Navigating Normativity: How German Youth Discuss Activism in a Global Context

Abstract

In the past decade, youth activism has gained visibility in European public discourse. It has also been integrated into the UN's Sustainable Development Goals under the Global Citizenship Education framework. Nonetheless, we have only a limited understanding of young people's own perceptions of activism and its manifestations. We investigate perceptions of activism among German secondary school students, employing thematic analysis to analyze data from 25 discussion groups, each composed of 4 to 8 students aged 14-20 from various educational institutions across Germany (n = 141), identifying three predominant themes: (a) A normative perception of activism whereby students distinguish themselves from “the other” peers in countries deprived of adequate education and the conditions necessary for activism. (b) A narrow view of global citizenship – students note stark differences between themselves and populations outside the Global North, rather than embracing a shared global identity. (c) An uncritical acceptance of conventional conceptions of activism, in both actions undertaken and causes deemed worthy of activism. Using Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus and field, we offer insights to support further implementation of Global Citizenship Education.

Introduction

In Europe, the need to strengthen youth involvement in civic activities has been a significant theme in political and academic discussions over the past three decades, especially following the third wave of democratization in Europe after the Cold War (Elerian at al., 2025). This urgency stems from two major concerns: the push to solidify democratic systems in recently democratized former socialist countries, and the observed decline in participation in elections, notably among young people in established democracies. Research indicates declining levels of voting, political party membership, and overall traditional engagement with political issues throughout Europe (Dahl et al., 2020; Giugni & Grasso, 2021). These trends are compounded by increasing support for non-democratic political engagement methods, the rise of populism and extremist politics (Pasieka, 2020), as well as growing concerns among youth regarding climate change, generational disparities, and employment uncertainties (Barford et al., 2021). Additionally, many young people feel alienated by decisions made behind closed doors by experts and politicians, further diminishing their motivation to engage with traditional civic institutions.

Although rates of participation in elections, and membership of political parties, by youth are still declining in many countries and raising concerns about the future of democracy, we are witnessing significant public activity by young people both on social networks and in city streets (Maher & Earl, 2019). Weekly demonstrations by school students for environmental justice, initiated by the young activist Greta Thunberg, tent camps set up on university campuses in various countries in support of Palestine, mass protests by young people against Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and significant youth involvement in protests against sexual harassment as part of the MeToo campaign, are just some examples of active youth participation in shaping the nature of their societies and the world (Haugseth & Smeplass, 2023; Inguaggiato & Yemini, 2025; Kligler-Vilenchik & Literat, 2024; Nicholls, 2014). Youth activism is becoming an integral part of the public discourse in many countries, driving interest in this phenomenon in theoretical and practical terms.

Promoting proactive youth civic engagement is supported in both academic and political circles as a way to counter these negative participatory trends and help restore the credibility of democratic practices (Inguaggiato et al., 2025). In many countries, policymakers and schools invest significant resources to facilitate youth involvement in, and activism around, issues pertinent to their future (Eten et.al., 2025). One prominent project in this area is the Global Citizenship Education (GCE) initiative, which is embedded in the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. GCE aims to foster proactive engagement and activism of young people in formal and informal processes related to societies’ transformations. Encouraging and facilitating student activism is recognized as an integral part of GCE. However, the exposure students have to this topic varies significantly between schools, ranging from traditional, adult-guided approaches to students led, often non-traditional, forms of activism. The definition of activism and the degree of agency expressed by students are largely influenced by the specific context in which the activism takes place (Tafts & Gordon, 2013). Despite the extensive and rapidly expanding body of scholarship on activism, defining it remains challenging due to a range of interpretations and the absence of agreement on its boundaries (Peterson et al., 2022). Additionally, the understanding of activism varies significantly between different academic disciplines (Percy-Smith et al., 2023), cultural settings (Suppers, 2024), or political beliefs (Hartung, 2023). The classification of specific activities can evolve over time: for example, whether volunteering or various forms of civic engagement qualify as activism may depend on changing definitions within the discourse (Ekman & Amnå, 2012). This lack of a universal definition adds complexity to the discourse – what is considered activism can differ widely among groups, influenced by factors such as ethnicity, age, or legal status (Nicholls, 2014). Central to these discussions is an exploration of the broad definitions surrounding activism and the criteria that delineate it, as well as the definition of its boundaries within the school system (Suppers, 2024). In our study we adopted an inductive, broad, and inclusive approach: we sought to capture all phenomena within group discussions that the students described as activism. We asked students to define activism and to provide examples of activism and activists. We then built upon this background to further develop the conversations within group discussions.

Published research has widely addressed and often criticized attempts to develop educational activities around activism as being overly focused on theoretical concepts rather than practical applications (Thaiyalan et al., 2025). Many examined initiatives have fallen short because they failed to understand the perspectives and voices of young people, and did not design curricula according to either youth needs, or the desired outcomes. This absence of inputs from young people themselves about the activism and the role they expected from their schools to facilitate it has resulted in a disconnect between initiatives and their intended youth audience, leading to a minimal impact on actual civic participation levels.

Moreover, there remains a gap in our understanding of how well globally promoted concepts such as GCE are actually embedded into national settings, and especially their adoption and implementation by young people themselves. It should be noted, too, that activism by young people is a multifaceted and diverse process, with a wide variety of topics, means, intensities, and desired outcomes. If policymakers aim to facilitate certain forms of activism, and actually equip young people with the tools and capabilities to examine and reflect critically on their own positionalities, it is crucial to first understand the youth perspective on these topics.

Against this backdrop, this study examines the perceptions of activism among students in Germany, employing thematic analysis to delve into the experiences and viewpoints of students aged 14-20 from diverse educational settings. We seek to contribute to critical discussions on the future of activism education and explore pathways for fostering a more nuanced, inclusive and effective activist mindset among youth. Our research questions are:

1. How do secondary students in Germany understand activism?

2. How do they self-identify within the global landscape?

3. How do they perceive the role of schools in promoting education for activism?

Global Citizenship Education and Youth Activism

This section introduces the framework of literature which bounds the described research. Considering the pressures to integrate global citizenship education into curricula worldwide, and particularly in Germany (Kolleck 2022; Ortloff, 2011; Schippling, 2020), we present the main research findings in this field. We emphasize and problematize the role of youth activism, which constitutes a fundamental aspect of the goals of global citizenship education.

Broadly, GCE is an educational framework designed to equip learners with the knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes necessary to navigate and contribute to the global community (Goren & Yemini, 2017). In the context of this research, GCE addresses the increasing demand for curricula that prepare students to contribute not merely “at home” but also as part of a globalized world. This objective involves teaching students about international issues such as sustainability, human rights, social justice, and cultural diversity. The goal is to foster an understanding of interconnectedness and to empower students to engage thoughtfully and proactively in addressing global challenges, by fostering their own sense of agency, reflectivity, and by actually conducting actions for change – delivering activism.

Embedded in UNESCO’s Sustainable Development Goals (Goal 4.7), GCE aims to nurture a sense of global responsibility and interconnectedness (Bosio & Schattle, 2021). It also raises questions about its universal application, the cultural bias inherent in its frameworks, and the danger of reproducing inequalities between and within nation states (Yemini et al., 2014). Critics argue that GCE often promulgates Western-centric values and assumptions, and so potentially marginalizing non-Western perspectives by perpetuating a form of cultural hegemony (Duarte & Robinson-Jones, 2024). It is also often criticized as being an empty signifier, utilized by upper and middle classes to reproduce their societal advantage through access to international travel, English language communication, and transnational social networks (Goren & Yemini, 2017; Pashby et al., 2020). This set of characteristics often leads to a superficial or normative engagement with societal challenges that lacks a critical examination of the origin of social problems, such as economic disparities or political conflicts. Such deeper consideration of social context is crucial for fostering a deeper, more transformative form of activism and its nuanced embeddedness in GCE initiatives. A key component of GCE highlighted in the research is youth activism (Yemini & Furstenburg, 2018). Encouraging young people to become active participants in social, political, or environmental causes is seen as a crucial part and core objective of the process, fostering a sense of agency and responsibility among students and teaching them to apply what they’ve learned in practical and impactful ways. By engaging in activism, students may apply their learning to advocate for change, develop leadership skills, and understand the workings of societies beyond their immediate and national environment.

Many schools globally are actively engaged in initiatives related to GCE, often embedding it into social studies curricula and extra-curricular activities. Schools typically claim their goal is to address student-body disparities, implementing inclusive strategies that ensure all students, regardless of their background, have an equal opportunity to benefit from GCE (Estellés & Fischman, 2021). Research in the field, however, has shown that these attempts largely fail, and GCE often remains in the normative, anthropocentric, ethnocentric, often neoliberal sphere, without a critical and proactive engagement with hegemony (Pashby et al., 2020). Critics have also noted that GCE (like many other curricular initiatives) is developed without incorporating students’ inputs or reflections, and often without identifying actual gaps in students’ knowledge and, importantly, their activities. This is despite the innovative activism frequently conceived and led by youth across various digital and physical platforms (Loncle et al., 2012).

Indeed, perceptions of what counts as activism can vary significantly depending on cultural, educational, or socio-economic contexts (Boveda & Boveda, 2023). These perceptions influence how young people engage with issues, the strategies they employ, and the identities they form as activists. The role young people play in initiating and leading activism is also affected by the interplay between the roles adults and young people take in various organizations and activities (Perry-Hazan & Bauml, 2023).

On a federal basis, Germany has implemented the Sustainable Development Goals, including SDG 4.7, which focuses on GCE. However, research on GCE in Germany has primarily concentrated on international schools and has not adequately explored how GCE-related content is applied across the broader educational landscape (Kolleck, 2022; Ortloff, 2011; Schippling, 2020). Notably, there are few specific studies addressing this issue, particularly concerning initiatives that encourage student activism. Nevertheless, Germany has been one of the most active countries in terms of student participation in demonstrations such as Fridays for Future, indicating that discourse around activism is nonetheless present within schools (Biswas & Mattheis, 2022).

This study represents the first attempt to examine how students in German schools understand activism, which is significant both for the German education system and beyond, as students’ perspectives on this topic may be critical for developing effective educational initiatives. Exploring how students’ perceptions of activism are reflected in the theoretical literature on GCE and activism specifically will contribute meaningful insights to the field. Such new understandings may bridge gaps between theory and practice, enhancing the efficacy of GCE initiatives and helping to secure policy goals of fostering a generation of engaged and informed citizens.

Theoretical Framework

In examining German youths’ perceptions of activism, the theoretical frameworks of Pierre Bourdieu offer profound insights. In particular, Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus and field (Bourdieu, 1980; 1984) provide a comprehensive lens through which to analyze how young people perceive and engage with activism. Habitus, according to Bourdieu, refers to the deeply engrained habits, skills, and dispositions that individuals develop through their experiences in society; in our context, in schooling. For German youth, habitus can explain how national and local cultural norms and educational backgrounds shape their perceptions of activism, influencing how they perceive activism.

The concept of field (Swartz, 2019), as introduced by Bourdieu, is essential for understanding the social arena in which youth activism takes place. The field is a structured space of positions where individuals and groups vie for resources and influence. Within the context of German youth activism, the field can include educational institutions, non-governmental organizations, and social media platforms, each with its own rules and power dynamics (Literat & Kligler-Vilenchik, 2023). These resources and influences are applied towards, and embedded in, youth views at local, national, and global levels. Young people’s interactions within these fields influence their perceptions of activism, including which forms of activism are considered legitimate or effective. It is within this interplay of habitus and field that youths navigate their roles and strategies in pursuing activist goals.

Finally, symbolic power and symbolic violence are critical to understanding how some narratives around activism are constructed and maintained. Symbolic power refers to an ability to impose meanings and propagate them as legitimate; symbolic violence often amounts to the subtle imposition of these meanings without overt force, making them seem natural or inevitable. In the German context, some activist movements may be valorized or marginalized based on their alignment (or not) with prevalent societal values and ideologies. Understanding these dynamics through Bourdieu's framework enables us to uncover the underlying power structures that shape youths’ perceptions of activism, providing a deeper understanding of the motivations and barriers they encounter and addressing the programmes and initiatives led by schools to facilitate activism.

In Germany, social inequality is continuously reproduced, and has led to an increase in educational and health disparities over the past 20 years, including a cohort of young people affected by poverty (Moor et al., 2024; Wohlkinger & Ditton, 2023). In addition, various recent phenomena are causing young people worldwide and especially in western countries to feel insecure, including the looming climate crisis, economic instability, and more recently COVID pandemic (Grimm et al., 2019).

Young individuals are confronted with a spectrum of challenges that contribute to a prevailing sense of uncertainty regarding their future. The housing market has seen a surge in prices in the last decade, particularly in urban centres, rendering it increasingly difficult for young Germans to access affordable accommodation. The integration of refugees is another significant challenge, rooted in Germany’s pivotal role during the during intense migration movements to Europe in the 2010s. German youth are at the forefront of this societal shift, tasked with facilitating the integration of refugees within a multifaceted and rapidly changing cultural environment. Compounding these socio-economic and cultural challenges is the rise of far-right political parties (such as the AfD) and ideologies.

These movements often exploit economic insecurities and fears surrounding immigration, contributing to societal polarization. The resultant political and social tensions can undermine optimism about the future and drive active engagement in political discourse and activism, as recent empirical studies have shown. The recent “Youth in Germany” study (Schnetzer at al., 2023) revealed that: (a) the cohort aged 14 to 29 express just as many fears of inflation risks, economic crises, or social division in 2023 as older cohorts aged 30 to 49 and 50 to 69; (b) concerns about war in Europe and poverty in old age are slightly lower among the younger generation, but young people’s concerns regarding climate change are significantly higher than among the older groups; (c) generally high levels of fears and worries among the young lead to psychological stress that is clearly higher than that of the older population groups; (d) young people’s life satisfaction levels have fallen continuously over the past three years.

Methodology

In the following section, we outline the research methodology employed in the study, following the guidelines suggested by Miles (1994). The study reported in this article is part of a larger comparative study that includes data collection in six countries through research funded by the European Research Council.

The study situates itself within the current discourse on the educational system's role in preparing students to engage as active global citizens. This inquiry examines how high school in Germany understand activism, and explores the opportunities and challenges present within educational environments regarding these issues. The approach is based on Ross’s studies of youth political engagement (2018; 2020) and involves small group (four and eight students) deliberative discussions around 90 min long. The purpose of these discussion groups (which is slightly different to a traditional focus group methodology) is to create a space in which young people feel free to discuss activism-related topics, on their own terms, using their own vocabulary, rather than acting merely as informants in the service of academia. Discussions were facilitated in German, using a series of open questions that encouraged students to talk with each other about how they understand activism in the context of their lives, their localities, country and their own social position. The discussions were designed to encourage the students to develop a sense of agency in the subject matter and in the way, discussions are directed and paced by the group itself. As Ross (2018) argues, too much empirical social science research draws its subjects from a narrow base (e.g., university students or people living in capital cities, in locations close to universities). In this study we intentionally sought diversity in the locations, communities, and contexts studied. Given the limited research on the perceptions of youth activism among German secondary school students a qualitative approach was essential to gain diverse perspectives and avoid imposing predefined academic frameworks on the subjects.

School and Participant Selection

The study was designed to conduct 25 discussion groups with students aged 14 to 20 in secondary schools in the most populous German state (North Rhine-Westphalia), with a blend of urban and rural areas. The targeted age range is deliberately broad to account for any differences between age groups in political knowledge, and political participation. In some federal states, there are special elections in which young people under the age of 18 can participate if the minimum voting age has been lowered. In North Rhine-Westphalia, 16 and 17 year olds can participate in local elections. School selection was guided by theoretical sampling, following an initial purposeful sampling. The selection process targeted schools in diverse socio-economic contexts, to deliver representation by participants from different demographic backgrounds. Initial permission to conduct the research was obtained from the respective educational authorities. School principals and teachers were approached with an invitation to participate in the study. In cases where some schools declined participation, alternatives with comparable socio-economic profiles were selected to maintain a relatively homogeneous student sample within each school. In many cases, the second author offered to give a talk at the school as an entry point to the school. Over two-thirds of participating students were recruited from social sciences and pedagogy classes. Neither subject is mandatory nationally (availability is dependent on federal state determined curricula), and is typically only available optionally to students, mostly in older grades.

Data Collection

Each discussion group consisted of between four and eight students, making sure that a range of perspectives was captured within each group. Sessions were conducted in person and in school, facilitated by the second author, who is experienced in qualitative research. The discussions were semi-structured to allow flexibility and interaction, grounded in a set of guiding topics rather than structured questions, encouraging students to freely express their views on global citizenship topics. The discussions focused on four major themes: activism (definitions, ways of acting, topics, activists), themes of activism (e.g., human rights, climate crisis, #MeToo, and body positivity), global citizenship, and the role of schools in activism education. Very broad prompts were used, and the discussion was led by the students themselves with minimal interventions from the facilitators. An explanation of activism was not provided; instead, the approach was inductive, starting from the students’ perspectives. Only follow-up questions introduced specific forms of activism (see above).

Recording and Transcription

All discussions were audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim shortly afterward. The transcripts were translated verbatim to English and manually checked by the second authors. This process allowed for an in-depth analysis while ensuring the students' perspectives were accurately represented.

Data Analysis

The data was analyzed using the theoretical framework of Bourdieu, specifically addressing habitus and field concepts, acknowledging the subjective experiences and interpretations of the student participants. We also employed thematic analysis of the data based on the four major themes according to which data collection was organized. This approach prioritizes the meanings and experiences of the students involved, fostering a deeper understanding of how young people perceive and engage with activism, particularly in educational settings.

Ethical Considerations

Ethical approval was obtained from relevant institutions before commencing the study, including two universities’ Institutional Review Boards. Participants were assured of confidentiality and anonymity, with all identifying information removed from transcripts. The study's purpose, process, and potential impacts were communicated to all participants in advance, to ensure informed consent. All data collected was used solely for research purposes and securely stored.

Limitations

While this study provides significant insights into the perspectives on activism among German youth, it does have certain limitations.

Firstly, the research is based solely on a sample of students from Germany, which may affect the applicability of the findings in different cultural or national settings. However, the study’s focus on a specific context allows for a deeper understanding of the unique factors that shape activism perceptions in Germany, which can serve as a valuable case study for comparative research in other (national) contexts. We made considerable efforts to recruit schools from a range of contexts, including urban and rural settings, varying socioeconomic levels (both high and low), as well as different school sizes and types, including special schools. As a result, despite the geographic limitations, our study offers insights from a diverse array of students.

Secondly, the study included only schools willing to participate, which may have led to an overrepresentation of schools already engaged and interested in activism, while possibly neglecting perspectives from less involved or disengaged institutions. Such a selection bias may influence findings, but can also highlight the enthusiasm and proactive measures taken by certain schools to promote GCE and activism, offering insights into effective practices in educational settings.

Thirdly, the students interviewed were primarily those already enrolled in social science courses or who had shown interest in these subjects, which may cause a bias in the perspectives shared. To address this, we made specific effort to recruit students from other classes – our overall study cohort ultimately included 20 percent science major students. Also, varied discussion techniques were employed to encourage participation from all students, and to mitigate dominance by more vocal and politically engaged individuals. While some degree of selection bias remains unavoidable, these strategies helped to deliver a more balanced dialogue and diverse range of opinions.

Despite these limitations, our study contributes valuable knowledge to the field by illuminating the specific nuances of how activism is perceived among German youth. By identifying prevailing themes and insights, this research will inform educators, policymakers, and researchers seeking to enhance GCE practices and support youth activism in various educational contexts. The findings may also lay the groundwork for future studies to explore activism perceptions across diverse cultural backgrounds, ultimately enriching the global discourse on GCE and youth engagement.

Findings

Our findings are organized around three predominant themes that emerged from the discussions, reflecting the evolving perceptions of activism among a diverse cohort of German secondary school students.

The first theme, “Normative Understanding of Activism,” highlights students’ views that activism is closely tied to their perceived educational advantages and socio-political stability in Germany. The students were well-acquainted with the practices of activism in this context, and within their habitus, they viewed activism as a common, attainable, and normative behavior for young people. Students frequently distinguished their own activism from that observed in other countries, attributing a sense of privilege to their engagement and suggesting that activism in Germany lacks the urgency found in regions experiencing severe crises. This theme reveals a perception that activism for participants is a product of comfort rather than necessity, illuminating the distinctions made by students between their own experiences and those of their peers in other countries facing (in students’ view) more dire circumstances. In that sense the field of activism is perceived by students as national, rather than global, in its nature.

The second theme addresses “Narrow Views of Global Citizenship.” Participants expressed some level of discomfort in identifying as global citizens, often attributing this hesitancy to their media exposure, which in their view primarily reflects issues pertinent to their local context. The students acknowledged a lack of awareness regarding global struggles and tended to compartmentalize international activism, further reinforcing their sense of detachment from broader global movements and issues.

The third and final theme, “Uncritical Acceptance of Traditional Conceptions of Activism,” focuses on how students often aligned their understanding of activism with established, mainstream ideas about what constitutes valid causes and appropriate methods of engagement. Discussions revealed a lack of critical reflection on the implications of their activism and a general reliance on familiar frameworks, leaving little room for innovative or progressive forms of activism that transcend conventional topics and means. In that sense of traditional conceptions of activism, interviewed students were shown to have limited desire and power to challenge social constructs of activism, yet many were interested in gaining more knowledge and tools to discuss and take part in activism.

Normative Understanding of Activism

Participants conveyed a multifaceted view of activism characterized by a distinction between their own experiences and those of the “others,” perceived by the German students to be their peers, resident in regions facing significant socio-political challenges. This distinction reflects a broader narrative that positions the study’s German students’ own form of activism as not only different, but also as inherently more privileged and less urgent.

Perceptions of Activism as a Privilege

A significant theme throughout the discussions was the perception that activism, as experienced in Germany, is a privilege afforded by the country’s relative political stability and robust educational system. Students articulated a belief that their ability to engage in activism arises from a position of comfort, which in their view contrasts sharply with the position of youth in other countries, who may be compelled to engage in activism out of sheer necessity. For instance, as one student remarked, “the fact that the level of education of Germans is relatively high among us young people means that there are already a lot of activists. . . they really want to achieve something and are therefore also very well integrated [in activism discourse].” This statement indicates an understanding that their activism is enabled by educational resources and civic freedoms that foster political engagement. However, it also reflects a sense that German youth engage in activism within a more structured and formalized framework, thereby diminishing the urgency felt by those in crisis-laden environments.

This perception was echoed by numerous participants who noted that, while they are active in issues of local significance, the motivations behind their activism differ in intensity compared to youth in countries facing dire circumstances. For example, another student articulated, “Well, I could imagine that in countries where the living conditions are naturally worse, a lot more young people get involved because the change in the will for change in the country is of course much greater.” This perspective illustrates not only a recognition of global disparities but also a normative stance that equates higher levels of activism with greater levels of socio-political struggle.

Access to Information and Activism

Another important aspect influencing the normative understanding of activism among German youth is their relationship with newspapers, TV, and social media. Participants commonly acknowledged that their perceptions of activism in other countries are often filtered through the lens of German media (podcasts, online newspapers), which tends to foreground issues pertinent to domestic audiences. As one student noted, “I always find it difficult to assess, because abroad you don’t get to hear so much about demonstrations. . . the current news is taken from Germany and not from America.” This statement reflects a significant factor in how students conceptualize activism: their understanding is often shaped by localized narratives, limiting their exposure to global movements and the realities that motivate them.

This media-driven view also feeds into their understanding of risk. Students considered the nature of activism to be heavily influenced by the political context in which it occurs. One student provided a stark comparison when discussing social movements in autocratic regimes, stating, “you're not allowed to say [in the media] that either way. . . in Russia there's just no activism at all.” Such comparisons reinforce their belief that activism in Germany is marked by an absence of existential risks, leading to a more comfortable but potentially shallow engagement with socio-political issues.

Social Comfort and Accountability

The discussions further revealed an underlying notion of comfort in how the students perceived their activism, as participants frequently pointed out that the stable political environment in Germany allows for expressions of activism that do not carry the same life-threatening consequences faced elsewhere. One student mentioned that “[h]ere in Germany, you're not allowed to use the streets, so the police block them off, and people protect you.” This statement illustrates the perceived structure of activism in Germany: while protests may be organized and necessitate permits, participants feel that their safety is largely guaranteed, which, in turn, frames their activist efforts within a less urgent context.

Moreover, students struggled with the moral implications of their activism, often feeling disconnected from the broader global narrative of social justice. This disconnect was articulated by a student who suggested that “demonstrations against sexism are not so relevant for many people in societies where [gender equality] is more normalized.” This remark reflects an awareness that their platform for activism – rooted in a well-regulated, stable milieu – might inadvertently lead them to overlook the pressing issues faced by people in different socio-political contexts. The realization that their privileges may distance them from a fuller understanding of global struggles presents an existential dilemma regarding their responsibilities as activists.

The findings indicate a pronounced perceived distinction between local activism and the urgent struggles faced by youth in countries experiencing significant social and political turmoil. Students’ perspectives reveal a need for a more nuanced understanding of activism – one that recognizes global interconnectivity, fosters empathy towards diverse socio-political realities, and encourages reflective practices around their own roles as activists in a globalized world. This foundational understanding would set a stage for exploring insights into student views on global citizenship and the implications of social reproduction, as discussed below.

Perceptions of Global Citizenship

Our investigation into perceptions of activism as a facet of their global citizenship among German students reveals a nuanced and layered understanding, marked both by recognition of global interconnectedness, and a robust sense of both local and national identity. Through the discussion groups, which detailed an array of topics (e.g., human rights, climate crisis, #MeToo and body positivity), students expressed a range of views that highlight the complex interplay between global influences and personal experiences. Interestingly, statements made in the discussion groups revealed perceived limits to describing oneself as a global citizen. These are justified by the incomparability of living conditions, but also by an acknowledged inability to influence the political circumstances in other countries.

Acknowledgment of Global Interconnectedness

Many participants identified globalization as a significant factor in their lives, citing examples such as international trade, technological connectivity, and cultural exchanges. For instance, one student noted, “[w]e simply come into contact with globalization and the global world in so many different aspects of our lives. . . such as food and social media.” This indicates an awareness of how global networks permeate everyday activities, underscoring a theoretical recognition of the interconnected nature of modern life. Students acknowledged that technological advancements, especially social media, facilitate greater connectivity. A student explained, “Videos [on TikTok] give you the opportunity to get in touch with people from other countries,” suggesting a recognition of digital spaces as platforms for cross-cultural interaction and understanding. The interconnectedness of digital and analogue communication and transport technologies creates a self-evident view of global connectivity without borders (in the words of a student, “radio, television and airplanes have brought us closer to others than we were before”).

Often in the discussion groups, it is either a global space or a European one chosen as a point of reference for solidarity. Similarities that German youth expressed with their European peers are seen on a political, social, and economic level. As a student noted, “[a]t most, I would describe myself as European, because that’s the closest thing to a united form of government.” While similarities are seen (“we are for the most part relatively similar, especially now, if you look to the West and also large parts of Asia, perhaps parts of Africa”), a globalized connection is denied.

Local and National Identity Prevails

Despite recognising these global connections, many students maintained a predominant sense of local and national identity. This is illustrated by one student’s presentation of an analogy of a utopian global citizenship inspired by “Star Trek,” which contrasts sharply with the realization of disparate human rights conditions across countries. One student stated, “suddenly there are different rights there, human rights might not even be written down on paper,” which indicates a perception of dissonance between the ideal of global citizenship and the real-world disparities that complicate such identification.

Another student echoed this sentiment, articulating a strong identification as a German citizen. She noted, “I experience most of life here and also experience problems from here,” emphasizing the inherent influence of local environments and issues on her sense of belonging and identity. This local focus is further strengthened by educational experiences that prioritize national over global narratives, as described by another student: “[i]n school. . .the focus is very much on Germany.”

The (Missing) Role of Education and Personal Experiences

Policymakers and many educators are keen to incorporate GCE in schools as a way to increase and motivate proactive engagement and activism; and indeed, in the discussion groups, the role of education emerged as a significant factor in shaping youth’ perceptions. However, while schools provide foundational knowledge, statements by the participants suggest that their focus remains largely national. This can inadvertently stifle a broader understanding of global issues and limit students’ capacities to view themselves as global citizens. In contrast, personal experiences like travel (which often relate to higher socio-economic status) were mentioned as pivotal in expanding the students’ sense of global citizenship. One student shared that “as soon as you go somewhere else, you realize that you're actually part of a really big world,” suggesting that direct engagement with other cultures and environments can effectively broaden one’s global perspective and sense of interconnectedness. This also implies that GCE has the potential to reproduce privilege if it is based on experiences that are accessible only to certain segments of society, such as international travel.

The Limits of Global Citizenship

The discussions also revealed a critical awareness of the barriers to what was perceived as true global citizenship. Participants acknowledged that not all experience their level of connectivity or resource access within the globalized world. One student pointed out that “in many countries where poverty is high. . .networking is not as high.” Discussions highlighted socio-economic and political barriers, such as those in authoritarian regimes, which limit participation in the global community. This reflects a strong understanding among students that global citizenship is unevenly accessed and experienced. The data revealed a strong rejection of other, undemocratic, political structures. One additional reason cited for “not feeling like a global citizen” is that participation rights are not granted in some countries. Interestingly, this would be perceived as a breach of solidarity – but not as a reason to universalize one’s own claims to the granting of basic human rights. As one student explains, “I also think it’s part of a global civilization that we would say that I wouldn't feel comfortable living in every country in the world. That's just not the case, I wouldn't feel comfortable in some countries because. . . there’s a lack of human rights or. . . other problems, civil wars or something else.” This is very close to the interpretation of another student: “I live on the planet with the other people, but I don’t really have anything to do with another country, for example, or have no decision-making rights there because I’m not a citizen. . . The only thing I can do is demonstrate, for example, if something is bad. But that won’t change the situation in the country.”

Overall, our discussion groups clearly highlighted a dichotomy in German students’ perceptions of global citizenship. While theoretically acknowledging global interconnectedness, their personal identities and citizenship perceptions remain largely tied to local and national contexts. This dichotomy points to the importance of enhancing educational curricula to include more global perspectives and to encourage experiences that promote international understanding. Addressing these educational gaps should empower students to better navigate their roles as both national and global citizens, equipping them to engage more fully with the complexities of our interconnected world.

Conceptions of Activism

Young Germans’ perspectives show that their understanding of the global dimension of civil rights is rather narrow. This also applies to the selection of topics they consider politically relevant to activism. When asked for examples, only very traditional forms of activism were named (demonstrations, volunteering), focusing on climate change and current armed conflicts receiving substantial media attention (i.e., Ukraine and Israel/Gaza). Topics relating to the importance of human rights were usually only discussed following a prompt by the facilitator. For example, in one group discussion, one student opened with, “I’m thinking more about climate change and the coming years. . . the rise in water level and things like that”; the other added, “I also think first and foremost of natural disasters or wars”; and a third explained, “climate and natural disasters, wars”; as a fourth concluded, “[y]es, also climate change and famines.”

“That’s the Wrong Way”: Critique of Activism That Challenges Norms or Social Conventions

The overall impression of a more traditional form of appropriation of political and activist issues in the sample is mirrored in the selection of topics covered in conventional media. Following conventions may also be seen as an indication that students’ moral justification patterns (in Kohlberg’s [1985] sense) are mostly still orientated towards the norm of conventional (and not post-conventional) group morality. Students also exhibited strong tendencies to reject activist forms of protest perceived as controversial. One student noted, “I am still shocked by the fact that people react with violence, for example. . . At Fridays for Future, for example, we also see that. . . many people naturally get angry, understandably so, when a few people suddenly stick their necks out and block the way to work. Because that’s obviously a big problem for everyone involved. . . of course these activists also want to address problems, but of course that's the wrong way to do it and you have to find a compromise somehow.”

The appropriateness of the protest is a clear sign of the assessment and evaluation of legitimate forms of activism. Extreme examples are always given. One student, like many others, stated that “behavior like blocking ambulances [the example refers to a blockade of motorways by radical climate activists]. I think that this is not appropriate.” It seems that students in general were unwilling to countenance controversial acts of activism. Referencing the climate change protest practice of throwing soup at artwork (a form of protest, especially in 2023 in Germany, in which radical environmentalists performatively damage works of art in public and in museums), a student school said, “and if paintings such as famous paintings like the Mona Lisa or something like that weren’t protected, they would have been destroyed long ago and that would do a lot of damage. Or it would just take away a lot of their culture. People often don’t realize that either. . . Oh, what damage! The extent of it!”

Distrust of Social Media

Transcending conventional topics seems no easier when social media is included. In fact, many students claimed to use analogue media (newspapers, television and radio) in seeking reliable sources of political information, or at least what they called “serious news programmes” via social media. Students also mentioned watching news programmes together as a family. Digital media, on the other hand, tend to be mistrusted as a data source. One student noted, “there is also a lot of, let's say, fake news that you can get there. I've definitely come across fake news before, I thought it was real at first, but then I actually talked to my friends for the most part and then. . . came to the conclusion that. . . maybe it wasn't quite as true as I had thought.”

Overall, our discussion groups made clear that the students interviewed had rather traditional perspectives on activism. This tendency was reflected both in the choice of topics and in the normative evaluation of activist forms of protest. Students consider it inappropriate for forms of protest to disrupt everyday life in a manner that inconveniences the lives of others. Protest is almost exclusively seen as legitimate only if the topics are commonly acceptable and the forms of protest are mild. The data suggests the young people feel a certain amount of disdain towards the promoters of unconventional forms of protest. Young people also expressed more caution about the use of social media than the public discourse suggests. Indeed, social media was criticized in the discussions, and most participants considered it an inadequate source of valuable information.

Discussion and Conclusion

This study sheds light on the nuanced understandings of activism among a sample of German secondary school students, revealing their diverse perspectives and the dimensions that shape their perceptions.

Firstly, While the themes presented in the findings were mostly similar across different discussion groups, some differentiations based on rural vs. urban location and high vs. low SES were evident. In general, only a small minority of the students surveyed had ever attended a political demonstration. Those who are already politically engaged do so at school and in urban centres. In rural areas, demonstrations were mostly seen as an urban phenomenon, an almost inaccessible space. “I’ve walked past them, but nothing else,” one student (from a rural school) mentioned when questioned about participation in demonstrations. Demonstrations are often perceived as being part of an active, political culture in which the students merely observe without participating. Yet this pattern is now being broken, thanks to the opportunities offered by social media. As one student put it: “young people are also much more active on social media, and I think they can achieve much more there.” Nevertheless, the urban-rural divide persists even when considering the digital participation modes acknowledged by young people. One reason may be related to how schools approach issues of GCE and activism: students typically claim that schools are the main sites where they are confronted by political issues and develop their own opinions on them.

Second and most importantly to this discussion, our study reveals a surprising phenomenon concerning the high expectations from GCE in public discourse. In contrast to assumptions that are framed in the GCE discourse as radical and innovative activism (Elerian et al., 2025), young people draw symbolic boundaries that point to a normative background understanding they use to appropriate and evaluate activism. This peculiarity follows from research by Ross (2018), which noted that young people in Europe identify their value system as European rather than Global. In some respects, however, the aspect of normativity goes even further. Normativity has the capacity to distinguish a value reality that applies in Germany from that applying in other countries, such that the reference to Europe or the European Union is no longer decisive.

It follows that it is important to consider whether the young people in our study define themselves as global citizens. The dichotomy in German students’ perception of global citizenship implies that they theoretically recognize global interconnectedness, yet their personal identities and understandings of global citizenship seemingly remain largely tied to local and national contexts and to their normatively charged assumptions about global issues.

As a unique contribution, this study revealed a rather high degree of traditional understandings of activism among the participants of this research. This is reflected in the rather narrow choice of topics and in the normative evaluation of activist forms of protest they undertake. According to German secondary students in our study, activism is only legitimate if rules are adhered to and usually not questioned. Idiosyncrasies towards certain forms of protest can be identified. Aligned with results from Ross (2020), our findings here also revealed the important influence of the social environment and school community for forming a personal own opinion.

Our analysis from the discussion groups in our study suggests two key emerging insights: we can begin to define the (German) landscape in which activist activity occurs, and to identify the modes of engagement that are perceived by youth as legitimate and feasible. From a field theory perspective, Bourdieu asserts that the boundaries of a field are established by its participants. In this study, it is evident that German students who participated in this study differentiate between the national and global spheres, adopting the concept of nation as a critical analytical unit in their discussions. For instance, their references often juxtapose Germany with the rest of the world, as well as European countries (taken as a whole) against other global regions. Within their framework, activism is regarded as both possible and present, functioning as a legitimate tool for expressing political will and social change.

Simultaneously, a field is a structured social space in which actors and institutions compete for various forms of capital (e.g., economic, cultural, social, or symbolic capital). A field is characterized by specific rules, norms, and power relations that shape the behavior of the actors and the dynamics within the field. As a result, understandings of activism are primarily situated within a specific context. This stands in stark contrast to other fields where such engagement is perceived as unfeasible – often due to restrictive social, political, or cultural norms that particularly disenfranchise young people. Participants expressed a sense of empowerment in recognizing their capacity to engage in activism, yet there remain acknowledged barriers that limit this potential across different contexts. For example, in certain communities, political participation might face significant impediments, making it difficult for youth to access platforms for activism or political discourse.

Moreover, within the national context, the habitus – which refers to the ingrained habits, skills, and dispositions shaped by social contexts – is reinforced through both traditional media channels and, increasingly, social media platforms. The media plays a critical role in shaping students’ perceptions of activism, as it serves not only as a source of information but also as a mirror through which the legitimacy and potential impact of their actions are reflected. However, our study also indicates an expectation of young people that schools should take an active role in broadening the boundaries of what is considered possible and acceptable for student engagement in activism. Yet the findings suggest that this desired expansion of the role of schools is not currently being realized. It remains unclear, and can only be speculated on, whether schools are not yet providing sufficient impetus for training democratic attitudes in an activist sense, or whether – consistent with Bourdieu's theory of habitus – the habitus formed within the traditional framework of national boundaries is not yet capable of fundamentally altering patterns of perception, thought, or action.

There also appears to be a significant gap in how educational institutions foster an environment conducive to activism as perceived by students who participated in this study. The limited role of schools as perceived by the study participants tends to confirm prior assumptions of the limited influence of schools and is particularly troubling, given that schools have the potential to be powerful platforms for instigating awareness and participation in civic life (Inguaggiato et al., 2025). By not facilitating discussions around activism or providing opportunities for students to engage in meaningful political discourse, educational systems may well be hindering the development of future generations of active, informed citizens.

In connection with these assumptions, it seems as if the theoretical discourse in the field of youth activism research must be expanded. The concept of symbolic power introduced by Bourdieu (1984) should be considered in this sense. It has since been used to understand symbolic hierarchies, the maintenance of which involves differentiated normative conceptions of the social world (Wacquant, 2013). Pierre Bourdieu's sociology refers in many places to the symbolic orders of meaning that play a major role in people’s patterns of orientation and action. These orders are conveyed via the habitus connected to one’s own trajectory and social background (Joseph, 2020). In the theory of habitus, socio-structural differences are fundamental (Bourdieu, 1984), while the concept of symbolic orders is akin to navigating through normative orders. There are habitual dispositions that make the recognition of normativity more likely, as in the case of (for example) gender norms or racism. Navigating normativity is thus not a pre-established social practice.

In essence, while our participants were found to recognize activism as a viable form of political expression within their specific context and have some understanding of the possibilities to be active they express the need for schools to be active in this domain. Expanding the role of schools in promoting civic engagement and activism could significantly enhance youth participation in democratic processes and reshape their understanding of citizenship in both local and global realms.