Abstract
In this study, we investigate how CEO narcissism, in combination with corporate governance practices, impacts organizational risk-taking and how this in turn affects organizations’ resilience to environmental conditions. We examine these issues in the context of the recent collapse (systemic shock) of the U.S. banking industry in September 2008, using a sample of 92 CEOs from 2006 until 2014. We find that before the shock CEO narcissism positively affected the riskiness of banks’ policies, especially when compensation policies that encourage risk-taking (stock options) are in place. The positive effect of narcissism was dampened, however, when board monitoring was more effective (because of the presence of knowledgeable outsider directors). Furthermore, we find that these preshock features hamper organizations’ resilience to (economic) shocks, as banks led by more narcissistic CEOs before the September 2008 collapse experienced a slower recovery to preshock performance levels afterwards. This effect was partially mediated by banks’ preshock riskiness of policies. We attribute these effects to the associated depletion of the organizations’ internal resources (beyond slack). Post-hoc analyses further underscore this idea, showing that the U.S. government’s capital injections through the Troubled Assets Relief Program (TARP)—resolving the “problem” of resource depletion—moderated these effects.
“September 15, 2008 – the date of the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers and the takeover of Merrill Lynch, followed within 24 hours by the rescue of AIG – marked the beginning of the worst market disruption in postwar American history” (Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, 2011: 353). While a looming crisis in the U.S. banking industry already began to show at the start of 2006 with the gradual decline in housing prices in some parts of the U.S. (the “sandstone” states of Arizona, California, Florida, and Nevada), the crisis reached its climax in the “financial panic” of late 2008 (Hindmoor & McConnell, 2013: 543). September 2008 marked the moment that the subprime crisis, triggered by the burst of the housing price bubble, resulted in the collapse of the banking industry followed by a global financial crisis (Black & Hazelwood, 2013).
After the collapse, a common theme in popular outlets was that the “greedy” and “reckless” behavior of bank chief executive officers (CEOs), combined with poor corporate governance practices (such as risk-inducing compensation and lack of monitoring), produced a “dangerous cocktail” that led to the systemic shock and global crisis (DeYoung, Peng, & Yan, 2013; Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, 2011). As is common in ex post causal attribution processes, these explanations are in all likelihood oversimplifications of reality (Hindmoor & McConnell, 2013), especially as they ignore the heterogeneity of banks and their CEOs. Indeed, although many banks failed or lingered after the September 2008 collapse, others showed remarkable resilience and recovered quite quickly. An intriguing question thus arises: What is the role of
To answer this question, we develop a comprehensive model grounded in the upper echelons (UE) and corporate governance (CG) literatures. Building on these literatures, we argue that
Riskiness in strategies and policies (instigated by CEO narcissism in combination with poor CG practices) increases organizations’ vulnerability to external conditions (Aven, 2011) and is therefore especially relevant when assessing the impact of extreme events—such as the September 2008 collapse for U.S. banks—on organizational resilience. Starting from a central, but understudied tenet of the emerging literature on organizational resilience—that is, that
We empirically test our ideas using a sample of 92 CEOs of U.S. commercial banks, which we followed from 2006 till 2014. Our findings provide general support for most of the hypothesized model: We found that the riskiness of bank policies before the systemic shock was positively associated with CEO narcissism, especially when CEO stock options were high and when there were no outsider directors with banking experience. While we do not find that preshock CEO narcissism or riskier policies affected banks’ drop in performance immediately after the collapse, our results do indicate that both CEO narcissism and riskiness of policies slowed down banks’ postshock recovery to preshock performance levels.
Our study makes several contributions. First, we contribute to the growing literature on organizational resilience by investigating its antecedents, a topic which has received insufficient attention in prior work (van der Vegt et al., 2015). Understanding why shocks differentially affect organizations in the long run is an important issue, as the continuity and survival of organizations also affects societal welfare (van der Vegt et al., 2015). Second, we extend both the UE and the CG literatures by our interactive approach (Busenbark et al., 2016)—that is, the
Theory and Hypotheses
Figure 1 depicts our theoretical model. We propose that CEO narcissism increases the riskiness inherent in organizations’ policies, an effect that will be even more pronounced when combined with particular CG practices—high CEO stock options, low block ownership, and the absence of knowledgeable outsider directors. We further expect that higher preshock levels of CEO narcissism and/or riskiness will induce larger performance drops immediately after the shock, as well as slower recovery to preshock performance levels afterwards.

Research Framework
CEO Narcissism and the Riskiness of Banks’ Policies
UE scholars have repeatedly found that CEO narcissism is related to bold and risky (high-risk, high-return) strategies. For instance, CEO narcissism has been linked to forms of spending with highly uncertain returns: R&D, capital expenditures, and acquisitions (Chatterjee & Hambrick, 2011; Zhu & Chen, 2015b). Similarly, using a survey, Wales et al. (2013) found that narcissistic CEOs characterized their organizations as more entrepreneurially oriented—that is, with higher levels of innovativeness, proactiveness, and risk-taking in the pursuit of strategic opportunities. Gerstner et al.’s (2013) findings show that more narcissistic CEOs are prone to adopt novel and yet-unproven technologies, despite their inherent riskiness.
Three lines of reasoning, grounded in findings from the psychology literature (e.g., Emmons, 1987), are generally used to underscore the link between CEO narcissism and risky strategies. First, highly narcissistic CEOs have a strong desire to hold the spotlight by inspiring awe and admiration (Wales et al., 2013). This drives them to pursue strategies and policies that—in their opinion—will attract the audience’s attention and admiration and showcase their sense of vision and leadership (Gerstner et al., 2013; Wales et al., 2013). Second, narcissists’ excessive feeling of self-assurance and superiority (Emmons, 1987) leads to positively biased expectations that their decisions will have a positive outcome (Chatterjee & Hambrick, 2011; Gerstner et al., 2013; Wales et al., 2013). Third, narcissistic CEOs are also highly self-centered and self-interested (Emmons, 1987). Therefore, they are highly focused on securing personal rewards (Patel & Cooper, 2014), as well as less apprehensive about the outcome of their decisions on the fates of others, such as employees or other stakeholders (O’Reilly et al., 2014). This resonates with the characterization of narcissists as having a strong approach but weak avoidance motivation (Foster, Reidy, Misra, & Goff, 2011)—they are less likely to act as “a careful steward of organizational resources” (Patel & Cooper, 2014: 1530).
In line with prior work (DeYoung et al., 2013), we identify risky strategies in our setting of U.S. commercial banks as their investments in three types of policies: (a) commercial and industrial loans, (b) noninterest income activities, and (c) derivatives and off-balance sheet activities (including mortgage-backed securities). All of these policies have been found to increase banks’ inherent riskiness (Apergis, 2014; Black & Hazelwood, 2013; DeYoung & Torna, 2013; DeYoung et al., 2013). We expect banks with more narcissistic CEOs to invest more heavily in these risky policies, because of the above-mentioned three lines of reasoning. First, investing in these risky policies allows narcissistic CEOs to expose their boldness and strategic vision in banking to attract a “social stage” (e.g., Wales et al., 2013). Commercial loans are generally more lucrative and visible by others than loans to individual investors (Cole & White, 2012; DeYoung et al., 2013). Furthermore, similar to Gerstner et al.’s (2013) finding that narcissistic CEOs in the pharma industry were more prone to adopt technologies new to the industry, narcissistic CEOs in commercial banks may be more willing to engage in “novel,” “nontraditional” banking activities and “banking innovations,” such as noninterest income activities and/or derivatives and off-balance sheet activities (Apergis, 2014; Li & Marinc, 2014).
Second, all of these policies have been characterized in prior literature as carrying higher degrees of systematic risks—commercial loans due to their higher average rate of delinquency and default (Black & Hazelwood, 2013; DeYoung & Torna, 2013), and noninterest income activities as well as derivatives because they increase banks’ reliance on more volatile revenue streams (Apergis, 2014; DeYoung et al., 2013). However, due to their exaggerated self-confidence and sense of superiority (Emmons, 1987), narcissistic CEOs are convinced that they will be able to turn these policies into successes, and will thus pay less attention to the potential risks and downsides. In the same vein, their self-centeredness as well as their strong approach and weak avoidance motivation spurs narcissistic CEOs to focus (only) on the possibility of large rewards for themselves, while rendering them insensitive to the potential harmful consequences of increasing the inherent riskiness of banks for others, such as shareholders (e.g., Foster et al., 2011; Patel & Cooper, 2014). Based on these arguments, as a first hypothesis we propose
The Moderating Role of Corporate Governance Practices
Building on agency theory (e.g., Eisenhardt, 1989) CG scholars have identified two vital mechanisms to curtail (opportunistic) CEO behavior: incentives and control. Hence, we investigate three CG practices that either explicitly incentivize (narcissistic) CEOs to increase riskiness—that is, (a)
CEO incentives
Both the popular press and academic studies have argued that certain compensation arrangements set by boards increase (bank) CEOs’ proclivity to pursue risk-enhancing strategies (e.g., Cerasi & Oliviero, 2015; DeYoung et al., 2013; Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, 2011). A compensation arrangement that has been under particular scrutiny in this regard are
Drawing on Wowak and Hambrick (2010), we propose that a CEO’s tendency to increase the riskiness of policies when paid to a higher extent in stock options will be exacerbated the higher CEO narcissism, because of the specific features of a narcissistic personality—that is, a narrow-minded focus on personal rewards (Foster et al., 2011; Patel & Cooper, 2014), and an exaggerated self-confidence and assessment of one’s own abilities (Chatterjee & Hambrick, 2007; Emmons, 1987). Wowak and Hambrick (2010: 810) identify executives’ self-confidence as a critical factor affecting their responses to particular compensation packages noting that: “Highly confident executives will act vigorously in their attempts to attain rewards; those who lack confidence, or are unsure about whether their initiatives will bear fruit, may not respond to incentives as doing so entails extra effort, chances of setbacks, and career risks.”
Paying CEOs in stock options ties these CEOs’ personal wealth to their organization’s performance (Sanders, 2001). Hence, we would expect any CEO, but especially overconfident CEOs who are strongly driven by personal wealth, to engage in actions aimed at boosting firm performance (cf. Wowak & Hambrick, 2010). As narcissism combines overconfidence with a strong focus on personal rewards, we expect that stock options will represent a stronger incentive to increase risk, the more narcissistic the CEO. In line with this argument, Patel and Cooper (2014) found that option payoffs led CEOs that scored high on the narcissism scale to take greater risks. For bank CEOs, such risk-taking is likely to include higher investments in the more lucrative commercial loans (DeYoung et al., 2013) and increased involvement in financial innovations such as noninterest income (DeYoung & Torna, 2013) or derivatives and off-balance sheet activities (Li & Marinc, 2014). Taking these arguments together, we hypothesize
Monitoring
Numerous scholars have already indicated that individual CEOs’ degrees of freedom to affect organizational behaviors—that is, their managerial discretion—will be higher when these CEOs are not effectively monitored (e.g., Hambrick et al., 2015; van Essen, van Oosterhout, & Heugens, 2013; Zhu & Chen, 2015a). For instance, Tang, Crossan, and Rowe (2011) found that boards that effectively monitor weaken the ability of dominant CEOs to pursue deviant strategies. In the same vein, we expect that narcissistic CEOs will be more likely to increase the riskiness of their organizations’ policies when they are ineffectively monitored.
We examine the effects of
Zhu and Chen (2015b) introduce another monitoring-related factor that might mitigate narcissistic CEOs’ risk-taking strategies:
In evaluating directors’ monitoring vigilance, CG scholars generally emphasize their
Performance Consequences After the Shock
Irrespective of its underlying causes—exogenous or systemic—a substantial shock typically implies a severe drop in capital availability as well as a sharp plunge in market demand for all organizations affected by it (Chakrabarti, 2015). To explain the heterogeneity in firms’ abilities to still thrive
Postshock performance drops
Chatterjee and Hambrick (2007) found that organizations with narcissistic CEOs had more extreme performance—big wins and big losses—and more fluctuating performance—big annual swings. They attributed this to narcissists’ preference for high-risk, high-return strategies. Similarly, Wales et al. (2013) found CEO narcissism to be related to greater performance variability, partially explained by their entrepreneurial orientation. In addition, given their low avoidance motivation, narcissistic CEOs are less inclined to hedge against potential threats, or to carefully monitor for potential signs of economic decline (Patel & Cooper, 2014). Hence, they manifest low levels of “conceptual slack” (Sutcliffe & Vogus, 2003).
All of this implies that contextual conditions, such as the macroeconomic environment, may strongly influence the performance of firms with highly narcissistic CEOs. Because of the high-risk, high-return strategies and limited hedging of these CEOs, they are probably the first to suffer from an economic shock (Aven, 2011; Patel & Cooper, 2014; Sutcliffe & Vogus, 2003). As an illustration, in an experiment that tracked the stock performance of participants’ investment portfolios during a stock market crash, Foster et al. (2011) found that highly narcissistic participants suffered more substantial losses shortly after the crash, precisely because they made more aggressive and riskier choices
For the banks in our setting, one of narcissistic CEOs’ high-risk, high-return strategies is their enhanced engagement in risky policies (Hindmoor & McConnell, 2013). Scholars have indeed emphasized the high levels of systematic risks involved in these activities (e.g., Apergis, 2014; DeYoung et al., 2013). Large investments in noninterest income activities and off-balance sheet items (among which are mortgage-backed securities; DeYoung et al., 2013) are generally associated with higher earnings volatility and raise the risk of a bank not being able to cover its fixed costs of operating when revenues decline (DeYoung & Torna, 2013; Li & Marinc, 2014). Commercial loans, on the other hand, are associated with higher levels of credit risk and higher average rates of delinquency and default (DeYoung et al., 2013).
The September 2008 collapse represented a substantial economic shock—it caused capital markets to become squeezed (Bayazitova & Shivdasani, 2012) and banks’ revenue streams to run dry because of the high rate of failed loans (Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, 2011). We expect that banks with more risky strategies before the collapse will have suffered worse performance losses afterwards. The higher investments in more risky policies intensified their vulnerability to sharp declines in revenues and capital accessibility. Hence, we hypothesize
Postshock performance recovery
As for the ability to restore their performance levels, the resilience literature highlights the harmful effects of preshock strategies and investments that
This reasoning comes close to a repeated (yet untested) claim in the CEO narcissism literature—that is, that narcissistic CEOs, with their risky strategies, tend to capitalize on short-term gains at the expense of long-run performance (O’Reilly et al., 2014). For instance, in their study in the pharma industry, Gerstner et al. (2013: 281) found that narcissistic CEOs were more prone to invest in biotechnology—at that moment an unconventional and alien, discontinuous, technology. This turned out to be a good investment, “but it is just as easy to picture narcissistic CEOs who invest aggressively in technologies that do not pan out and who severely damage their companies as a result.” Wales et al. (2013: 1047) call narcissistic CEOs “resource ‘hogs’ who take possession of whatever resources are accessible, even when such acquisitions might result in resource depletions that damage the effectiveness of firm objectives.”
Based on this, we expect that banks with more narcissistic CEOs before the shock found it harder to recover to preshock performance levels afterwards, because their preshock high-risk, high-return strategies locked in and depleted resources. In contrast, in a sample of manufacturing firms, Patel and Cooper (2014) found that CEO narcissism was associated with performance
DeYoung et al. (2013: 180) described banks’ risky policies as requiring “fixed investments in expertise, location, interfirm contracting, marketing, and customer relationships.” Because of these fixed investments, preshock risky policies lock in and exhaust banks’ internal resources (Apergis, 2014), restraining banks’ flexibility after the shock (Sutcliffe & Vogus, 2003). While resource lock-in and depletion was not problematic when the economic outlooks were rosy (as banks could raise new capital in the public markets), the squeeze in the capital markets complicated this after September 2008 (Apergis, 2014; Bayazitova & Shivdasani, 2012). Hence, we expect preshock riskiness of policies to harm postshock recovery:
Above we have suggested that both narcissistic CEOs and riskiness of policies will lead to larger performance drops (H3a-b) and slower recovery rates (H4a-b). Given that we hypothesized earlier that narcissistic CEOs will engage in riskier policies (H1), it is likely that the effect of CEO narcissism on both performance drops and recovery is partially mediated by riskiness of policies. We will investigate this possibility in our analyses below.
Setting and Sample
Setting and Timing: The U.S. Commercial Banking Industry
The setting of our study is the U.S. commercial banking industry (Standard Industrial Classification [SIC] codes 6021-6022). The riskiness in the policy portfolios of commercial banks displays a substantial degree of variance, as after the 1999 Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act many commercial banks engaged in investment banking activities to some degree (Cole & White, 2012).
September 2008—with Lehman Brothers’ bankruptcy, Merrill Lynch’s takeover, and AIG’s rescue—marked the moment that the surging crisis turned into a collapse of the U.S. banking industry and a full-blown global crisis (e.g., Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, 2011; Hindmoor & McConnell, 2013). September 2008 is therefore considered as the moment the systemic shock took place in our setting. Figure 2, which shows the numbers of troubled and failed banks, clearly exemplifies the September 2008 systemic shock: Both numbers started to increase sharply after the second quarter of 2008 (DeYoung & Torna, 2013). In October 2008, shortly after this shock, the U.S. government decided to support the banking industry with capital injections through the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) (Black & Hazelwood, 2013).

Number of Troubled (left axis) and Failed (right axis) U.S. Commercial Banks
Sample
Consistent with past research, we restrict our sample to CEOs of banks in the Compustat (Banks) database with headquarters in one of the 50 U.S. states. We started data collection in the first quarter of 2006, 1 when signs of a looming crisis might have become evident for some players, but well before the actual systemic shock of September 2008 (Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, 2011). We restricted our sample to banks that did not fail (went bankrupt or were acquired) before the systemic shock, and we followed these banks until 2014 (or until they failed if this was before 2014) so as to assess the performance consequences after the shock.
For the 484 banks that were in Compustat in the years 2006 to 2008, we sought to collect three yearly documents (annual reports containing a “letter to shareholders,” form 10Ks, and proxy statements) and complemented these with quarterly data from the Federal Reserve Y-9C database. The latter contains information based on the Y-9C reports, comprising quarterly data for large U.S. bank holding companies (DeYoung et al., 2013). As our independent variable, CEO narcissism, is based partially on information from banks’ letters to shareholders, we only retained banks in the sample if we were able to collect these documents. After an exhaustive search process on websites of the banks themselves and the SEC, this resulted in an initial sample of 105 banks. We further excluded seven more banks that had undergone a change in CEO in the pre-crisis period, and six banks because we were unable to collect quarterly data, setting our final sample at 92 bank CEOs.
Below, we present the empirical tests of our theoretical predictions. Because we set out to explain three different phenomena (preshock riskiness of policies, postshock drop in performance, and postshock recovery rate), and because we use different techniques and methods to do so, we present our methods and results for each dependent variable separately. Following these three sections, we conclude by discussing the whole set of results.
Empirics Part 1: Explaining Banks’ Riskiness Before the Shock
Measures
Dependent variable: Riskiness of policies
Consistent with prior research (e.g., Apergis, 2014; DeYoung et al., 2013; Li & Marinc; 2014), we identify three items related to the inherent riskiness of banks’ policies:
Independent variable: CEO narcissism
Chatterjee and Hambrick (2007, 2011) were the first to suggest using unobtrusive indicators from archival data to measure CEO narcissism. Several scholars (e.g., Engelen et al., 2016; Gerstner et al., 2013; Patel and Cooper, 2014) have replicated Chatterjee and Hambrick’s methods, while Rijsenbilt and Commandeur (2013) suggested several alternative measures, also based on objective and easily available information. Based on Chatterjee and Hambrick’s (2007, 2011) and Rijsenbilt and Commandeur’s (2013) suggestions, we identified six potential measures for CEO narcissism: (a) the prominence of the CEO’s photograph in the annual report (on a 4-point scale, depending on its size and whether it showed the CEO alone or together with others); 2 (b) the CEO’s cash compensation and (c) the CEO’s total compensation, both relative to that of the second most highly compensated executive; (d) the relative use of first-person singular pronouns (I, me, my, …) versus first-person plural pronouns (we, us, our, …) in the letter to shareholders; 3 (e) the number of signatures under the letter to shareholders (reversed); and (f) the number of words in the CEO’s Marquis Who’s Who biography. The former four items were suggested by Chatterjee and Hambrick (2007, 2011); the latter two were based on Rijsenbilt and Commandeur’s (2013) suggestions. In line with Patel and Cooper (2014), all items were measured in 2006.
A correlation analysis (available upon request), however, revealed a rather puzzling pattern. Though the CEO’s relative (cash and total) pay was a vital component of the scales of both Chatterjee and Hambrick (2007, 2011) and Rijsenbilt and Commandeur (2013), in our sample the pay-related items were either not or even negatively correlated with the other items. Moreover, in a nontrivial number of cases, the CEO actually earned less than the second most highly paid executive (14.5% for total pay). This peculiarity might be a consequence of the high amount of government regulations to which bank executives’ compensation packages are subject (Black & Hazelwood, 2013). Hence, executive compensation in the banking industry may be less under the (narcissistic) CEO’s discretion—or in any case less so than in other industries used in CEO narcissism studies, such as the computer (Chatterjee & Hambrick, 2007, 2011), biotech (Gerstner et al., 2013), or high-tech industry (Engelen et al., 2016), or in manufacturing firms (Patel & Cooper, 2014). A principal components analysis (available from the authors upon request) further suggested that the six items loaded on two different components, the first one comprising the four items not related to compensation, and the second one containing the two pay-related items. Therefore, we decided to exclude both pay-related items. We operationalized “
To check the validity of our “
Moderators: Corporate governance practices
First, we follow Hou, Li, and Priem (2013) and include a measure of CEOs’ accumulated stock options: “
Control variables
We include control variables at different levels of analysis. First, we control for the bank’s riskiness of policies at the outset of our time frame (2006Q1), which represents the bank’s “starting conditions.” Second, to account for the overall economic conditions, we use the state-level quarterly growth in the Federal Housing Finance Agency’s house price index (“
Sample selection and endogeneity check
As our sample is only a subset of the total population of U.S. commercial banks in Compustat, and as our sample might be biased towards the better-performing banks (see above), we check for sample selection bias. We do this by using a two-stage self-selection model based on Heckman’s (1990) suggestions. In the first step, we use an indicator of bank size (natural logarithm of total loans) and performance (return on assets [ROA]) in a panel probit regression to predict inclusion in our sample. In the next step, we calculated the inverse Mill’s ratio derived from the predicted scores in the first step. This inverse Mill’s ratio is subsequently used as a “
Furthermore, in line with other CEO narcissism studies (Chatterjee & Hambrick, 2007, 2011), we control for potential endogeneity. More precisely, we acknowledge that the decision to hire narcissistic CEOs might have correlated with the decision to build a more risky portfolio of policies. Hence, there may have been specific CEO- and firm-level variables that led to systematic differences in both the selection of narcissistic CEOs and the subsequent riskiness of bank policies. We account for this by trying to partial out that part of our narcissism measure that is the result of such variables (to get rid of unobserved heterogeneity). Following prior scholars (e.g., Chatterjee & Hambrick, 2011; Patel & Cooper, 2014), we regress our narcissism measure against carefully chosen CEO- and firm-level variables
7
related to the conditions that might have affected narcissistic CEOs’ selection in the first place and that, in turn, might be responsible for the riskiness of banks’ policies afterwards (analyses available from the authors). We then use the regression coefficients of the significant variables to calculate each CEO’s predicted narcissism score and include that value as an “
Estimation Method
To test Hypothesis 1 and 2a-c, we used random-effects panel models with robust variance estimators to calculate the standard errors. Fixed-effects models were not appropriate because our key independent variable (“
Results
Hypothesis tests
Table 1 shows the means, standard deviations, and correlations. The correlation between “
Means, Standard Deviations, and Correlations
Random-Effects Regression Estimates of CEO Narcissism and Moderators on Riskiness of Policies
“
Hypothesis 2a, on the interaction of “

Interactions of CEO Narcissism and Moderators on Riskiness of Banks’ Policies: CEO Options

Interactions of CEO Narcissism and Moderators on Riskiness of Banks’ Policies: Presence of Outside Directors with Banking Experience
Robustness checks
We performed two sets of robustness tests (all analyses are available upon request). First, we reran all models using a different approach for panel regressions: the (population-averaged) generalized estimating equations (GEE) method, which allowed us to specify the models with a first order autoregressive correlation structure. Second, we reran all analyses using different sets of control variables, such as board size. In addition, we ran the analyses without controlling for banks’ riskiness of policies at the outset of the time frame. Though in the robustness checks some of the significance levels drop slightly, the general pattern of our findings appears to be fairly robust. The analyses reported here include the control variables that led to the highest overall model fit (Wald χ2 and
Empirics Part 2: Explaining Postshock Performance Drops
Measures
Dependent variables: Drop in performance
We operationalize bank performance as ROA, as has been done in numerous other studies (De Haan & Vlahu, 2016). An interview with a former board member of a large international bank as well as a careful read through of banks’ letters to shareholders also confirmed the relevance of ROA for banks. Because banks are highly leveraged institutions, their ROA numbers are generally substantially lower than those of companies in more classical industries. We therefore divided all ROA-related variables by 100 to facilitate our interpretation of the coefficients.
In our analyses to test Hypotheses 3a-b, the dependent variable is the drop in performance immediately after the September 2008 shock—or the end of the third quarter of 2008 (2008Q3). Due to substantial seasonality in banks’ ROA patterns—mostly driven by a parallel seasonality in interest rates—and in line with the standard guidelines (European Central Bank, 2010), we assess drops in ROA based on yearly, and not quarterly differences. Drop in performance is therefore operationalized as a bank’s ROA in 2008Q3 minus its ROA in 2009Q3. Note that 2009Q3 also corresponds to the lowest point in ROA in the U.S. commercial banking industry—2009 is generally seen as the year the industry hit rock bottom (Cole & White, 2012). To illustrate, the average ROA in our sample dropped 177% between 2008Q3 and 2009Q3, from 0.4% in 2008Q3 to −0.3% in 2009Q3, which represents a highly significant drop (
Independent variables: CEO narcissism and riskiness of policies
“
Control variables
We use three sets of control variables. First, we include the “starting conditions,” referring to the value of several key variables at the start of the time frame—that is, the moment of the shock (2008Q3). They might have affected after-shock performance, by harming banks’ resilience to shocks (van der Vegt et al., 2015). For this reason, we include “
Results
Hypothesis tests
Table 3 depicts the ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions used to test Hypotheses 3a-b. Note that the sample size dropped to 90 because two banks failed between 2008Q3 and 2009Q3. We do not find support for our predictions; the coefficients of both “
OLS Regression Estimates of CEO Narcissism and Riskiness of Policies on Drops in ROA 2008Q3-2009Q3
Robustness checks
To assess their robustness, we reran all analyses without preshock ROA (available upon request). Excluding this variable does not alter any of our results. We also checked whether the results remained the same if we used other quarters to assess ROA (e.g., 2008Q2 instead of 2008Q3 and 2009Q4 instead of 2009Q3), or yearly averages of ROA instead of quarterly performance levels to measure the drops in performance (analyses available upon request). Again, our results remained robust.
Empirics Part 3: Explaining Postshock Performance Recovery
Measures
Dependent variable: Recovery to preshock performance level
To test Hypotheses 4a-b, we assess how CEO narcissism and riskiness of policies affect the rate at which banks’ performance returns to preshock levels. We use a hazard model approach to see whether and when banks had recovered over the whole time frame after 2008Q3 (until 2014Q3—the last year for which data were available at the moment of data collection). Banks were seen as having experienced “recovery” at the first year that their ROA in the third quarter equaled or surpassed their ROA level in 2008Q3. Note that, as explained above, patterns in banks’ ROA should be evaluated based on yearly rather than quarterly differences (European Central Bank, 2010). This also means that the spells in our hazard models are defined at the yearly level. The total number of spells is 298, with 70 banks that recovered within the time frame under study and 6 banks that failed (went bankrupt) before recovering to their pre-crisis ROA level.
Independent variables CEO narcissism and riskiness of policies
Here, too, “
Control variables
Our set of control variables is similar to that in the second set of analyses: To account for banks’ starting conditions, we include “
Estimation Method
Parametric survival-time models (with an exponential distribution) are used to estimate the effects of “
Results
Hypothesis tests
Table 4 shows that “
Exponential Hazard Model Regression Estimates of CEO Narcissism and Risky Policies on Recovery (2008Q3-2014Q3)
Though we did not formally propose that the effect of CEO narcissism would be mediated by the riskiness of policies, our argumentation implied partial mediation—that is, we argued that CEO narcissism would hamper recovery because of narcissistic CEOs’ more risky strategies (e.g., resulting in a more risky portfolio of policies). Model 3 (Table 4) suggests that “
Post hoc analysis: The role of TARP funds
To further explore the issue of resource depletion—which we saw as the main mechanism to explain the harmful effects of preshock CEO narcissism and riskiness on performance recovery—we take a closer look at the funds provided by the U.S. government to banks through TARP. Bayazitova and Shivdasani (2012: 377) wrote, “During a financial crisis, capital levels of banks are depleted and raising new capital in public markets is difficult. A government capital injection program can stabilize banks by providing a source of capital when public market alternatives are unavailable.” Hence, if resource depletion is indeed the mechanism that drives the negative effects of CEO narcissism and riskiness on banks’ recovery, the receipt of TARP funds should moderate the effects of “
We test this idea by including the interaction of “
Robustness checks
In order to assess their robustness, we reran all analyses without preshock ROA and controlling for changes in the three corporate governance indicators. We also redid the analyses using Cox proportional hazard models (all analyses are available from the authors upon request). Our results did not substantively change.
Discussion
Why were some U.S. commercial banks hit hard by the September 2008 collapse, while others managed to recover fast? What was the role of CEOs and CG practices in this respect? To answer these questions, we developed a theoretical model that integrated insights of the UE and CG literatures with the emerging literature stream on organizational resilience. As we expected, we found that CEO narcissism was associated with higher risk-taking—reflected in the riskiness of banks’ policies. Moreover, echoing classic agency theory predictions (e.g., Eisenhardt, 1989), we found that this baseline effect was even stronger when narcissistic CEOs were explicitly incentivized towards risk-taking (through stock options), but weaker when these CEOs were more effectively monitored (through the presence of knowledgeable outsider directors). Hence, our findings suggest that it is the
We subsequently found that recovery after the September 2008 collapse was slower in banks with a more narcissistic CEO, and that this effect was partially mediated by banks preshock riskiness of policies. We explained these findings through the mechanism of the depletion of internal resources because of (risky) investments made before the shock. This was, in fact, backed by post hoc analyses that showed that the negative effects of CEO narcissism and riskiness of policies on the hazard of recovery were mitigated for banks that received a capital injection from the U.S. government. Indeed, following our logic, these capital injections allowed TARP recipients to (partially) replenish their depleted internal resources. We found no evidence, however, of an effect of either CEO narcissism or riskiness of policies on performance drops immediately after the shock. As mentioned above, this might be due to the gravity of the shock in our study—that is, the collapse was so grave that the whole industry suffered severe performance losses immediately afterwards, making the effects of differences in bank CEOs’ narcissism and/or riskiness of policies less relevant. In the longer run, however, the harmful effects of CEO narcissism and riskiness of policies kicked in, resulting in a slower recovery.
Contributions and Implications
With this study we contribute to different streams of literature. First, we add to the organizational resilience literature by exploring new sets of antecedents. Our findings suggest that CEOs, together with CG practices, are important predictors of organizations’ (long-run) resilience. Uncovering the antecedents of resilience is highly relevant, as it leads to a better understanding of organizational continuity and survival during adverse events (van der Vegt et al., 2015). While system-wide shocks, such as the one we studied, are relatively rare, shocks and events that damage single industries or even individual organizations occur far more often.
Second, by emphasizing the
Third, we also contribute to both the UE and the CG literatures by focusing on
Hence, our work complements Patel and Cooper’s (2014), who found that firms led by narcissistic CEOs suffered greater declines
In any case, both Patel and Cooper’s (2014) and our study underscore the importance of a longitudinal approach in studying the performance effects of CEO narcissism. The combination of both studies suggests that the long-run effects of CEO narcissism are complex, and that we need further theory development and testing about boundary conditions and moderators, such as the availability of slack resources and managerial risk-taking discretion. In line with the ongoing debate on its bright and dark (short-run) effects (see above), it appears that CEO narcissism also has bright and dark sides with respect to
Limitations and Future Research Avenues
As any study, ours has limitations that set the stage for future research avenues. First, this is an empirical study of only
Second, in our attempt to develop a comprehensive but parsimonious framework, we only included three salient CG indicators as moderators of the effects of CEO narcissism. We chose them carefully, based on CG scholars’ suggestions (e.g., Cerasi & Oliviero, 2015; De Haan & Vlahu, 2016), but other potential indicators that could enlighten our knowledge about the “dangerous cocktail” that potentially erodes an organization’s ability to recover from shocks would represent fruitful avenues for new research. Inspired by Hambrick et al.’s (2015) list of features of effective monitoring, these indicators could, for instance, be related to the two features not already included in our study: directors’ motivation (e.g., based on ownership stakes) or their ability to devote requisite time and attention to the firm.
To conclude, our study provides insights about the effects of CEO narcissism and CG practices on firms’ long-run resilience. We add to the extant knowledge in the resilience literature by indicating the importance of CEOs and CG practices as antecedents. However, many additional questions remain open for further exploration (e.g., What is the effect of other CEO characteristics, such as age, on resilience? Do other key players’ characteristics, such as the middle managers or employees, interact with those of the CEO in affecting resilience?). We also add to the ongoing debate on the performance effects of CEO narcissism by elucidating its effects on the longer term, but again several questions are left unanswered (e.g., Are the effects of CEO narcissism on resilience similar for all types of shocks? What are the long-run effects of CEO narcissism when no shock occurs?). With the present study, we hope to inspire future scholars to attend to these and other questions to further broaden our knowledge.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
This article was accepted under the editorship of Patrick M. Wright. We wish to thank Sucheta Nadkarni (the associate editor) and the three anonymous reviewers for their insightful and supportive feedback. We would like to thank the participants of the “Innovation in Organizations” subtheme at the 2014 EGOS colloquium and the TMT track at the 2015 EURAM Conference in Warsaw for their comments on previous versions of the article. Moreover, we appreciate all feedback and comments received from the members of the ACED research group (University of Antwerp). We also gratefully acknowledge the Research Foundation – Flanders (FWO – Vlaanderen) for financial support through a post-doc grant for the first author.
