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Abstract

Forced migration from Ukraine is characterized by its distinctive demographic character: women, children, and the elderly. This distinctiveness is due to the sex-selective military recruiting law forcing Ukrainian men to stay in the country. Despite this law, anecdotal reports about Ukrainian men fleeing into neighboring countries have surfaced. As such, Ukrainian male refugees are a salient minority. In this article, I reflect on how this salient minority status affects Ukrainian male refugees. The sex-selective military recruiting law sends a potential message: Ukrainian men are not only legally supposed to stay in Ukraine, but strong normative forces are also at play. In short, stigma and shame are potential feelings that penetrate these men's day-to-day lives. I suggest that researchers approach the subject matter using two theoretical streams: (a) a gendered lens and (b) a theoretical framework of “promising victimhood” with notions of “undeserving” versus “deserving” refugees. I encourage researchers to do so while considering the sensitive situation in which Ukrainian male refugees find themselves.

Keywords

Ukraine Russia stigma migrant

Introduction

“I feel guilty,” Alexeev said, “because we are safe.” These are words taken from the Washington Post (Harlan 2022), quoting a 34-year-old Ukrainian male refugee who escaped to Moldova with his two daughters at the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The quote effectively captures the ambiguity of Alexeev's situation: a sense of safety but also a feeling of guilt. While the former is understandable, the latter makes the case of Ukrainian male refugees unique. Approximately eight million Ukrainians have been externally displaced (UNHCR 2022), the majority of whom are women, youth, and the elderly. A rapid gender analysis by the United Nations (UN) estimated early on that 90% of all externally replaced refugees are women or children (UN Women 2022). Accordingly, approximately 10% of all externally replaced refugees from Ukraine are male. This ratio is skewed because the Ukrainian government passed a sex-selective military recruiting law at the onset of the conflict, preventing Ukrainian males between 18 and 60 years old from leaving the country (Marushak 2023).

As indicated by the above quote, a minority of Ukrainian men have fled Ukraine despite this legal restriction and may experience a state of ambiguousness. This ambiguousness is captured in media framings, such as that of Alexeev's case above, and in how Ukrainian authorities govern, and implicitly and explicitly, stigmatize men who (attempt) to flee Ukraine. In this IMR Dispatch of the Field, I reflect on what this stigma might entail for Ukrainian male refugees, leading me to questions such as: how are these men coping with their situation as refugees? How is this situation affecting their standing among their local community, refugee peers, and host society's reception? This article is structured as follows: I provide a brief context on the male refugee as the backdrop for previous European literature. Subsequently, I present suggestions on some theoretical considerations involving the gendered dimension of the article's topic and the concepts of “deserving” versus the “undeserving refugee.” I finish briefly discussing ways forward.

The Male Refugee in Europe

In the wake of the so-called “refugee crisis” and current events in Afghanistan (Coninck 2022), the influx of refugees in Europe consisted mainly of male refugees. Conflict, fear of persecution, and general instability in the Middle East were all strong factors in the external displacement occurring in conjunction with these events. While there was an initial burst of embracing these (male) refugees in some parts of Europe, such as the notion of Willkommenskultur in Germany, a hostile and anti-migration discourse soon prevailed across Europe. This discourse is well-known in the migration literature, emphasizing restrictive migration policies and generally viewing the cultural, “Other” as a security threat to Europe (Krzyżanowski, Triandafyllidou and Wodak 2018). At the center of this discourse was the male refugee, often associated with Islam and a culturally “other” background conceived as incompatible with European ways of living (Wernesjö 2020). Often, examples of such incompatibilities cited refer to different views on gender and terrorism associated with Islam (ibid.).

While there are many similarities between Ukrainian male refugees and other male refugees, some distinguishing features are worth considering. Because of the passing of the military recruitment law, Ukrainian male refugees only comprise a tiny minority of the currently eight million externally displaced refugees. I argue that it is precisely because of the reasons for their salient minority status they become a case on point. The main reason is a legal one — Ukrainian males are not legally allowed to leave Ukraine, sending a strong message about the role that Ukrainian males are supposed to play in the current conflict.

Moreover, from a broader perspective, Ukraine, literally translated into “borderlands,” has been approaching EU membership, and they are fighting what can be called a defensive war. In contrast to Syria, which has been war-torn by both external and internal conflicts, Ukraine is currently depicted as the final outpost, defending the West from a Russian aggressor (Coninck 2022). These contextual circumstances cast a different light on the role played by Ukraine, and the men (and women) fending off Russia, vis-à-vis the “refugee crisis,” since there is now a commonly experienced aggressor, as Coninck (2022) recently argued. Although refugee and migration studies are a vast scholarly field, the situation of Ukrainian male refugees highlights a gap in the literature. That is, before the current conflict, we did not encounter a situation where males are so explicitly and saliently actively prohibited from leaving the country, where strong legal (and normative) forces are at play. So, what do we know about the male refugees who legally and normatively are expected to stay and defend their country from aggressors?

This point is not to say that fairly similar situations have not existed and that male refugee voices are not heard in the literature during such circumstances. When scrutinizing the literature on refugees and the shame of fleeing their country, some anecdotal accounts exist in the context of the ethnic cleansing of Bosnian refugees in the 90s. Specifically, a recent doctoral thesis analyzes the re-settlement process of Bosnian refugees in Sweden (Ydremark 2022). While only peripherally written about, Ydremark's respondents reference shame and guilt as strong emotions for leaving war-torn Bosnia behind them. Such emotions are also expressed in interactions between Bosnian refugee peers, who must explain why they fled (ibid., 130). Such interactions occur where some families’ fathers are still in Bosnia, while others fled to Sweden with their families. Another example is Mathew's (2013) discussion of dodgers and dissenters in the context of a Syrian pilot who left Syria, unwilling to wage war on his own people. Such (brief) empirical illustrations further raise questions about what Ukrainian male refugees currently experience.

Ukraine and Ukrainian Male Refugees

Researchers have already noted the tremendous support Ukrainian refugees have received from European societies (Byrska 2022; Ociepa-Kicińska and Gorzałczyńska-Koczkodaj 2022) but also made crude estimates of the potential burden for host society (health) infrastructures (Jankowski and Gujski 2022). There have also been increasingly critical voices highlighting the differentiated treatment of Ukrainian refugees vis-à-vis other refugee populations (Coninck 2022).

However, the sharp demographic character of the forced migration from Ukraine is central to this article. The sex-selective military recruitment law prohibits men between 18 and 60 from leaving Ukraine unless they are disabled, the father of at least three children, or a single father. In essence, the men perceived as capable of defending Ukraine are not allowed to leave. While these men are not yet obligated to fight, they are nevertheless expected to reside within Ukraine should they need to take up arms. This expectation lingers on these men, regardless of whether they are apt to fight, making the passing of this law contested, as some researchers argue (Carpenter 2022). The demographic character of Ukrainian refugees has shaped some existing reports, such as WHO's report on the danger of female refugees being targeted for sex trafficking (UN Women 2022). In some sense, I illuminate the polar opposite of this spectrum in this commentary, considering the mental health of Ukrainian men. As Hodes (2022) notes, the refugees’ experiences and mental health outcomes are vividly different and dependent upon a range of factors, such as how well they can keep in contact with their family, how re-settlement processes are conditioned by a rapid asylum response, the destination of external displacement, access to services, and much more. Mental health has been the focus of various researchers within the current context (Anjum, Aziz and Hamid 2023; Cai et al. 2022; Schwartz et al. 2022). However, only a select few include assessments on the mental health of Ukrainian men (Buchcik, Kovach and Adedeji 2023) without diving further into why potential gender differences may exist. Hodes (2022) argued that a range of protective factors seemingly exist in favor of Ukrainian refugees. While this may be the case for the vast majority of the Ukrainian refugees who are women and youths, we need to explore further how these protective and risk factors apply to the men who have, illegally, left the country, as their position is different from their other Ukrainian (female) peers.

Importantly, more than 12,000 men have allegedly attempted to flee Ukraine, where around 950 have faced criminal charges (RadioFreeEurope 2022). Media reports indicate that a subset of Ukrainian men have successfully fled the country (Chevtayeva 2022). Returning to the quote in the introduction, there are reasons to believe that Ukrainian men's departures from Ukraine are not unproblematic in many aspects. Legally and normatively, able-bodied men are expected to stand ready to defend Ukraine.

According to Chevtayeva's (2022) respondents, leaving Ukraine has become associated with being a traitor. Ukrainian men who manage to escape are often condemned by the wives of men still fighting in Ukraine. While these men's narratives are currently in scarce supply, they seemingly revolve around the need to combat the picture of them as scared, often concerning the need to protect their families (Chevtayeva 2022; Harlan 2022). These narratives and experiences can be explored from a different angle. For instance, at official tourist sites, men who attempt to leave (but are caught) are occasionally subject to public shaming, including publishing pictures of men who have attempted to disguise themselves as women or hide in baby boxes (Visit Ukraine 2022). The grander narrative of Ukraine as a courageous and resilient defender has spread like wildfire on global media. Worldwide, demonstrations of public support are raised for the Ukrainian people. There is a tangible admiration for Ukraine. We can also assume that Zelensky himself has further perpetuated the narratives of the Ukrainian people's stoicism. For example, in his reply to the US evacuation request, Zelensky stated, “The fight is here. I need ammunition, not a ride” (Braithwaite 2022). He patrolled the streets of Kyiv himself; intuitively, such demonstrations reinforce the notion that the Ukrainian man should stay to defend Ukraine.

Theoretical Considerations

For whatever reason, some Ukrainian males have left Ukraine. I argue that it is reasonable to believe they experience conflicting and ambiguous feelings about their situation. As understood from the previous section, there might be a potential shame about leaving fellow, primarily men, to defend Ukraine, and there might also be various receptions and discourses surrounding these men's escape from Ukraine, which they might need to handle. I broadly propose two theoretical streams for exploring Ukrainian men's experiences: a gendered perspective and the notion of “promising victimhood.” Given this article's commentary nature, I do not exhaustively discuss these theoretical frameworks but suggest them as ways to understand the Ukrainian men's situation.

Gender, Masculinity, and Intersectionality

Caught between “…the character of the fascist strongman who has become a cult figure of the global far-right…” and the “…resilient, David-esque figure who has been championed for his intransigence and refusal to give up in the face of insurmountable odds” (Wojnicka, Mellström and de Boise 2022, 83) are the men (and women) who participate in, and are affected by the war. The conscription of men into war is widely considered gender-based violence itself. As Christensen and Kyed (2022) note, the male soldier is one of the most persistent and strongest symbols of masculinity, which has been reinforced in the current context.

A lot of scholarly work has covered masculinity in the context of the Ukraine–Russian conflict, often with Putin as a prime example of hegemonic masculinity (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005) in the shape of a hypermasculine “alpha-male” (Shand 2022). On the Ukrainian side, as Bureychak and Petrenko (2015) note through their analysis of Ukrainian Cossacks, Ukrainian masculinity intersects with nationalism, militarism, and gender roles. Although, as Wojnicka, Mellström and de Boise (2022) note, Zelensky embodies significant characteristics that defy hegemonic masculinities through a ‘flat’ leadership style and much more, the media has done a thorough job in framing Zelensky …as a “man with iron balls…” (ibid., 85), thus ultimately reinforcing the idea of hegemonic masculinity. Through norms and convention, men are conceived of as transformed protectors of their country when needed. The travel ban that explicitly prevents Ukrainians from leaving magnifies this gendered norm.

How these men navigate this gendered norm can partially be discerned in the anecdotal media reporting. As suggested in some media articles (Beardsley 2022), many of these men fled with their families. As such, there may be a re-positioning where Ukrainian males take on the role of the family's protector, ensuring safe surroundings for their family. Such a discursive repertoire could mitigate any potential stigma and reinforce one's masculinity. However, a trade-off is being made here: such a justification would need Ukrainian male refugees to “sacrifice” the patriotic element in favor of becoming the family's protector. Discursively situating oneself as the family protector may justify, or at least mitigate, the damage caused to these men's masculinity and mental health. In short, such a re-negotiation is inevitably prone to a gendered lens.

Promising Victimhood

Understanding the receptions, discourses, and perceptions of the surroundings might benefit from the notion of “promising victimhood” (Welfens 2022), where different categories of refugees are constructed as deserving and undeserving. This concept has, for instance, been used about undocumented and illegal migrants, and how cultural, social, economic, and political categories explain why some migrants are conceived of as less worthy of the nation-state's welfare benefits and protection vis-à-vis other migrant groups (Chauvin and Garcés-Mascareñas 2014). Connected to the previous section, “promising victimhood” also has a clear foundation in intersectionality.

Welfens (2022) proposes three “tensions” that might impact the construction of a particular refugee's deservingness. In the author's study on migration authorities’ assessment of refugee support, Welfens (2022) finds that such authorities derive decisions based on levels of “assimilability.” Assimilability here is a product of the conceived vulnerability of the refugee compared to whether, and to what extent, they are conceived of as: (a) a threat to the nation, (b) how well they can contribute to society economically, and (c) whether they constitute a “cultural fit.”

While the discourse on deservingness is often used as a lens on the authorities’ behalf, I suggest that the lens might be useful in many parts of Ukrainian men's lives, including, for instance, authorities, but perhaps more analytically interestingly, the spheres of family, friends, and such, where they might be more at risk for social stigma. Indeed, while Ukrainian refugees surely hold favorable judgments in such evaluations in Western societies (Coninck 2022), the case of being a man tentatively complicates the matter. Again, comparing this situation to the so-called “refugee crisis” in 2015, an occurring argument that has aimed to throw a suspicious shadow on refugee men has been that a natural response had been for them to stay and fight in their home country and that the absence of women was adding to this, overall, suspicion (Rettberg and Gajjala 2016). This argument and the demographic comparison between Ukrainian refugees and other refugee groups have been theoretically discussed (Mickelsson Blomqvist 2023) and empirically reported (Blomqvist Mickelsson 2023). In this case, the main difference is that while men from the so-called refugee crisis had no legislative duty to stay in their home countries, Ukrainian men have.

Regardless of this (juridical) distinction between the two, these matters force us to postulate whether the same argument will be applied to Ukrainian men from their surroundings. Are Ukrainian men considered equally deserving vis-à-vis the Ukrainian women who have fled Ukraine in their host community and amongst their “own” peers? I suggest that utilizing promising victimhood as a theoretical lens in this context will add another layer to the discourse on the differentiated treatment of Ukrainian refugees (Coninck 2022), illuminating how differentiated treatment occurs within this group as well.

Considerations and Ways Forward

In briefly discussing the subject matter of this article, I will touch upon some methodological considerations and suggest avenues for further research.

As for the first, as all migration researchers know, migration and refugee studies are always ethically and politically sensitive topics. Given the potential tension on the topic, questions of justification or reasons for leaving might be traumatic to answer. A potential suggestion is that researchers with discursively oriented toolboxes might be better off eliciting important information while not asking directly for overly sensitive themes. The suggestions in this article are not definitive, and I invite researchers to critique, explore, and further suggest meaningful and sensitive ways to inquire about the article's topic.

As for further research, there is a need to understand the coping mechanisms Ukrainian men deploy to deal with social stigma and their decision to leave Ukraine to further develop potential mental health interventions. In the context of the theoretical streams I suggest here, it is also important to understand how Ukrainian men form potential re-definitions or alternative conceptualizations of masculinity. However, there is also an imminent need to study how this (potential) social stigma comes about in Ukrainian men's surroundings to not solely focus on how Ukrainian men adapt to their current circumstances but probe further into how we can accommodate and prevent this stigmatization from occurring. Tentatively, systematic stigmatization may negatively impact Ukrainian men's social integration, primarily most profoundly within their “own” Ukrainian community, but perhaps also (to a lesser extent) with host society members. How we can counteract this stigmatization should tentatively be at the forefront of further research avenues.

Concerning the above, there is a need to conduct cross-national research to understand how attitudes and receptions vary concerning Ukrainian men. We might assume that countries with differing levels of gender stereotypes may not receive and treat Ukrainian men equally and that attitudes may deteriorate if there is an overarching stereotypical gender norm where war is, indeed, supposed to be fought by “men.” Our research today tells us that, for instance, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer refugees from Ukraine are struggling to receive an appropriate reception in the surrounding Central and Eastern European countries, primarily because of gender stereotypes (Shevtsova 2023). As such, further comparisons should be made with other regions.

Some final disclaimers are offered here. According to Carpenter (2022), recent survey results show that Ukrainians do not unanimously support the travel ban. Chevtayeva's (2022) material shows that thousands of Ukrainians are following various social media channels that attempt to facilitate escapes from Ukraine. So, despite the potential stigmatization, diverse movements and opinions exist on the subject matter, which needs to be further explored to understand its complexity. Secondly, the framings I have presented and briefly discussed here emanate from the media and Ukrainian authorities. Still, I have not touched upon the host countries’ discourses on the subject matter.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Tony Blomqvist Mickelsson

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