘and just look at what I’m doing now” (Bond, 2012, p. 13). Typically, grandparents have expressed a desire to be visitors, not primary caregivers of their grandchildren. For some, intrafamily conflicts between parents and grandparents have resulted in the passage of the “Grandparent Rights Act” in some states (Gibson & Singh, 2010), mandating the rights of grandparents to visit with their grandchildren, regardless of the relationship with parents (Purnell & Bagby, 1993). Previously, the grandparents’ and grandchildren’s relationship was contingent on the wants and needs of the grandchildren’s parents (Szinovacz, 1998).

Grandmothers who assume the role of primary caregiver experience a change in their lifestyles, as their caregiving responsibilities increase (Gibson, 1999). Often the changes are so dramatic that distance is created in other long-standing relationships between previously close friends. Mrs. Robinson made a series of life transitions during her role shift from grandmother to supplemental grandmother caregiver. She moved from her home in Chicago to the White House in Washington, DC, with the Obamas:

Marian Robinson loved the house (her home in Chicago) then and she loves it still … She was happy in the home where she had come as a bride and raised her children, and never expected to leave it. She tells friends that her move to Washington probably is temporary. She expects she will stay there only as long as she is needed, and then return to her beloved little home. (Bond, 2012, p. 14)

Stability in role

Both types of caregiving also have the common goal to provide love and stability to grandchildren. As Mrs. Robinson’s responsibilities with her granddaughters increased, her role was described as “looking after her granddaughters” (Times Online, 2010) and accompanying them to and from school. She has also traveled abroad with the First Family to countries such as Russia, Italy, and Ghana (Superville, 2010). It is not, however, simply these activities that are primary. In an interview, Mrs. Obama shared the psychological benefits of having her mother as caregiver: “We are so grateful that she’s going to be here helping the girls, helping me get acclimated to the changes that we’ll be facing. I can breathe a little bit easier, knowing that if I’m out late or have to travel that the girls have Grandma” (Shipman et al., 2008).

The assistance Mrs. Robinson provides to the Obama family is congruent with what Waites (2008) described as consensual solidarity, which reflects agreement in opinions, values, and orientation between generations. In the role shift, grandmothers have the dual focus of helping two generations by providing care for the grandchildren as well as assisting their parents. Mrs. Obama stated in an interview:

She (Mrs. Robinson) is my salvation and not just because she is there, but because she is there in a positive way. I know that in addition to all the extra love and attention, she is instilling the discipline and the rules. She cheats a little bit as grandmas do, but the baseline in terms of how we as a family believe in instilling character and our values, I know that that’s the same across the board. (Rogak, 2009, p. 101)

In describing the meaning of Mrs. Robinson’s supplemental role, Lynch (2012) wrote:

There would be a unique presence in the White House because of the role that Mrs. Robinson would play in the lives of her grandchildren. No assistant could substitute for the wisdom that comes from being a biological grandmother. No chef could supersede the love that Mrs. Robinson already had for her family—a love that would not have to be taught or trained at the inception of the girls’ presidential lives. (p. 97)

Sense of stability

In both primary and supplemental caregiving, grandmothers provide stability (Bunch, Eastman, & Griffin, 2007) to their grandchildren, which ensure a sense of well-being. Mrs. Robinson’s supplemental caregiving role has been credited with stabilizing her granddaughters (Cunnigen & Bruce, 2010). Mrs. Robinson wrote: “There were many good and valid reasons that Michelle raised with me, not the least of which was the opportunity to continue spending time with my granddaughters, Malia and Sasha, and to assist in giving them a sense of normalcy that is a priority for both of their parents, and has been from the time Barack began his political career.” (Robinson, 2010, p. X).

Costs and benefits of the role

Both types of caregiving involve costs and benefits. Costs to grandmothers in the role of primary caregiver, especially those with low incomes, include increased stress and worry about obtaining resources needed to care for the grandchildren, and compromises to their grandchildren’s development resulting from limited resources, which may have an impact on the caregivers’ health status (Kelley et al., 2001). These costs are generally associated with the concept of “caregiver’s burden” (Sands & Goldberg-Glen, 2000). For some African American grandmothers with low incomes, the burden seems to be connected to the lack of resources rather than being a caregiver. Other costs for both types of caregiving when the parents are present in the household may include role conflicts and the role ambiguity that emerge in intergenerational relationships from having three generations in one household (Jendrek, 1994).

It is difficult to determine the cost for Mrs. Robinson as she rarely grants interviews and is described as very private (Superville, 2010). Her brother, Steve Shields, is quoted as describing Mrs. Robinson’s experience in the White House as “living in a fishbowl made of magnifying glass” but as “primarily focusing on being there for the girls, and that is why she keeps a low profile. It’s not about ribbon-cutting” (Skiba, 2010). One possible cost was speculated by Bond (2012): “Despite the fact that she is surrounded by beauty and luxury, the loving mother and grandmother still yearns at times for her comfortable life in Chicago, but she is committed to making the president and her daughter feel at home in Washington” (p. 15). Besides giving up living in her own home, another potential cost may be the heightened level of publicity she receives, although the President is quoted as saying: “She [Mrs. Robinson] has become quite the lady about town. The nice thing is that she just walks out the gate and goes” (Times Online, 2010). She is able to maintain some privacy, as she has a bedroom suite on the third floor, one level above the Obamas and their daughters (Brawley, 2010).

Being in close proximity to the Obama family and cultural activities in Washington may be interpreted as a benefit. Living with the Obamas has afforded Mrs. Robinson amazing experiences she would not have had otherwise (Skiba, 2010). She attended the Obamas’ First State Dinner, appeared at an elementary school to read a story with Education Secretary Arne Duncan, and according to the President spends time with President Clinton’s former Secretary, Mrs. Betty Currie (Superville, 2010). Mrs. Obama joked in an interview that her mother has gotten so busy doing her own thing that pretty soon she’s going to come and say, “You know, I can’t pick up those kids. I’ve got so much going on” (Superville). Mrs. Robinson explained how she negotiated her role, which is rare for grandmothers as primary caregivers: “As a compromise, I opted to move to the White House after all, at least temporarily, while still reserving lots of time to travel and to maintain a certain amount of autonomy. So far, so good!” (Robinson, 2010, p. X).

Differences Between Supplemental and Primary Caregiving

Needed as opposed to wanted role

One major difference between primary and supplemental caregiving is that the former is needed for the safety and the provision of basic necessities, whereas the latter is wanted as a familiar, caring, and nurturing relative. One might argue that Mrs. Robinson is not needed as a caregiver because her grandchildren’s parents have other hired helpers. With primary grandmother caregivers, there are no extra helpers. The rationale for her presence has been described by Ms. Valerie Jarrett, a close friend of the Obama family and senior adviser to the President as a “consistent, steady and reliable presence in the lives of the girls since they were born”; by Mr. Steve Shield as “having a second mother around”; and by close family friend, Mr. Alan S. King, as “a sense of stability and normalcy” for the Obamas (Skiba, 2010). In fact, one way that Mrs. Obama described her mother’s current caregiving role is as a resource, which is an example of functional solidarity (Waites, 2008). In the following quote, Mrs. Obama confirmed that grandmothers as caregivers are wanted, even by affluent families. She said, “Unlike most women, I have lots of resources: I have my mother living with me. The White House has a staff of people who are there to make my life easy. I don’t have a full-time job, although I work very hard in the role of First Lady” (The Sauda Voice, 2009).

Attitude about adult children’s parenting role

A second difference between primary and supplemental roles is the reason grandmothers assume the primary caregiver role due to concerns about the way their adult children are parenting their grandchildren (Bent-Goodley & Brade, 2007). Contrary to this situation, Mrs. Robinson is quite pleased with the Obamas’ parenting:

I have always been out of my kids’ lives. I got you ready for this, now it’s up to you. Let me say, I think it’s great. But it would be ok if he [Barak Obama] wasn’t running for president. It would be ok as long as they are doing right by those kids. Out of all the stuff that my kids have done, I am the proudest that they are good parents. (Cole, 2008)

By all accounts, the intergenerational relationship with the Obamas and Mrs. Robinson works well. Clearly, Mrs. Robinson’s role involves indulging her granddaughters while also following the rules of their parents. Robinson (2009) wrote:

Although Marian might have wanted to spoil her granddaughters, Michelle was a disciplinarian, so there were some disagreements between mother and grandmother. The two reached a compromise: when Marian came to the Obama house to watch the girls, Malia and Sasha ate organic food and were allowed only one hour of television. When the girls went to grandma’s house, however, Marian treated her granddaughters to candy and later bedtimes. (p. 59)

Other adult children’s role

Gibson (2002) found in a study of the experiences of African American grandmothers as primary caregivers that their other adult children (nonparents) reacted in one of the three interrelated ways: (a) providing supportive assistance, (b) accepting the caregiving arrangement but resenting the behavior of the grandchild’s birth parents, or (c) opposing the caregiving because of the extra responsibilities imposed on the grandmother. In contrast, the other adult children of supplemental grandmother caregivers may recognize the benefits for their mothers. Mrs. Robinson’s son, Mr. Craig Robinson, played an important role in convincing her to assume the role of supplemental caregiver. In her description of their conversation, Mrs. Robinson wrote in the introduction to his book:

Craig agreed when he heard my reasons for not wanting to move to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. But then he argued, ‘Why not think about it as an opportunity to expand your horizons, to try something new? You might want to just give it a try.’ He had a point. And what made his argument so convincing was that, as usual, he was using a line of reasoning he had learned from me! Of course, not to overplay his hand, Craig then added, ‘But you should do whatever you think is right.’ (Robinson, 2010, p. X)

Discussion

African American women in their role as grandmothers assume caregiving responsibilities that vary according to many factors that have been highlighted in this article. It is essential to note that from an intergenerational solidarity approach, grandmothers serve as the bridge to assist generations in their families. Acknowledging Mrs. Marian Robinson’s position and experiences as a supplemental grandmother caregiver counters the construction of caregiving in African American families as solely based on low income or negative circumstances of the birth parents. It also is consistent with strong documentation in the literature of the historical tradition of grandparenting in African American communities. This article has identified variations of grandmothers as caregivers and provided an analysis of the two major ones: supplemental caregiving and primary caregiving using Mrs. Marian Robinson as a case example of the former. The fact that in the African American community, women in their role as grandmothers also assumed an additional role of caregivers to their grandchildren and helpers to their adult children as a cultural tradition is not new. Illuminating to social workers is the variations in caregiving, which is exemplified in Mrs. Robinson’s role, and observable with the comparison to primary caregivers. Following social work’s values in diversity and difference, practice theories and methods ought to be congruent with cultural context. Comparing the two types of caregiving, primary and supplemental, adds detail and depth to how each might contribute to intrafamily dynamics.

Implications for Practice

This intergenerational model of African American families provides social workers and African American families with a positive model of African American family well-being especially important, given the limited “mainstream professional and research literature on functional African American families.” Social work is a strong advocate of this caregiving arrangement. Its presence in an affluent African American family, that is also the First Family, underscores the following context and culturally relevant practice strategies:

Culturally relevant practice focusing on variations in the context of African American grandmother caregiving. The personal is political and social workers are always seeking culturally relevant methods to apply to their practice. Given that some non-African American social workers may be unfamiliar with the historical and contemporary practice of grandmother caregiving, acknowledging and recognizing the diversity in caregiving can increase practice effectiveness. Working with African American women in their role as primary caregivers with sole parental responsibility differs from those who are supplemental caregivers and have less or shared parenting responsibilities. While both categories of women can take on the tasks of being cultural transmitters and family protectors in various ways, attention to the diversity within the context of caregiving must be taken into account. Additionally and beyond the scope of this article is the necessity of increased knowledge about the intersection of gender, race, and social class in grandmothering.

Advocating for supplemental caregiving. There seems to be a mutual, unspoken agreement between affluent African American families and social workers that services are not needed. As a group, African Americans were found to use social services less than the dominant racial group (Neighbors & Taylor, 1985). One study points to race and gender as barriers. Neal-Barnett and Crowther (2000) found that middle-class African American women may accept having to be strong and continuing to function regardless of the challenges. In fact, Jackson and Steward (2003) described a view of middle-class African Americans as able to handle the stress of daily life. To attain a level of affluence, African American families who have not inherited money and prestige have had to display much strength to earn it and are generally living in the context of the dominant group. Yet, Hill (2001) reminds us that the preparation of African American children to effectively deal with racial discrimination is the salient factor in racial socialization in families. For some affluent African American families, the added transmission of family and cultural values to a younger generation provided by a supplemental grandmother caregiver may be welcome and beneficial. Social workers can advocate for family-strengthening practices that promote intrafamily support by older women in affluent African American families.

Normalizing the multigenerational family structure. Multigenerational families may be seen as “doubling up,” a practice used by some low-income families to share household accommodations (Johnson, 2010). It is usually viewed as helping family members who are struggling financially, but often carries a stigma, particularly as viewed by helping professionals, rather than as intergenerational solidarity that is incorporated for financial assistance but also protection and social support. The presence of a multigenerational family in the White House may inspire social workers to revisit the current hegemony that pathologized the multigenerational family structure and strategies employed by African American families traditionally. Although the multigenerational family structure can serve as a positive strategy, there is also a concern regarding intergenerational conflicts. Social workers can discuss the realities of intergenerational conflicts that might emerge. For the Obamas, published reports reveal that Mrs. Robinson has negotiated her role and disagreements with her daughter, which requires a level of honest and effective communication.

Acknowledging the dynamic role of African American women. Caring is done by all women. History continues to shape the lives of African American women in their role as caregivers to their family members. Race and gender translate the role of African American women as caregivers for the provision of basic necessities, affectional ties, and for cultural values. Quotes from interviews, especially with Mrs. Obama, indicate the positive aspects of her mother’s role despite some disagreements. It calls for social workers to be aware of the social good that is intrinsic in family affectional ties that is irreplaceable. While social workers can rarely assist with increasing a family’s income, they can work with African American families to use the culturally ingrained capacity of intrafamily support.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Funding for this research was provided to by a grant from the Minnesota Agricultural Experiment Station (MIN-55-022).

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Grandmother Caregiver-in-Chief Continues the Tradition of African American Families

Abstract

Keywords

Diversity Within African American Grandmothers as Caregivers

Conceptual Framework

Method

Results

Mrs. Marian Robinson as a Supplemental Grandmother Caregiver in an Upper-Income African American Multigenerational Family

Commonalities Between Supplemental and Primary Caregiving

Prior role

Desired versus required role

Stability in role

Sense of stability

Costs and benefits of the role

Differences Between Supplemental and Primary Caregiving

Needed as opposed to wanted role

Attitude about adult children’s parenting role

Other adult children’s role

Discussion

Implications for Practice

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

References