Abstract
UK capitalism transformed significantly from 1992 to 2020, yet national accounts have rarely been reinterpreted through Marxist categories. Unlike US data, UK data resists such analysis, despite the need for interpreting the UK economy in terms of value, surplus value creation and appropriation. Using the New Interpretation framework to reassess the UK economy, we distinguish unproductive from productive labour, using Office for National Statistics macroeconomic data and UK socio-economic micro-datasets. The UK surplus value rate is analysed through its key drivers – productivity, income distribution and working hours – while incorporating the unproductive–productive labour ratio as an additional determinant. Our findings show the production sphere remains central: the 2008 crisis emerged there before the wider economy, challenging narratives of crisis in finance, and the fall in surplus value ahead of 2020 shows the crisis predated the pandemic. UK capital responded through increased exploitation, suppressing wages, while Labour governments stressed productivity and Conservatives’ workweek extensions.
Introduction
This study repurposes UK national statistics data to uniquely derive Marxian categories capable of capturing capitalist transformation and socio-economic dynamics since the 1980s, based on surplus value extraction and the organisation of labour. While researchers have developed macroeconomic models to explain patterns in national economies, especially in the United States, data for the United Kingdom is not immediately amenable to such treatment. This article introduces a novel methodology to examine the UK economy, from 1992 to 2020, focusing on the dynamics of surplus value (SV) which is a distinct Marxian category. SV and its components, including absolute surplus value (ASV) and relative surplus value (RSV), are analysed together with UK data on unproductive labour (UL) and productive labour (PL), to offer unique and novel insight into the dynamics of the economy, including the so-called productivity puzzle.
In Marxian approaches, PL is defined as activities directly contributing to value creation, whereas UL does not. The rate of SV, calculated as the ratio of SV (profits, interest, and rent) to variable capital (V) (wages paid to productive workers), serves as a distributive measure and causal variable. We also construct an indicator with SV relative to total employees’ compensation (W), capturing economy-wide distributional dynamics independent of UL and PL distinction. Socio-economic distributive analyses, such as those of Marx (1976 [1867]), have highlighted how SV rates respond to production-related factors like working hours, technological change and labour intensification, and vice versa. Building on this foundation, we employ the New Interpretation (NI) framework (Duménil, 1983–4; Foley, 1986; Mohun, 1994, 2004), which divides net output into aggregate wages and profits.
Two of the leading empirical approaches in Marxian economics are input–output (IO)-based approaches, such as that in the Shaikh–Tonak tradition, and NI approaches, associated with Foley and others, which work primarily with national income (value-added) data. Here, we follow the NI rather than IO methods. NI uses the monetary expression of labour time (melt) to relate net output and income distribution directly to living labour and the split between necessary and surplus labour. It links total prices with total values and total profits with total surplus value, providing a distributive analysis grounded in real wages and profits. Alternatively, Cockshott et al. (1995) use UK national accounts and a sectoral, IO-informed classification, to test the correlation between values, prices of production and market prices at the industry level, without incorporating occupations or NI concepts. Using different methods, these approaches evidence the validity and relevance of Marxian theory, demonstrating its compelling nature in multiple empirical constructs. Our approach is complementary to, but distinct from Cockshott et al. (1995), and advances the NI framework by uniquely combining the Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) and Standard Occupational Classification (SOC) to separate UL from PL in the UK context. Specifically, we use Understanding Society and the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) to proxy ratios, prior to decomposing macroeconomic data from the Office for National Statistics (ONS). Rather than narrowly focusing on resolving the transformation problem, the NI offers flexibility regarding heterogeneous labour (as expected to be found in a micro-level) and is applicable to contemporary national accounts (that are suitable for a macro-analysis).
The study builds on a literature that has explored alternative measures of capitalist economies, including, but not limited to, Morishima (1973, 1976), Wolff (1979, 1988), Weisskopf (1985), Moseley (1985, 1987, 1988), Gouverneur (1983, 1990), Shaikh and Tonak (1994), Mohun (2005, 2006), Maniatis and Passas (2013), Rieu and Park (2018), Rotta (2018, 2022), Cogliano (2018), Qi (2018), Jeong and Jeong (2020), Freitas (2021) and Pauls (2022). These works have examined SV, its calculation, components and relationship to capital accumulation. Our analysis extends this research, investigating changing patterns of UL–PL in the UK economy. Key findings include (1) establishing a negative relationship between the UL–PL employment ratio and productivity, particularly after the 2008 Financial Crisis and (2) demonstrating a positive (possibly short-term) relationship between the UL–PL employment ratio and the SV rate. These results shed light on the UK’s productivity problems and demonstrate how changing compositions of labour categories shape economic outcomes.
UL and PL and their role in UK capitalism
A three-dimensional Economic PL Labour Classification System
The distinction between UL and PL provides a critical lens for understanding the structural dynamics of contemporary capitalist socio-economies. In the UK context, this distinction helps explain key trends in economic performance, including productivity, and SV production. By developing an empirical categorisation of UL and PL, this article provides a framework to analyse how shifts in labour composition have shaped UK capitalism from 1992 to the onset of the Covid crisis. We build on the previous studies of Gough (1972), Shaikh and Tonak (1994), Mohun (1996, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2014), Savran and Tonak (1999) and Cockshott et al. (1995). While Gough (1972) reopened the classical debate by insisting that the UL–PL distinction must be grounded in the capital relation rather than in technical criteria, and by centring value creation in the sphere of production, Shaikh and Tonak (1994) provided our industrial and ownership-based benchmark: we adopt their rule classification where PL is wage labour employed by private capitalist enterprises in value-creating industries, and that labour in state services, commercial, financial and many social-maintenance activities is unproductive. Mohun (1996, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2005, 2014) adds the crucial occupational dimension. Mohun’s work is one catalyst for our NI approach with distinction between UL–PL, and we extend it to the UK context. Savran and Tonak (1999) clarify the conceptual defence of a strict value-theoretic UL–PL boundary against arguments to collapse the distinction into mere usefulness, which underpins our refusal to treat all service work as productive. Finally, Cockshott et al. (1995) offer the main UK precedent, using a related IO framework to classify industries, however, without incorporating occupational information or an NI-based treatment of surplus value. Thus, we derive an Economic Productive Labour Classification System (EPLCS) guided by Marx (1969a, 1969b, 1972) based on the following three dimensions:
Type of ownership (indicating the extent of capitalist relations);
Industrial classification (reflecting placement in the circuit of capital: capital advance, valorisation and realisation, or the spheres of circulation, production and realisation respectively);
Occupational classification (to enable clearer distinction of UL–PL as industries contain unproductive roles, for example, supervision, security, enforcement, that in the UK data are not involved in productive activities).
This system, the structure of which is summarised in Figure 1 and explained below, provides a basis for the UL–PL distinction and, as shall be demonstrated in this article, sheds light on the UK economy, including the productivity puzzle, class conflict over extensive labour utilisation and crises.

Economic Productive Labour Classification System (EPLCS).
Because our aim is to translate Marx’s categories into the structure of UK data, the first distinction begins where capitalist production itself begins: ownership. Ownership type is a pivotal criterion because it reflects the extent to which capitalist relations dominate socio-economic outcomes. In using ownership as one of our three criteria, we do not claim that state labour is inherently unproductive in all contexts; the underlying issue is whether the employing unit actually functions as capital, producing commodities or services for sale, and realising surplus value. In the United Kingdom the mixed economy complicates this: the scope for genuinely value-creating state enterprises is extremely limited. Our criteria are context-specific (UK) and we acknowledge that while this method could be generalisable to other Western economies like the United Kingdom, it might not apply to countries like China where capital accumulation is heavily centred on the state sector. Therefore, in the United Kingdom, after decades of privatisation, there is next-to-no state-owned manufacturing, energy or large-scale commercial production, and most state employment is concentrated in tax-funded general-government activities such as the National Health Service (NHS), education, public administration, policing and defence. In our analysis, for example, while private sector health and education workers are classified as PL, public sector counterparts are not, as they operate outside of direct capitalist production relations. And, the ongoing push for privatisation, evident in debates over the NHS, aims to absorb these sectors into the standard capitalist sphere, thereby expanding the pool of SV producing PL. Therefore, the NHS, as a state-owned entity providing free services, is part of the unproductive sector. Higher Education on the other hand is considered productive, despite the ‘charity’ status of UK universities, because the end product is for sale (e.g. tuition fees). Classifications highlight the public and private sector distinction and underscore how changes in ownership can alter the balance between UL and PL, with ramifications for productivity and SV.
Our classification of public education and health sectors as lying outside the productive sector does not assume that knowledge does not generate SV. Rather it is based strictly on the public nature of their ownership, which places them outside direct capitalist production relations. This distinction is crucial for understanding the dynamics of SV generation in the UK economy. For example, Rotta (2018) and Teixeira and Rotta (2012) treat knowledge and information (e.g. media production, publishing and data processing) as unproductive ‘valueless’ commodities, based on ‘costless’ reproduction. Without elaborating extensively on the controversies about knowledge activities, we reject the notion that ‘intangibility’ equates to ‘immateriality’ or that mental labour producing non-physical outputs is inherently unproductive. In our framework, knowledge work is not excluded from the productive category simply because it produces intangible outputs. For instance, an IT programmer in the private sector is classified as productive, as their labour directly contributes to value creation. By contrast, senior managers in the same firm, whose roles primarily involve supervision rather than value creation, are classified as unproductive. Knowledge occupations are not treated uniformly but are assessed using the three criteria in our system (Teixeira and Rotta 2012).
The second distinction follows directly from the logic of the circuit of capital, which provides the structural map for identifying where value is created and where it is merely transferred or realised. As such, the second dimension of our system is based on the economic circuit of capital:
Our classification system maps labour’s role in this circuit according to the industry it operates in (horizontal axis of Figure 1). For instance, an economy dominated by financial activities (
To address this, the third dimension in our system turns to the labour process itself, where SOC codes allow us to separate valorisation labour from the supervisory and circulatory functions within productive industries, that Marx treats as unproductive. Labour that produces commodities or directly produces, trains, develops, maintains or reproduces labour power is deemed productive, provided it operates directly within capitalist production relations (Marx 1969a: 172). This criterion is important because the UL–PL ratio reveals much about the dynamics of present and future SV generation. A high UL–PL ratio can signal constraints on value creation, as UL while necessary for maintaining capitalist structures does not directly contribute to SV.
Even within traditionally productive sectors, such as manufacturing, some labour involves supervision and circulation that does not create new value. For example, private sector security personnel, who maintain capitalist property relations, are classified as unproductive. Similarly, supervisory roles that focus on oversight, rather than planning and organisation, are deemed unproductive, even if they occur within productive sectors. This distinction helps explain why a contraction in PL can jeopardise the sustainability of SV extraction, thereby weakening capitalism.
This criterion is represented by occupation, particularly by SOC codes in the empirical sphere. While this approach introduces some complexities – for instance, management roles often combine supervisory and planning functions – it provides a practical method for distinguishing UL and PL. We follow Mohun’s (1996) treatment of supervisory labour, classifying all SOC 01 (Managers) roles as unproductive, due to their focus on oversight rather than value creation. However, we acknowledge that some managerial labour involves organising productive activities, which Marx (1976: 505) recognises as productive. While this level of granularity is difficult to operationalise, aspects of productive planning may still be captured in roles such as administrative and secretarial support (SOC 4).
Mixed income within the EPLCS
The treatment of mixed-income categories, such as the self-employed, adds further complexity. While some self-employed individuals closely resemble wage workers and may be classified as PL, others are more akin to small business owners. The self-employed, though a relatively small component of national income, play a significant role in economic activity and require careful categorisation.
There are a variety of ways the self-employed can be treated in relation to the wage share, which is analogous to the problem under consideration here. Dunn et al. (2018) identify the following methods:
Do not incorporate any mixed income into the wage share;
Allocate all mixed income into the wage share;
Allocate a fixed proportion of mixed income into the wage share;
Inflate the wage share based on the number of self-employed (where self-employed income is assumed equal to the average income of an employee);
Allocate mixed income to the wage share based on the factor share of other income categories (following Appleton 2011).
In this study, we adopt the fifth approach, allocating mixed income to
The relationship between UL and PL has significant implications for economic growth and stagnation. While some theories suggest that faster growth in unproductive activities follows periods of productive stagnation (Baran and Sweezy 1968; Magdoff and Sweezy 1988 and Harvie 2005), others argue that productive stagnation is a consequence of prior rapid growth in unproductive sectors (Cockshott et al. 1995; Moseley 1985, 1992, 1994; Mohun 2005, 2006, 2014; Paitaridis & Tsoulfidis 2012; Shaikh & Tonak 1994; Tsoulfidis & Paitaridis 2019; Tsoulfidis & Tsaliki 2014; Wolff 1987). Shaikh and Tonak (1994) argue that increasing unproductive expenditures may increase demand and productive output in the short run, but it reduces the rate of productive growth over the longer run, a thesis supported by the empirical analysis of Rotta (2022).
Surplus value measures for UK capitalism: an aggregate model
The NI, developed by Duménil (1983-4), Duménil and Levy (1987) and Foley (1986), analyses macroeconomic data, bridging the gap between monetary aggregates and labour-time categories. As stated earlier, we transcend IO methods by shifting the focus from commodity flows (through inter-industry matrices) to the underlying class relations expressed in net output. At its core, the NI uses the monetary expression of labour time (
Another distinct aspect of the NI is its redefinition of the value of labour power (
The methodology centres on calculating the
Definition of key variables.
Ceteris paribus, there are two ways to increase the rate of SV: (1) by extending the length of the working day while the level of
We also proxy the UL–PL ratio in three different ways: (1)
The composition of labour (productive and unproductive) and distributional adjustments in the UK capitalist system are captured by the labour composition function,
Models 1a and 1b incorporate
In the standard Marxian analysis,
Estimating these Marxian variables using UK data presents empirical challenges. Using data from the ONS, specifically the Blue Book, combined with micro-level data from the BHPS and Understanding Society, enables detailed analysis of wage rates and working hours across different employment types. In our approach, net output is calculated by summing the gross operating surpluses of various company types (using ONS ID indicators): NQNV (i.e. gross operating surplus of financial corporations), NRJT (i.e. gross operating surplus of non-financial public organisations), NRJK (i.e. gross operating surplus of non-financial private corporations), QWLT (i.e. gross mixed income) and HAEA (i.e. compensation of employees). However, pensions are excluded from our calculations. We track changes over time, starting from a base year of 1992, and define SV as inclusive of a profit component from mixed income, which we compute as the residual from the wage component of this mixed income. This methodology uniquely adapts conventional data to permit a Marxian analysis of the UK labour market, offering insights into the effects of different labour types on economic output. Furthermore, by including wages from public sector employees in our calculations of
Alternative measurements: model specification and descriptive analysis
The historical patterns of UL and PL, based on our unique methodology, are outlined in Figure 2(a) and (b). In contrast to the postwar pattern in the United States (e.g. Tsoulfidis & Paitaridis 2019), our analysis suggests a relative fall in UL over the period 1992–2020. The ratio of UL–PL fell by over 19% (2020 index value = 80.29) relative to the 1992 base year (Figure 2(a)). The data suggest a short-run boost to productive employment after the 2008 crisis, largely driven by growth in self-employment, and this coincides with growth in the gig economy, with employees changing to freelancer or partner status (Howcroft & Bergvall-Kåreborn 2019). We can also explore this in terms of the ratio of UL–PL. In Figure 2(a), the bold line plots the pattern in the wage ratio of UL (including public sector labour), relative to PL, indexed, with 1992 as the base year. The unproductive wage ratio rises by 34.2% up to 2009, before falling back by 2020. This suggests that growth in UL up to the 2008 Crisis created an imbalance in the real economy, which led to a relative decline in UL, post-Crisis, with the UL–PL ratio almost reaching 1992 levels by 2020.

Unproductive employment, ratios over productive employment, working week: (a) Ratios over productive employment. (b) Working week (Productive and Unproductive employment in private, public sector and self-employed).
We identify 2008 as a potential turning point in the dynamics of UL and PL. Our findings reveal distinct effects of the three UL–PL ratios on productivity, SV and wages (see Figure 3(e) and (f)). While a higher

SV rates of surplus value, melt measures, surplus labour time, real hourly wage, rates of surplus value (all labour) and their drivers. (a) Rates of surplus value. (b) melt measures. (c) Surplus labour time. (d) Real hourly wage. (e) Rate of surplus value (all labour) and its drivers indexed to 1992. (f) Rate of surplus value (productive labour) and its drivers indexed to 1992.
Regression analysis of surplus value extraction. All variables indexed to 1992.
Note: Significance levels: 10% (*), 5% (**) and 1% (***). Variables in Indices of 100. Estimators include: Ordinary Least Squares (OLS), 2 Stage Least Squares for instrumental variables (2SLS), Prais–Winsten estimation is a procedure meant to take care of the serial correlation of type AR(1) in a linear model (PRAIS) and First Differences.
We also explore wage differentials across different labour categories. The hourly wage of PL,
Econometric regressions: results and discussion
Estimations and results
The
2SLS estimation:
PRAIS estimation:
First differences estimation:
The regression analyses are summarised for the unadjusted SV rate for all industries
The reverse happens in the periods when respective SV rates drop (e.g. 1992–2001 and 2011–2020). This can happen during periods of stronger labour bargaining power, redistributive policies or economic downturns where firms face pressure to raise wages or reduce profit margins. Workers may gain relative leverage to demand higher wages, or firms may struggle to maintain profit relative to wages, leading to a smaller share of net output captured as
Longer shifts and stagnant surplus value: the contradiction of extended working hours
The United Kingdom has relied more heavily on lengthening the working day (Papagiannaki et al. 2021), referred to as ASV extraction, compared with its European Union (EU) counterparts (Rubery et al. 2022). During the Conservative Government in the early to mid-1990s, working hours increased, but this trend reversed under the Labour Government post-1997 (Felstead & Green 2017), influenced by progressive policies like the adoption of the EU Working Time Directive through the Working Time Regulations. These measures reduced working hours, highlighting the role of policy in shaping labour practices. However, our results show that the pattern of ASV diverged before and after the 2008 crisis, with a notable increase in working hours during the 2020 pandemic, particularly in unproductive, deregulated sectors characterised by precarious employment (see Figure 2(b)).
However, despite the reliance on extending the working day, consistently positive results are mainly detected towards the adjusted-for-PL SV rate
The reliance on ASV reflects a response to stagnant labour productivity, but its effectiveness is limited in the unproductive industries. Workers in productive industries struggle to sustain high productivity over extended periods and, as hours fell post-2008, a crisis in
UL and longer shifts: The UK’s productivity puzzle?
In our analysis, labour productivity growth appears to stagnate in the post-crisis years. From Table 2, there seems to be a strong and statistically significant positive contribution of labour productivity towards
It is worth noting that productivity increase can mask intensification, therefore what appears as increased labour productivity might actually be increased workload. Evidence from other studies (e.g. Green 2004, 2006; Felstead & Green 2017) shows that labour intensification has been significant in the UK economy, and labour productivity growth might be even smaller, historically, than previously thought.
‘Sticky’ productive wages, surplus value and the sphere of distribution
As expected, the real hourly wage shows a strong negative relationship with both
Mainstream economists have overwhelmingly attributed wage changes to changes in labour productivity, yet our findings show that distributional dynamics are decisive. For the economy as a whole, the real hourly wage tracks the
The UL productivity drain
The United Kingdom’s surplus value dynamics are shaped by the tension between UL and PL. Focus on UL-intensive sectors (e.g. finance, real estate) diverts surplus value,
Conclusion
This study has examined the changing configuration of PL and UL, surplus value and income distribution in UK capitalism, through development and application of a novel framework. The patterns documented are not mere macroeconomic movements, but they reflect how UK capitalism has evolved since the 1980s, based on surplus value extraction and the organisation of labour. The novelty is not the conceptual distinction between UL and PL, but the development of a UK-specific empirical system (i.e. EPLCS) for implementing based on the NI and ‘income-based data’, in contrast to IO matrices as per Cockshott et al. (1995). By combining ownership, industry circuit-position and occupation into the EPLCS, we identify UL and PL at a granular level not previously conducted for the United Kingdom. Integrating this classification with the NI allows us, for the first time, to provide a long-run UK series in which changes in UL–PL composition, surplus value, the
First, the research identifies a significant decline in the productive sector’s rate of surplus value (
Second, the findings show that the process of surplus value extraction in the United Kingdom has undergone distinct phases. During the 1990s, extended working hours drove surplus value, particularly under Conservative governments. The Labour administration (1997–2010) arrested this trend, for example, through application of working time regulations and flexible working rights, with SV extraction increasingly maintained through productivity gains rather than longer hours. Following the 2008 crisis, wage suppression and employer-oriented labour market flexibility became dominant strategies, accelerated by Conservative policies, including the 2016 Trade Union Act.
Third, our analysis reveals persistent challenges in the UK’s productivity performance. The so-called productivity puzzle appears particularly acute in service sectors, where automation was more difficult relative to manufacturing, a trend that may be reversed in the years since the pandemic with the advances in artificial intelligence. Meanwhile the growth of gig economy work, and self-employment, has created a class of workers who contribute to productive output, but who often lack traditional employment protections and stable incomes resulting in considerable risks around labour exploitation and further challenges in empirical measurement.
Fourth, the study finds that wage growth has become decoupled from productivity gains, with real wages stagnating since 2007, despite periods of rising surplus value extraction. Without distinguishing UL and PL, labour productivity rose steadily until 2008 and then stagnated, and real hourly wages broadly followed this turning point. Taken in isolation, this could be read as supporting the mainstream ‘high productivity–high wages’ story. However, throughout the entire period investigated real wages in productive industries and occupations remained consistently below productivity, so excess value produced was to be appropriated by the capital class and the unproductive workers. What looks like a productivity–wage link at the macro level is in fact a typical capitalist distributional process in which productivity growth feeds surplus value more than wages. The findings also indicate that different political approaches to economic management have produced varying outcomes, with Labour governments tending to facilitate RSV strategies, whereas Conservative policy facilitates ASV and immiseration.
Taken together, these trends point to an evolving UK economic model that has become increasingly dependent on financial activities and employer-oriented labour market flexibility to sustain surplus value extraction, often at the expense of productive investment and wage growth. Our analysis shows how the trend towards UL weakens and loses significance after 2008, suggesting a shift in the structural dynamics of SV extraction after the financial crisis. The emphasis moves towards direct labour-cost suppression (wages) and monetary extraction intensification (melt), rather than relying on shifting labour composition between UL and PL.
This study is subject to limitations including challenges in empirically measuring SV using UK data reflected in the development of the EPLCS proposed in this article. First, despite following Marx’s analytical ordering in which the rate of surplus value and the organisation of labour are primary, and the rate of profit is a derived magnitude that combines exploitation with the technical and value composition of capital, we do not construct IO tables. That, as a complementary analysis, would have given us more information about the UK rate of profit, organic composition of capital and accumulation in toto. Second, the EPLCS inevitably rests on approximations: ownership, 2-digit SIC industry and SOC occupation are used as proxies for positions in the circuit of capital, and some sectors (e.g. transport, utilities, mixed service industries) combine valorisation and circulation functions that we cannot more cleanly separate with UK data. In addition, further research is needed which considers the period since the pandemic as additional data becomes available that provide a period for analysis that will enable useful insights to be drawn, including assessing impacts of emerging digital technologies. Taken together, these choices mean that the article should be read as a principled, transparent account of changes in surplus value extraction and labour composition in UK capitalism, not as a complete empirical reconstruction of all Marxian categories. Notwithstanding these limitations, this article has provided substantial novel contributions in developing and applying a new system for measuring SV that can be applied beyond the UK in contexts where data are similarly limited, and in providing novel insights into the dynamics of the UK economy, including SV distribution and the productivity puzzle.
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-1-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 – Supplemental material for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020
Supplemental material, sj-docx-1-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020 by Eleni Papagiannaki, Bruce Philp and Daniel Wheatley in Capital & Class
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-2-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 – Supplemental material for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020
Supplemental material, sj-docx-2-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020 by Eleni Papagiannaki, Bruce Philp and Daniel Wheatley in Capital & Class
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-3-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 – Supplemental material for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020
Supplemental material, sj-docx-3-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020 by Eleni Papagiannaki, Bruce Philp and Daniel Wheatley in Capital & Class
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-4-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 – Supplemental material for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020
Supplemental material, sj-docx-4-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020 by Eleni Papagiannaki, Bruce Philp and Daniel Wheatley in Capital & Class
Supplemental Material
sj-docx-5-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 – Supplemental material for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020
Supplemental material, sj-docx-5-cnc-10.1177_03098168261431578 for Has UK capitalism transformed? Reassessing surplus value distribution and unproductive labour, 1992–2020 by Eleni Papagiannaki, Bruce Philp and Daniel Wheatley in Capital & Class
Footnotes
Supplemental material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.
Notes
Author biographies
References
Supplementary Material
Please find the following supplemental material available below.
For Open Access articles published under a Creative Commons License, all supplemental material carries the same license as the article it is associated with.
For non-Open Access articles published, all supplemental material carries a non-exclusive license, and permission requests for re-use of supplemental material or any part of supplemental material shall be sent directly to the copyright owner as specified in the copyright notice associated with the article.
