‘I Feel Like an Outsider’: Young People,Racialised Stereotypes and School Belonging

Abstract

Belonging is a key driver of student engagement, learning and wellbeing, yet many African-heritage students in Australian schools report persistent exclusion. This qualitative case study uses belonging as an analytical lens to examine how racialised stereotypes shape students’ everyday school experiences. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with 53 participants across three Australian states, the analysis shows that lowered teacher expectations and disproportionate disciplinary measures produce alienation and erode students’ sense of inclusion and worth. In response to these challenges, I propose three interrelated pathways for cultivating school belonging: recognition (affirming students’ full humanity), emplacement (designing school spaces and practices that make students feel safe and valued) and resonance (fostering emotional connexion so belonging is both structural and felt). When students are fully recognised, securely anchored, and emotionally connected, they are more likely to engage and learn meaningfully.

Introduction

A strong sense of belonging at school is widely recognised as a foundational condition for student wellbeing, motivation, and educational success. When students feel accepted, respected, and valued within the school environment, they are more likely to participate actively in learning, attend regularly, form supportive relationships with peers and teachers, and maintain a sense of purpose in their educational journey (Allen & Boyle, 2022). Belonging operates as both a psychological and relational resource that shapes how students perceive themselves in relation to the school community. It enhances their willingness to take academic risks, engage with challenging material, and contribute meaningfully to classroom and extracurricular life. Importantly, a secure sense of belonging has been shown to protect against the negative effects of stress, marginalisation, and exclusion, thereby fostering emotional resilience and broader social connectedness. In this way, belonging is not simply an affective by-product of positive schooling—it is a critical driver of student engagement and achievement, especially for those navigating complex educational and social landscapes.

When belonging is compromised, students are less likely to participate actively in class, more likely to be absent, and at greater risk of academic underachievement (Allen & Boyle, 2022). Studies consistently show that when students feel alienated or marginalised, they are less likely to engage meaningfully with schoolwork, form supportive peer relationships, or seek help from teachers—factors critical to educational success (Allen & Boyle, 2022). Despite policies aimed at promoting inclusivity, African-heritage students from refugee backgrounds (AHS-R) in Australia continue to experience disproportionately high levels of disengagement (Molla, 2021, 2025). They are more likely to leave school early. According to Shepherd (2021), African-Australian youth—predominantly of South Sudanese descent—comprised 19% of young people in custody in Victoria, despite representing less than 0.5% of the overall youth population. These disproportionate outcomes reflect a deeper crisis of school belonging—where the failure to nurture inclusive, affirming learning environments contributes to early disengagement and sets in motion a chain of social vulnerabilities that follow young people into adulthood.

And yet, much of the existing research tends to focus on observable academic outcomes or behavioural indicators, rather than the underlying emotional and social conditions that shape student engagement. Exploring African-heritage students’ sense of belonging offers a critical lens through which to understand the deeper, often less visible mechanisms that lead to disengagement. By centring their voices and lived experiences, research can move beyond surface-level explanations and begin to uncover how school environments may alienate students from marginalised backgrounds. In doing so, it becomes possible to identify more meaningful and equity-oriented strategies for improving educational engagement and success for African-heritage youth in Australia.

Against this backdrop, and as part of a broader effort to understand the root causes of school disengagement, this paper investigates the experiences of belonging among African-heritage students in Australian schools. the paper draws on the concept of belonging uncertainty—defined as the persistent doubt about whether one truly belongs in a particular environment (Cohen, 2022)—as an analytical lens for interpreting students’ narratives. Through this lens, the study examines the relationship between racialised school experiences and the erosion of belonging, in order to deepen understanding of the social processes that give rise to disengagement. The study aims to answer the following research question:

How do African-heritage students in Australian schools make sense of their belonging, and what factors shape their experiences?

Findings of the analysis indicate that African-heritage students have a diminished sense of belonging at school and that their feelings of alienation are linked to racially coded practices such as lowered teacher expectations and disproportionate disciplinary actions. Low expectations from teachers communicated a lack of belief in their potential while biased disciplinary measures reinforce perceptions of Black students as disruptive Many students internalised these signals, resulting in disidentification from school, diminished participation, increased absenteeism, and, in some cases, eventual school withdrawal.

In response to the challenges identified, this paper puts forward three interconnected pathways for nurturing a stronger sense of belonging in schools: recognition, emplacement, and resonance. These pathways are designed to disrupt the structural patterns of exclusion that marginalise African-heritage students and others from minoritised backgrounds. By acknowledging students’ identities and cultural narratives (recognition), ensuring they are physically and symbolically grounded within the school environment (emplacement), and creating meaningful, emotionally resounding connections between students and the wider school community (resonance), schools can build inclusive and engaging educational spaces.

The remainder of the paper is organised into four main sections. The first section outlines the analytical framework and methodological approach guiding the study. The second section provides a concise account of belonging uncertainty experienced by African-heritage students in Australian schools. The third section examines the primary driver of this uncertainty: racial Othering. The final section summarises the key insights of the paper and discusses their implications for school practices, specifically proposing three key pathways for nurturing belonging in schools: recognition, emplacement, and resonance.

Analytical Framework and Method

What is Belonging?

In a school, the feeling of belonging shapes how students show up to learn, connect, and contribute. Belonging is a relational condition in which individuals feel a sense of attachment, acceptance, and recognition within a group or institution—it is about feeling ‘at home’ (Antonsich, 2010; Yuval-Davis, 2011). Social anthropologist Pfaff-Czarnecka (2010) defines belonging as ‘a combination of individually acquired, interpersonally negotiated and structurally affected knowledge and life-experience’ (p. 5). Viewed from this perspective, belonging encompasses both emotional resonance and relational connexion. In her recent work, Pfaff-Czarnecka (2020) identifies three dimensions of belonging: commonality, mutuality, and attachments.

Commonality refers to shared identities, values, or experiences that provide a basis for collective identification. Commonality is grounded in shared cultural attributes—such as language, religion, and ways of life—which provide a basis for meaningful social interaction and boundary-making. Whereas mutuality underscores the reciprocal nature of social relationships, in which belonging is not only felt but also acknowledged and affirmed by others. As Hölzle and Pfaff-Czarnecka (2023) noted, ‘The collective values steering mutual expectations and obligations create common horizons here and now, stabilising them as norms of reciprocity, loyalty, and commitment’ (p.4). Those everyday practices affirm shared commitments, reinforce group stability, and sustain belonging. Finally, attachments refer to the emotional and material connections individuals develop with the people, places, institutions, and routines that shape their daily experiences (Pfaff-Czarnecka, 2020). These connections highlight that belonging is not a fixed state of being included, but rather an ongoing, relational process shaped by emotions, social interactions, and negotiated meanings. Through such attachments, individuals come to feel a sense of belonging to specific environments—whether to physical locations, natural elements, objects, or climates—embedding their identities within both social and material worlds.

In other words, belonging emerges from shared values, meaningful relationships, and participation in collective practices. However, research in social psychology shows that the absence of clear and consistent signals of being valued or included can erode this sense of connexion and create belonging uncertainty (Cohen, 2022). The problem is especially pronounced in settings where individuals are socially marginalised or historically underrepresented. For example, in the face of persistent racial Othering, Black students in a predominantly White school may question whether they are truly accepted—or ever could be. Persistent belonging uncertainty not only undermines social bonds but can also diminish motivation, engagement, and overall learning outcomes

Unlike a generalised feeling of exclusion, belonging uncertainty is psychologically taxing because it fosters a persistent questioning of one’s social legitimacy and value (Cohen, 2022). It can lead individuals to interpret everyday interactions—such as feedback from a teacher or exclusion from a group activity—as confirmation that they do not, and perhaps cannot, truly belong. As such, belonging uncertainty highlights how the absence of explicit recognition and consistent affirmation can generate internalised doubt, making the experience of non-belonging not just social but also deeply personal and psychological. In other words, to live with belonging uncertainty is to be in a state of insecurity about one’s place or acceptance within a group or community. It is a detrimental state of being. Cohen (2022) stresses:

When we perceive threats to our sense of belonging, our horizon of possibility shrinks. We tend to interpret ourselves, other people, and the situation in a defensive and self-protective way. We more readily infer that we are incapable or that we aren’t meant to be there, that we will not understand or be understood. We’re less likely to express our views, especially if they differ from those of others. We’re more sensitive to perceived criticism. We’re less inclined to accept challenges that pose a risk of failure. (p.30)

Racialised students often experience a troubling asymmetry of visibility in schools: they are highly visible in disciplinary contexts—such as increased surveillance and overrepresentation in behavioural sanctions—yet largely invisible in affirming spaces like the curriculum, student leadership, or high academic expectations. This dissonance communicates conflicting messages about their place in the school community and reinforces a sense that they are tolerated rather than genuinely welcomed. It makes students doubt whether they truly fit or are valued in their learning environment (Cohen, 2022). This uncertainty undermines school engagement by weakening emotional connexion, diminishing academic motivation, and fostering self-protective withdrawal. Students who do not see themselves positively reflected in what is taught, how success is framed, or who is celebrated are more likely to internalise feelings of marginalisation. Over time, this can lead to decreased participation, academic underperformance, and increased risk of early school leaving. Addressing these racialised dynamics of visibility is therefore critical to fostering equitable learning environments where all students feel recognised, respected, and able to thrive.

Method and Data

The study on which this paper is based employed a multimethod, multistage qualitative case study design (Hesse-Biber & Johnson, 2015; Yin, 2018). This approach was particularly well-suited to the research aims, as it enabled an in-depth exploration of the contextual conditions shaping meaning and action in the lives of participants. The paper draws on qualitative data generated through in-depth interviews. Participants were purposefully selected based on three intersecting criteria: their African heritage, enrolment in secondary school, and refugee background. This purposive sampling ensured that the study focussed on the perspectives of those whose experiences are often marginalised in mainstream educational research.

Following ethics approval from my university (Ref. No: 2023155-230607) and permission from the Departments of Education in the three participating states, African-heritage students from refugee backgrounds were invited to participate in the study on a voluntary basis. Recruitment was conducted through community connections, sports centres, and religious sites. Once the initial participants were recruited, they were invited to recommend others who met the selection criteria, employing a snowball sampling approach. To acknowledge participants’ time and to offset transport costs associated with attending the interview site, each participant received a $50 gift card.

A total of 53 interviews were conducted with student participants from socio-culturally diverse public secondary schools across three Australian states. They ranged in age from 14 to 18 years and comprised 29 female and 24 male students. Their cultural backgrounds included Eritrean, Ethiopian, Somali, Congolese (Democratic Republic of Congo), Sudanese, and South Sudanese heritage. The interviews were conducted outside school. The interviews took between 20 and 60 min and were audio-recorded and later transcribed for analysis. The semi-structured interviews aimed at capturing accounts and views of students regarding their school experiences and the issue of school disengagement. The interviews explored several key topics, including:

• How African heritage students characterise their connections to school.

• What mediates their sense of belonging at school.

In making sense of the accounts, I followed the thematic analysis procedures (Braun & Clarke, 2022). Although the initial data sense-making coincided with data generation, the formal coding process involved immersion in the personal accounts of each participant. First, each interview was transcribed and de-identified to ensure anonymity. Then, after initial reading and colour-coding for familiarisation purposes, I started mapping patterns and identifying insightful accounts. The coding process combined both inductive and deductive approaches (Braun & Clarke, 2022): while themes were grounded in the data, they were also informed by the analytical framework and relevant literature. The themes that recurred across interviews were grouped into two broader themes: ‘I feel like an outsider’ and ‘I’m so happy that you’re smart’. While 53 students were interviewed in the main project, in this paper, I quoted only a selected few whose responses directly addressed the issues of belonging and racial Othering. In the analysis section of the paper, participants are represented using numerical codes such as (Student 1 in State 1), (Student 2 in State 5), and so on. These codes reflect the order in which interviews were conducted and the state in which each participant resides. This system is used to maintain the confidentiality of both the participants and the states in which the research took place.

In conducting this research, I acknowledge and make transparent my positionality, which inevitably shapes both the research process and its outcomes. I identify as a person of African heritage, and this background has informed my sensitivity to the lived realities, cultural nuances, and systemic challenges faced by African-heritage students and families. My shared heritage facilitated rapport and trust during interviews, allowing for more open and honest conversations and shaping how I listened to and interpreted participants’ accounts. At the same time, I remained reflexively aware of the need to guard against over-identification and to critically interrogate my own assumptions and privilege.

‘I Feel Like an Outsider’

Belonging is critical for a healthy functioning of multicultural societies such as Australia. As Brooks (2023) observes, ‘To survive, pluralistic societies require citizens who can look across difference and show the kind of understanding that is a prerequisite of trust’ (p. 14, ePub version). In schools, belonging is not merely about being present—it involves feeling recognised, valued, and safe to participate fully as oneself. Belonging encompasses emotional, social, and institutional dimensions, where students feel connected to peers and adults, valued for who they are, and confident that they have a rightful place in the school community (Cohen, 2022). For racialised students—particularly those from African-heritage refugee backgrounds—belonging also entails navigating spaces where their identity is often underrepresented or misunderstood.

It is widely documented that the experience of pervasive racial Othering can lead to a profound sense of unbelonging (Powell, 2024). During the interviews, African-heritage students expressed a profound sense of belonging uncertainty (Cohen, 2022), questioning whether they were genuinely accepted, recognised, or valued within the school environment. Despite being physically present and often having attended their schools for many years, these students report feeling like outsiders, disconnected from the cultural and relational fabric of the school. Their reflections point to a troubling disjuncture between institutional inclusion and emotional or psychological acceptance—a distinction that underscores the limitations of formal access in cultivating genuine belonging. Three African-heritage students expressed their belonging uncertainty as follows:

I feel like an outsider, I feel like I belong to the school physically, but not mentally. It’s just about how I get treated in class [. . .] Some people feel intimidated by us. (Student 11 in State 3)

I feel like, since I’ve been there for my whole schooling, I felt a bit like an outsider [. . .] I don’t think I fit in specifically with those people due to my background. (Student 1 in State 1)

There’s a lot of racism in school and I don’t feel comfortable being there but then I want to be at school because I like the education there. (Student 42 in State 2)

Note those statements again: ‘I feel like an outsider’ (Student 9), ‘I felt a bit like an outsider’ (Student 1), ‘I probably don’t belong to my school’ (Student 7), and ‘I don’t feel comfortable being there’ (Student 41). These recurring expressions of discomfort and marginality reveal a profound sense of exclusion experienced by African-heritage students within the school environment. Such statements point to more than fleeting personal sentiments—they are markers of a lack of mutuality (Pfaff-Czarnecka, 2020) and diminished sense of belonging (Antonsich, 2010; Cohen, 2022). When students feel that their identity is invisible or devalued, they are less likely to participate fully—emotionally, behaviourally, or cognitively—in school life.

The students’ initial accounts conveyed a palpable sense of non-belonging. This recurring theme of alienation, expressed in both subtle and overt ways, prompted me to pause and ask them to reflect further: Why do you feel this way? Their responses went beyond fleeting discomfort, revealing entrenched, often racialised patterns of exclusion that shaped their everyday school experiences. Encouraged by their openness, I invited them to explore the underlying causes of this disconnection—whether stemming from peer dynamics, teacher expectations, institutional policies, or broader societal forces. This dialogic engagement opened space for a deeper, more nuanced understanding of how their sense of (non)belonging had been formed. The causes and conditions underpinning this sense of ‘outsiderness’ are unpacked in what follows.

‘I’m So Happy That You're Smart’

Experiences of racial stereotyping and prejudice within school settings often manifest in subtle yet impactful ways, shaping how students of African heritage perceive their interactions with teachers and peers. In response to questions about their sense of belonging at school, many participants shared rich and deeply personal accounts that revealed negative stereotypes as a recurring and deeply felt theme in their educational experiences. Two specific and pervasive manifestations of this stereotype—lowered teacher expectations and biased disciplinary practices—emerged strongly across the interviews.

Participants described how teachers often assumed they were less capable or less academically inclined, regardless of their demonstrated effort or performance. These low expectations not only undermined their confidence but also sent a clear message that they were less deserving of academic success. Lowered teacher expectations are not always overt; they are often conveyed through subtle cues such as backhanded compliments or expressions of surprise when students demonstrate academic competence. These microaggressions, though seemingly benign, signal to students that success is unexpected or atypical for someone like them. Over time, such interactions can chip away at students’ confidence and reinforce feelings of otherness. One female student recounted her experience as follows:

Virtually on a daily basis, there’ll always be some underhanded comment. Especially when it comes to supply teachers coming through and they’re being, “Oh, guys, what are you doing this semester?” Then I show them the work and there’ll always be something so backhanded, like, “Oh, I didn’t expect for you to be able to do this.” “I’m so happy that you’re smart.” And I’m, like, what’s the intention behind it? More often than not that’s the reality of it. [. . .] I realise that people will treat me differently regardless if I’m right or wrong, just based on the colour of my skin. (Student 25 in State 2, emphasis added)

When left unaddressed, racial devaluation—such as lowered expectations—can escalate into demonisation (Molla, in press). Participants consistently reported that African-heritage students are more likely to be singled out and punished for behaviours that are tolerated or overlooked when exhibited by their non-Black peers. These accounts vividly illustrate how school disciplinary systems can operate along racialised lines, producing unequal outcomes and reinforcing a sense of alienation. Many students spoke of incidents in which they were reprimanded or sanctioned more harshly, even when they were not the instigators of conflict. This perceived injustice is exacerbated by the common framing of Black students’ emotional expressions—such as frustration or anger—as aggressive or inappropriate, while similar behaviours from White students are often interpreted as normal or manageable (Skiba et al., 2011). One student shared a telling example of how these racialised dynamics unfold in everyday school life:

Black students get more severe punishment. They’re harsher on the black people than the White people. For example, if a White student breaks your laptop and you start getting mad, then the teacher blames you like you’re the problem, but they broke your laptop. Then the school thinks you’re the bad person because you’re shouting and stuff, but it’s because they broke your laptop. So therefore, they’ll probably suspend you and then give the White boy a detention, yeah. (Student 11 in State 3)

Research has shown that racialised students, particularly those of African descent, are more likely to be subjected to punitive measures such as suspensions, detentions, and behavioural monitoring for behaviours that are often overlooked or addressed informally when exhibited by their white peers (Ogbu & Davis, 2003). These disparities are rarely due to differences in behaviour; rather, they are frequently shaped by implicit biases and racialised perceptions that frame Black students as disruptive, aggressive, or defiant (Skiba et al., 2011). As a result, schools can become sites of surveillance rather than support, where African-heritage students are viewed through a deficit lens and subjected to higher levels of scrutiny and punishment. These disciplinary practices not only erode students’ sense of belonging but also interrupt learning, damage relationships with educators, and increase the likelihood of disengagement and early school leaving. According to Steele (2010), the mere recognition that one belongs to a negatively stereotyped group can induce stress, anxiety, and hyper-vigilance, which in turn disrupt cognitive and emotional engagement. When disciplinary systems reflect and reproduce racial hierarchies, they compound educational disadvantage and send clear signals about who is fully included and who is not.

Pathways for Nurturing School Belonging

Addressing the problem of belonging uncertainty requires confronting the racialised norms and institutional logics that render certain bodies hyper-visible, misrecognised, or invisible within the school system. In response, this paper proposes three interconnected steps towards fostering school belonging. It calls upon schools to support students’ freedom (a) to be seen and valued through recognition, (b) to feel safe and anchored through emplacement, and (c) to experience meaningful attunement and connexion through resonance. These pathways were developed deductively, drawing on insights from the relevant literature and the analytical framework outlined above. This deductive process involved engaging with established scholarship on belonging (Cohen, 2022; Hooks, 2009; Pfaff-Czarnecka, 2020), race (Ogbu & Davis, 2003; Powell, 2024; Skiba et al., 2011), and learning (Hurd et al., 2018; Ramos Carranza et al., 2024) to construct a conceptual guide for fostering inclusive school practices. This closing section of the paper briefly explicates each of these key pathways for nurturing belonging.

Recognition

Recognition is a fundamental dimension of social justice that involves the acknowledgement and respect of individuals or groups as full and equal members of society (Fraser, 2000; Honneth, 1995; Taylor, 1994). For students from historically marginalised communities, recognition goes beyond surface-level inclusion. It constitutes a foundational condition for experiencing educational belonging, including being seen, heard, and valued in the institutional and relational spaces of schooling. Drawing on the work of Sen (1999), recognition can be understood as a form of freedom—the freedom to appear as a dignified subject in public space, to be acknowledged as a capable agent, and to have one’s specific social and cultural identities affirmed rather than erased. Similarly, Nussbaum (2011) frames the capability for affiliation as central to human dignity and flourishing, emphasising the importance of being treated with equal worth and without humiliation. Likewise, in Seeing Others, Lamont (2023) underscores the importance of acknowledging people first and foremost as human beings worthy of dignity, respect, and moral consideration. In the school context, this translates into pedagogical, curricular, and relational practices that affirm students’ identities, experiences, and aspirations as worthy of serious attention and respect. Extending unconditional positive regard for all is the foundation of a healthy school culture, where every student feels seen, valued, and respected—not just for their achievements, but for their inherent worth as individuals.

Enacting the pathway of recognition to nurture belonging in schools entails embedding practices that affirm the dignity, cultural identities, and lived experiences of all students within the everyday fabric of school life. This involves moving beyond superficial gestures of inclusion to cultivate a school culture in which students are genuinely seen, heard, and valued as capable learners. Practically, this means critically examining and addressing racialised biases in curriculum content, teacher expectations, and disciplinary practices; incorporating diverse knowledges and histories into teaching and learning; and creating structured opportunities for student voice and agency. As noted in the analytical framework (e.g., Hölzle & Pfaff-Czarnecka, 2023; Pfaff-Czarnecka, 2020), recognition must be approached as both a pedagogical and institutional commitment, one that requires teachers to actively resist deficit narratives, affirm students’ sociocultural identities, and uphold high expectations grounded in respect and care. When enacted meaningfully, recognition creates the relational conditions necessary for students to experience school as a space of safety, legitimacy, and belonging.

Emplacement

Emplacement refers to the embodied and affective experience of being situated within a specific place—feeling physically, emotionally, and socially grounded in that environment (Reed-Danahay, 2020). It encompasses not only material or geographical presence, but also the psychological and cultural sense of having a rightful place within a particular context. Emplacement is not merely about occupying space; it is a dynamic and ongoing process through which individuals become meaningfully situated in place (Seamon, 2023). A sense of emplacement marks the intimate and often unspoken feeling of being ‘at home’—whether in a neighbourhood, a school, or a broader national context. In the words of Hölzle and Pfaff-Czarnecka (2023), ‘The sense of belonging is greatly enhanced by “place experience”’ (p.7). As Bourdieu (2000) reflects, ‘As a body and biological individual, I am, in the way that things are, situated in a place: I occupy a position in physical space and social space’ (p. 131). It manifests in the deep connections individuals develop with their environments, shaping identity and enabling belonging.

African-heritage students’ experiences of being unfairly targeted for disciplinary punishment exemplify a form of Othering, the converse of emplacement, undermining their sense of belonging within the school environment. Schools that apply the pathway of emplacement to nurture belonging are committed to building environments where all students—especially those from minoritised backgrounds—feel physically secure, emotionally affirmed, and socially embedded within the everyday rhythms and relationships of school life (Massey, 2005). This involves moving beyond treating school spaces as neutral, and instead recognising how classrooms, hallways, and institutional norms position students in ways that either affirm or deny their legitimacy and value. Emplacement plays a critical role in fostering belonging and supporting school engagement, particularly when it challenges the structural barriers and everyday practices that render some students ‘out of place’ (Ahmed, 2012). Schools nurture genuine belonging not simply by enrolling culturally and racially diverse students, but by ensuring that educational environments do not continue to privilege certain identities while marginalising others.

Resonance

Belonging entails a sense of mutuality and attachment (Pfaff-Czarnecka, 2020; Yuval-Davis, 2011). Recognition and emplacement establish the structural and spatial foundations of belonging by affirming students’ identities and ensuring they feel anchored within the school environment. Resonance deepens this foundation. Resonance refers to the emotional attunement, mutual responsiveness, and affective energy that emerge when people feel genuinely engaged and heard (Rosa, 2019). This relational quality is not about harmony or comfort alone; as Rosa (2019) argues, resonance involves being genuinely moved and changed by encounters with others, ideas, institutions, or nature. Resonance strengthens belonging by fostering a relational ethic of trust and care that disrupts deficit framings and cultivates mutual respect. In essence, resonance can be understood as a form of ‘affinity’ (Kim, 2003), in that it involves a felt pull towards particular people, places, communities, or values. For refugee-background students, this sense of resonance is central to the experience of belonging, as it signals moments of connexion and recognition within unfamiliar or often exclusionary environments.

As a key pathway for nurturing belonging in schools, resonance highlights the importance of meaningful, affective connections between students and their educational environments. Research shows that when students perceive teachers as emotionally attuned and invested in their success, they are more likely to feel connected, motivated, and secure (Ladson-Billings, 2009). The implication is clear: teachers should prioritise building emotionally responsive relationships with students by showing genuine care, encouragement, and commitment to their individual growth. Another way of nurturing resonance is by ensuring cultural embeddedness in curricular materials and pedagogical practices to ensure that learning experiences reflects, affirms, and incorporates students’ cultural knowledge, languages, and histories. For example, initiatives that incorporate African diasporic literature, music, and storytelling in classroom discussions not only affirm students’ cultural identities but also enrich the learning environment for all students.

The central claims of this paper are that African-heritage students in Australian schools experience a diminished sense of belonging and that the problem is rooted primarily in the problem of negative racial stereotypes. This insight carries a critical implication for schools: fostering belonging must go beyond tokenistic inclusion and instead be anchored in a deep commitment to three key pathways for nurturing belonging—recognition, emplacement, and resonance. Recognition ensures that students are acknowledged in their full humanity; emplacement embeds them within school environments where they feel safe and valued; and resonance fosters emotional connexion, making belonging a lived and felt experience. When students are recognised, anchored, and emotionally connected, they are more likely to engage meaningfully and flourish.

Emplacement and resonance necessitate recognition. Poet and philosopher Tagore (2000) poignantly observes, ‘With men, as with insects, taking the colour of the surroundings is often the best means of self-protection’ (p. 1). This insight captures a fundamental human yearning for emplacement—the ability to attune to one’s environment in ways that secure safety, acceptance, and flourishing. Yet the notion of ‘taking the colour of the surroundings’ becomes fraught when considered through the lens of racialised embodiment. For instance, in racialised settler colonial societies, individuals with low ‘proximity to Whiteness’ such as Black Africans (Lipsitz, 2006) are marked by a persistent hyper-visibility due to their embodied difference. For them, the option of blending in through assimilation is largely unattainable. The pathway of emplacement in schools must move beyond expectations of assimilation. In this regard, the prophet Jeremiah’s ancient question still resonates: ‘Can the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots?’ (Jeremiah 13:23, KJV). One might be tempted to dismiss the prophet’s question as an expression of essentialism—suggesting that identity is fixed and unchangeable. However, in a society where racialised value is attached to skin colour, the question acquires renewed critical urgency. When racialised embodiment makes full assimilation structurally impossible, as experiences of African heritage students in this study suggests, visible difference continues to mark one as an outsider. This underscores the need for actively creating spaces where difference is recognised and valued as part of the social fabric. Otherwise, it would take an evolutionary timescale for a Black person living in temperate or polar zones to physically ‘take the colour of the surroundings’.

In closing the section, I would like to highlight one limitation of this study. That is, student participants were not explicitly asked to articulate how experiences of racial Othering influenced their academic aspirations and engagement. As a result, the analysis infers these connections indirectly from students’ broader reflections on belonging, identity, and schooling. While this limits the precision with which causal links between racial Othering and academic engagement can be drawn, it does not diminish the validity of the study’s central insights into how exclusionary experiences shape students’ sense of belonging. Future research could address this limitation by incorporating more targeted questions or longitudinal designs to examine how racialised experiences influence academic motivation and trajectories over time.

Conclusion

The paper set out to explore African heritage students’ sense of belonging in Australian schools. Accounts of the students showed that increasing belonging uncertainty due to multifaceted forms of racial Othering. It specifically showed how racialised stereotypes, including low teacher expectations, could erode a sense of belonging, leading to alienation and disengagement in schools. Centring the lived experiences of the young people, the paper moves beyond surface-level measures of engagement to reveal the emotional and relational dimensions of school life. The unique contribution of the paper lies in framing belonging as both a structural and affective condition, shaped through recognition, emplacement, and resonance. I believe that these three pathways offer a practical and conceptual framework for schools to address belonging uncertainty and build more equitable learning environments grounded in affirmation, safety, and connexion. Such learning environments provide the conditions necessary for all students to flourish.