Abstract
Grounded in culturally responsive school leadership, this qualitative study examined how four Black superintendents center Black families and communities to advance educational equity and cultivate joy within their school district. Drawing on semi-structured interviews, the findings revealed that joy functions as an emancipatory practice—encompassing cultural affirmation, resistance to deficit narratives, and a foundation for Black educational thriving. This study contributes to urban education scholarship by theorizing joy as a critical dimension of equity-focused leadership.
Keywords
You have to lift Black children up, in word and action and everything else.
Superintendent Dubois (Participant)
Introduction
Inequity in education has long been a problem in the United States, with students of color being unfairly denied access to fair opportunities. Even after the landmark Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), which declared segregation in schools unconstitutional, Black students continued to face significant obstacles to achieving academic success. Unfortunately, this “education debt” results from a complex web of historical, economic, sociopolitical, and moral factors that have yet to be addressed (Ladson-Billings, 2006). Multiple studies have highlighted the disparities in educational outcomes between Black and Latino students and their white counterparts, underscoring the urgent need for systemic change (Delpit, 2012; Dumas, 2014; Ladson-Billings, 2006, 2013; Love, 2019; Milner, 2010, 2012a).
Some scholars argue that educational equity involves distributing resources based on students’ needs (Rebell, 2009), while others aim to eradicate the predictability of student success based on race or class (Singleton & Linton, 2006; Young & Laible, 2000). Despite the varying interpretations of educational equity (Espinoza, 2007), scholars committed to social justice all share the common objective of ensuring fairness and equity in resource distribution (Gottfried & Johnson, 2014; Kelly, 2012; Lewis-Durham, 2020; Noguera, 2005; Stone, 2012). Decisions made by superintendents and principals regarding policy and practice can have a significant impact on their schools and students. Their actions can be vital in advancing reform efforts to improve student learning opportunities for all.
As Mitchell (2020) noted, “Superintendents possess the power to create robust levers that can ensure equitable opportunities for students within their systems” (p. 4). Furthermore, numerous studies have examined the role of principals in promoting educational equity (DeMatthews, 2015; Moral et al., 2020; Skousen & Domangue, 2020; Wang, 2018). However, research on how superintendents can promote equity, access, excellence, and opportunities for all students is still limited (Walrond, 2025; DeMatthews et al., 2017; Kruse et al., 2018). Additionally, there is insufficient understanding of how Black 1 superintendents challenge inequity and cultivate joy in their school districts. It is essential to understand how district leaders, particularly Black superintendents, address disparities to ensure that Black students who confront ongoing inequities receive the leadership they deserve (Gooden & Dantley, 2012; Khalifa, 2018; Khalifa et al., 2016; Theoharis, 2009; Tillman, 2008). Black leaders in educational settings offer a unique perspective that enables them to identify the factors that foster academic success among Black students (Foster, 2005; Gooden & Dantley, 2012; Khalifa, 2018; Khalifa et al., 2016; Radd et al., 2021; Tillman, 2002; Walrond, 2025).
Conceptualizing Urban Education
This study is situated within the field of urban education, which I conceptualize not as a descriptor of Black students or families but as a scholarly tradition concerned with the structural, spatial, and racialized conditions that shape educational opportunity (Milner, 2012b; Milner & Lomotey, 2021). Urban education scholarship examines how inequities are produced through policies, geographies, and systemic disinvestment, while also highlighting how families, communities, and leaders generate practices of resistance and affirmation (Gadsden, 2021; Jeynes et al., 2021; Milner & Lomotey, 2021). This study built on this tradition by centering Black superintendents and their leadership approaches with Black families and communities to cultivate educational equity and joy.
Gadsden (2021) unpacked how the geography of race and housing frames African American families’ educational opportunities, while also demonstrating how place creates both constraints and possibilities for engagement. Family and community engagement has consistently been shown to play a central role in shaping student outcomes (Mapp, 2002).
Jeynes et al. (2021) also found that parent involvement is strongly associated with academic and social success, particularly when schools respect the cultural wealth of families of color. Similarly, Boutte and Johnson (2021) interrogate deficit-based constructions of urban families that attribute low student achievement to limited parental engagement and instead advance a reconceptualization of involvement as a collaborative, strengths-based process. Traditional models of parent involvement, often rooted in Eurocentric and school-centered practices such as PTA participation or volunteering, marginalize the cultural knowledge, multiliteracies, and community resources that urban families contribute to their children's education. Synthesizing three research paradigms—positivistic, ecological, and critical—the authors contend that critical frameworks, which explicitly address structural inequities and position families as authentic partners in educational decision-making, offer the greatest potential for transformative practice. While meta-analyses demonstrate consistent positive associations between parent involvement and student outcomes (Jeynes, 2005, 2007, 2016), findings remain uneven when limited or narrow definitions of involvement are employed. Boutte and Johnson ultimately argue for a shift toward reciprocal, culturally responsive models of engagement that foreground families’ funds of knowledge, situate school practices within community contexts, and reframe urban family-school relationships from narratives of deficiency to those of promise, agency, and hope.
Milner and Lomotey (2021) argued that family and community involvement in urban schools is essential to both student learning and community well-being, although too often schools fail to fully recognize or partner with families as co-educators. Together, these works underscored that urban education extends beyond classrooms; it is sustained through reciprocal relationships among schools, families, and neighborhoods.
Leadership scholarship further illuminates how these dynamics unfold. Horsford et al. (2021) framed urban education leadership through the principle of Sankofa, calling leaders to draw on ancestral traditions of Black education to inform contemporary praxis, highlighting how Black leaders, even in racially hostile systems, embody care, cultural affirmation, and racial uplift. Brooks and Watson (2019) similarly highlighted the paradox faced by Black leaders: navigating structural barriers while leveraging community-rooted knowledge and relationships to advance equity. These insights demonstrated that leadership in urban education is not only administrative but also deeply relational, grounded in histories of struggle and traditions of resilience. In this study, I extended urban education scholarship by positioning joy as a vital dimension of culturally responsive school leadership (CRSL), showing how Black superintendents cultivate belonging and affirmation alongside families and communities as part of a broader struggle for educational justice (Horsford et al., 2021; Walrond, 2024).
Positionality
As a Black woman educator and scholar committed to racial and educational justice, my positionality informed every aspect of this study (Milner, 2007; Milner et al., 2024). I entered this work shaped by lived experiences as a former classroom teacher, teacher leader, and curriculum and instruction district office coach who has worked in communities where Black families and communities have too often been underrepresented or excluded from shaping the learning of Black students. My own educational journey—marked by both encounters with institutional barriers and moments of liberatory pedagogy—fueled my conviction in the transformative power of culturally responsive, affirming, and joyful practices. Grounded in a critical race epistemology, I did not approach this project as a detached or neutral observer but as an engaged participant-scholar, understanding positionality not as bias to be eliminated but as a meaningful data point that shapes knowledge production in race-conscious research (Milner, 2007; Milner et al., 2024). I see this work as a responsibility to honor the brilliance, resilience, and humanity of Black leaders, students, families, and communities whose voices and practices are frequently silenced or marginalized in dominant discourses. My interpretations of the data thus were deeply informed by my cultural identity and my professional trajectory as well as by an ongoing commitment to documenting and amplifying the ways Black communities enact healing, resistance, and collective joy within and beyond schools.
This positionality also required me to reflect on the privileges and responsibilities that come with occupying academic spaces while remaining accountable to the communities that informed my scholarship. By situating myself explicitly within the study, I acknowledge that knowledge production is never neutral; rather, it is shaped by histories, identities, and commitments (Milner, 2007; Milner et al., 2024). I brought a lens to this study that centers Black joy as a liberatory practice, affirming the educational leadership of Black superintendents while resisting deficit-oriented narratives. My goal was to ensure that the findings from this study not only contribute to scholarly conversations but also resonate with and uplift the communities that are represented in this study.
Literature Review
The Impact of Black Teachers and Leadership in Schools on Black Students
Black leaders in educational institutions possess a unique perspective that enables them to identify the factors that cultivate academic success for Black students (Alston, 2000; Foster, 2005; Gooden & Dantley, 2012; Joseph, 2023; Horsford, 2019; Khalifa, 2018; Khalifa et al., 2016; Tillman, 2002; Radd et al., 2021; Waite, 2024; Walrond, 2025; Walrond & Bristol, 2025; Watson, 2025). This underscores the importance of both Black educators in creating supportive environments for Black students (Bristol & Martin-Fernandez, 2019; Givens, 2021; Jackson et al., 2014; King, 2006; Love, 2019; Mensah, 2022; McKinney de Royston et al., 2021; Milner, 2010, 2020a, 2020b, 2025b; Quince, 2025). Such environments create a sense of safety among Black students, thereby mitigating potential barriers to learning posed by emotional or psychological distress (Edwin & Daniels, 2022; Ginwright, 2015; Thomas et al., 2019). Research also shows that Black teachers promote (Co)constructing Black educational spaces (Howard et al. 2026; ross, 2020), trauma-informed care (McAdoo et al., 2025), and reduce exclusionary discipline for Black students, keeping them engaged in instructional time and mitigating barriers to academic success (Hines-Datiri & Carter Andrews, 2020; Shirrell, Bristol & Britton, 2023).
Extending this perspective, scholars have emphasized that the influence of Black leaders on students’ educational trajectories extends beyond classroom interactions to systemic change. Alston (2005) emphasized the pivotal role of Black teachers and administrators as critical figures for children of color in educational institutions and their surrounding communities. Black educational leaders can bring about transformative change within the educational environment, amplifying the voices of historically marginalized groups (Walrond, 2025; Foster & Tillman, 2009; Gooden, 2005; Horsford, 2019; Khalifa, 2018; Khalifa et al., 2016; Lomotey, 2019). The superintendent plays a crucial role in shaping the cultural ethos of schools and ensuring that staffing reflects the diverse cultural backgrounds of the student body. Drawing from their lived experiences, Black superintendents offer a unique perspective that can help foster a deeper connection with students facing racial barriers. Therefore, effective leadership requires more than representation; it also demands a willingness to challenge prevailing norms and envision new pathways for equity. As Walker et al. (2019) made clear, school leaders must critically assess the extent to which the school environment honors and respects cultural norms, prioritizes community interests, and establishes academic excellence. Building on this foundation, research has also pointed to the pivotal role of district- and school-level leadership in translating these equity goals into practice. The next section examines the existing literature through a consequential lens (Richard Milner, 2026) on superintendents’ roles in advancing equity and social justice within educational settings.
Superintendents' Equity-Focused Leadership
A thorough review of the literature on superintendents’ roles in district-wide equity initiatives was conducted to provide context for this study. From the 19 studies analyzed, four distinct categories of leading toward equity in school districts emerged: (a) instructional enhancements; (b) improved access to resources and structural reforms; (c) collaborative equity initiatives involving partnerships with school boards and the wider community; and (d) identity development initiatives. Recognizing superintendents’ pivotal role in advancing equitable outcomes for all students is paramount. Mitchell (2020) emphasized the importance of equity-focused leadership among superintendents, arguing that such leadership not only profoundly impacts student success but also resonates throughout their communities and contributes to the broader societal fabric, potentially shaping future generations. Building on this, scholarship has increasingly framed equity leadership as inseparable from the pursuit of social justice. In the discourse surrounding educational equity and its intersection with social justice, Theoharis (2009) argued that true educational equity is fundamentally connected to the active pursuit of social justice. Theoharis (2007) asserted that social justice is achieved through specific actions aimed at addressing and eliminating marginalization in educational settings. By adopting a perspective grounded in social justice, educational leaders foster environments where all students, regardless of their racial or family backgrounds, can excel academically within safe and supportive contexts (Skrla et al., 2001).
While research on social justice leadership has illuminated principals’ contributions, it has also exposed a significant gap regarding Black superintendents (Peters et al., 2025). Extant research predominantly centers on the role of principals in fostering equity and social justice within schools, yet scant attention has been devoted to examining the leadership efforts of superintendents in this regard (Bogotch, 2002; DeMatthews, 2015; DeMatthews & Mawhinney, 2014; Khalifa et al., 2016; McKenzie & Scheurich, 2004; Moral et al., 2020; Pollack & Zirkel, 2013; Skousen & Domangue, 2020; Theoharis, 2007, 2008; Theoharis & Causton-Theoharis, 2008; Wang, 2018). Theoharis (2007) characterized social justice leadership among principals as “entailing a deliberate prioritization of issues related to race, socioeconomic status, gender, disability, sexual orientation, and other historically marginalized conditions within the United States across their advocacy, leadership, practice, and vision” (p. 233). However, Theoharis (2008) also highlighted the challenges principals confront in leading for equity and social justice, noting the pervasive resistance they encounter, particularly from central office administrators. This finding has direct implications for understanding the work of superintendents, who often hold responsibility for district-wide equity yet may also deflect it. Whitt et al. (2015) shed light on superintendents’ proclivity to deflect responsibility for achievement disparities, often attributing blame to principals, teachers, and parents. The imperative for district leadership, particularly superintendents, to spearhead equity and social justice initiatives to effect meaningful change cannot be overstated. Yet little research has been dedicated to examining the equitable leadership practices and policies enacted by superintendents (DeMatthews et al., 2017; Maxwell et al., 2013; Smith et al., 2011; Wright & Harris, 2010). It is within this context that the following sections examine the specific equity change efforts superintendents have pursued.
Superintendents' Instructional Leadership for Equity
Multiple studies have illuminated superintendents’ efforts to implement instructional improvement initiatives aimed at enhancing equity within educational settings (Beard, 2012, 2013, 2018; DeMatthews et al., 2017; Hatch & Roegman, 2012; Roegman, 2018; Shields, 2017; Thompson, 2016; Wright & Harris, 2010). Each study examined superintendents’ involvement in equity initiatives, employing qualitative methodologies with interviews as the primary data collection method.
For instance, Beard (2012) examined the case of a superintendent who introduced curriculum mapping and equitable instructional delivery strategies, suggesting that these initiatives contributed to narrowing the achievement gap. Utilizing a wraparound approach to foster a sense of care among students, the superintendent emphasized the importance of rigorous and differentiated instruction. Furthermore, Beard highlighted the superintendent's unique position as a Black female in a traditionally male-dominated field, attributing her success in closing the achievement gap to her deep understanding of curriculum, teacher quality, and culturally informed decision-making processes. This study highlighted the value-laden nature of decision-making, underscoring how leaders’ beliefs and values influence their approaches to addressing inequities.
Subsequent studies reinforced these findings while also broadening the scope of superintendent-led instructional reforms. Beard (2013) examined the implementation of an effective school plan by a deputy superintendent, focusing on curriculum enhancement, assessment, professional development, and school improvement. Beard (2018) highlighted another superintendent who addressed instructional inequities by emphasizing the role of leader beliefs in shaping organizational climates conducive to equity. DeMatthews et al. (2017) documented a superintendent's introduction of dual-language instruction across all district schools, underscoring situational awareness, advocacy, and praxis as critical components of equity leadership.
Other scholars have highlighted how collective practices, such as instructional rounds, create structures for equity-driven collaboration. Hatch and Roegman (2012) and Thompson (2016) explored superintendent collaborations that facilitated courageous conversations around race and the drafting of district equity goals. Roegman (2018) further underscored the complexities of equity initiatives by examining how deficit frameworks can resurface even in equity-centered reforms. Shields (2017) and Wright and Harris (2010) likewise documented how superintendents eliminated biased programs and raised expectations, despite resistance from entrenched staff. At the same time, these findings highlight that these studies demonstrated the promise of superintendent-led instructional equity efforts while also revealing the persistent challenges of resistance, deficit thinking, and institutional barriers.
Superintendents' Leadership for Structural Equity
In addition to instructional reforms, superintendents have also enacted initiatives aimed at improving access and addressing structural inequities. In three distinct studies (Alson, 2006; Shields, 2017; Smith et al., 2011), superintendents undertook measures to broaden access to curriculum and dismantle inequitable practices. These endeavors were rooted in rectifying systemic issues rather than attributing deficiencies to individual students, aligning with an equity cognitive frame. For example, Smith et al. (2011) documented a superintendent's effort to broaden Advanced Placement (AP) opportunities by eliminating prerequisite requirements, while Alson (2006) described a superintendent's abolition of low-level math classes that disproportionately tracked Black students. Similarly, Shields (2017) emphasized structural reforms such as removing punitive practices and providing support for homeless students. Kruse et al. (2018) also highlighted initiatives that provided material resources, such as bus passes and waived fees, to address the effects of poverty. These studies collectively illustrated how superintendents can transform access and structures, although they also pointed to the persistence of deficit framings among some stakeholders.
Superintendents' Governance for Equity
Another facet of equity work involves collaboration with school boards and communities by superintendents. Alson (2006) and Shields (2017) documented efforts to establish core values centered on equity, while Smith et al. (2011) described advisory committees that brought parents and community members into district planning. At the same time, leadership narratives revealed the political challenges of this work. Garza's (2008) autoethnography underscored the resistance that arises when superintendents pursue equity reforms that disrupt entrenched power structures. Similarly, philanthropic initiatives such as food pantries or clothing supports (Kruse et al., 2018; Roegman, 2018; Shields, 2017) illustrated attempts to address immediate needs but also highlighted the limitations of charity-based approaches when structural change is not prioritized. Together, these studies served as reminders that superintendent equity efforts at the board and community level require balancing urgent student needs with long-term systemic transformation.
Superintendents' Identity-Centered Equity Leadership
Finally, several studies emphasized identity-focused equity initiatives, particularly those related to cultural competence and language. Alson (2006) described mandatory professional development on multicultural awareness, while DeMatthews et al. (2017) examined a district-wide dual-language program framed within the context of social justice. Smith et al. (2011) similarly highlighted cultural competence training that confronted institutional racism. These efforts underscored the role of superintendents in shaping district identity and culture. Unlike Alson's reliance on external consultants, Smith et al. leveraged internal expertise to broaden staff ownership of equity initiatives. Roegman (2017) provided a helpful framework for understanding these dynamics, pointing to the influence of broader social ideologies on how equity initiatives are framed and received. Collectively, these studies showed that superintendent identity work is both essential and contested, requiring long-term commitment and careful navigation of resistance.
In summary, across these bodies of literature—spanning instructional reforms, structural access initiatives, community partnerships, and identity-focused equity work—superintendents emerge as pivotal actors in advancing equity. Yet, a critical gap remains; little is known about how Black superintendents specifically integrate joy into their leadership as they pursue equity. The present study addressed this gap by examining how Black superintendents cultivate joy with families and communities as a vital dimension of educational justice for Black students.
Conceptual Framework
Drawing on the CRSL framework (Khalifa, 2018), the present study illuminated how Black superintendents lead in advancing educational equity and joy for Black students within their school district, alongside Black families and communities. CRSL emphasizes the recognition and valuing of students’ cultural backgrounds and identities. Drawing on their lived experiences and cultural perspectives, Black superintendents will prioritize culturally relevant curricula, instructional materials, and pedagogical approaches that resonate with Black students and other marginalized groups.
CRSL emphasizes leadership behaviors that promote cultural understanding and equity in schools through four key tenets:
Critical Self-Reflection: Leaders engage in ongoing self-examination to identify and address personal biases and assumptions about culture and identity. Development of Culturally Responsive Teachers: Leaders provide professional development opportunities for educators to cultivate culturally responsive teaching practices. Promotion of Inclusive Environments: Leaders create school climates where all students feel valued, respected, and supported, regardless of their cultural backgrounds. Engagement with Communities: Leaders actively collaborate with students, families, and communities to understand and honor their cultural contexts and perspectives.
Community Engagement and Empowerment
Khalifa (2018) emphasized the importance of collaboration and partnership with stakeholders, including students, families, educators, and community members, for equity. Black superintendents can engage in community-centered approaches that involve families and community organizations in decision-making processes, leveraging community resources to support Black students. By empowering students and communities as co-creators of knowledge and agents of change, Black superintendents can build collective capacity to advance educational equity and joy.
Methods
The study explored the following research question: How do Black superintendents lead for educational equity and joy? To center the voices and perspectives of Black superintendents with educational equity and joy, counter-storytelling (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Love, 2004; Solórzano & Yosso, 2002) served as the methodological tool. Defined by Delgado and Stefancic (2017), counter-stories seek to challenge the validity of widely accepted myths, particularly those upheld by the majority. Solórzano and Yosso (2002) advocated using counter-stories in educational research to address and illuminate structural inequities. This approach underscores the unique challenges and barriers that Black students encounter, highlighting the role of Black superintendents as key figures in navigating and dismantling these barriers. By focusing on their experiences and strategies, counter-storytelling fosters a deeper understanding of the systemic issues affecting Black students, showcasing superintendents’ efforts in promoting educational equity and joy.
Participant Selection
Invitations were extended to superintendents across multiple U.S. regions, but only those in the Eastern and Southern regions responded to participate. Four Black superintendents from across the Eastern and Southern regions were selected for the study (see Table 1). The following selection criteria were used for participants:
Superintendents who self-identify as Black or African American (Black American, African American, and Caribbean American/part of the African Diaspora). Black superintendents across the U.S. regions. Black superintendents with at least 3 years of experience. Equal ratio of Black male and female superintendents across Grade K-12 grade levels.
Summary of the Demographic Profile of the Study Participants and Their Districts.
Note: Student demographic information was retrieved from each district's enrollment data for 2023 and 2024.
As superintendent.
As superintendent.
Total District Enrollment Ranges: <1,000–4,000 = Small; 4,001–7,000 = Medium;
7,001–10,000+ = Large.
Participant Profiles
In this section, I describe the four Black superintendents collectively and then provide brief biographies of each. This group of four Black superintendents represents diverse experiences and leadership contexts, collectively contributing over 59 years of experience in educational leadership. They serve in districts across the Eastern and Southern regions of the United States, overseeing small to large districts with varying percentages of Black student populations, from 4.2% to 77%. Their leadership spans a wide range of tenures, from 3.5 to 14 years, reflecting a deep commitment to education. Each brings unique expertise and a shared dedication to fostering student success in their communities.
How Pseudonyms Were Assigned
To ensure the confidentiality of participants while honoring their unique identities and contributions, pseudonyms were thoughtfully selected. Each name reflects a balance between symbolic meaning and diversity, aligning with the themes of the study. For example:
Cultural or Historical Significance: Some pseudonyms, such as “Malcolm Garvey” and “Octavia Brooks,” nod to figures in Black history and leadership, emphasizing the participants’ roles as trailblazers in literacy and educational equity. Professional Resonance: Titles such as “Dr.” were retained to reflect the participants’ academic achievements and leadership roles. Variety and Representation: The names were chosen to reflect a mix of identifiers across gender and regions, ensuring a realistic and relatable portrayal.
By using pseudonyms with intentionality, the study safeguarded participants’ confidentiality while conveying their individuality within the broader narrative of Black educational leadership.
Data on Black Student Outcomes
Scholars have illuminated how systems commonly used to define “student results”—such as standardized test scores, graduation rates, and AP access—are rooted in Eurocentric frameworks that often obscure rather than highlight Black student excellence (Ladson-Billings, 2006, 2013; Love, 2019; Milner, 2010, 2012a). These indicators tend to reflect the legacies of structural inequality more than the transformative, relational, and culturally grounded work that Black educational leaders carry out in their schools. As Bettina Love (2019) contended, Black joy is an act of resistance, a means to freedom dream beyond the constraints of white normative expectations in schooling. Gholdy Muhammad (2020) similarly reminded us that Black educational excellence cannot be captured solely through standardized metrics; it must be rooted in the cultivation of identity, intellect, criticality, and joy. While this study centered on joy as a liberated educational practice, a necessity for thriving, and a collective stance that actively disrupts dominant deficit narratives about Black students, their families, and communities, I rejected the notion that standardized data fully reflect the brilliance or potential of Black students. Still, I included such outcome data here to offer a quantitative backdrop for understanding the district-level contexts in which Black students strive and succeed.
For Superintendent Brooks, race-disaggregated graduation data were not publicly available, although the overall district graduation rate exceeded 95%. Among Black students in Grades 3–8, reading proficiency was ∼85% in 2023 and about 90% in 2024. Math proficiency was ∼70%–77%. Under Superintendent Du Bois, Black students achieved a statewide performance at the 85th percentile in 2024. Longitudinal data from Grades 3 to 8 showed that between 2023 and 2024, the average reading performance of Black students was 75%, while their math performance was 70%. In Superintendent Garvey's district, the graduation rate for Black students was ∼81% in 2023 and 88% in 2024. Reading proficiency reached 77% in 2023 and stood at 79% in 2024. In mathematics, 67%–69% of Black students demonstrated proficiency in 2023–2024. And in Superintendent Morrison's district, the graduation rates of Black students for the 2023–2024 school year rose between 74% and 80%. Reading proficiency stood at ∼88% and math proficiency at 75%, reflecting gains from the prior year.
Data Analysis
To analyze the data, I employed a systematic approach guided by Solórzano and Yosso's (2002) framework for counter-storytelling, which integrates data, research, and personal and professional experiences. The process was iterative, focusing on ensuring that the voices and experiences of participants were accurately captured and interpreted. Once the data were prepared, I moved into the initial coding phase (see Table 2). I followed general inductive coding procedures: immersing myself in the transcripts, reading them multiple times, and annotating notable patterns or phrases (Thomas, 2006). Throughout this process, I continued to analyze and interpret the data through coding and the identification of emerging themes, examining the relationship between the research question and the data sources to establish validity and ensure the integrity of the research process (Anfara et al., 2002; Creswell, 2007). I also compared how different participants described similar challenges and strategies, which helped me identify patterns and differences. I used these cross-participant comparisons to shape emergent themes reflecting shared experiences while honoring individual perspectives. To ground these findings in my conceptual framework, I examined the themes through the lens of counter-storytelling, focusing on how participants resisted inequities and advanced educational equity and joy in their school district.
Phases of Qualitative Data Collection.
Source: Table design based on Creswell (2007).
Findings
The findings of this study are organized into three overarching themes: (a) how the superintendents in this study conceptualize and define joy within their leadership practice; (b) the role of Black families and community engagement in advancing joy as an essential dimension of educational equity; and (c) the practical strategies Black superintendents employ to cultivate joyful and affirming experiences that sustain Black students’ academic and emotional resilience.
Defining Joy in Practice: Perspectives from Black Superintendents
To address the research question, I began by first examining how participants defined joy in the context of their leadership. What emerged from these Black superintendents was that joy was not separate from leadership—it was essential to it. Their definitions revealed that joy is both a practice and a principle: a way of resisting systemic harm, affirming Black identity, and fostering environments where Black children and families feel whole, visible, and valued.
To begin, the superintendents spoke of joy as an act of liberation and cultural affirmation. Rather than simply promoting happiness, they viewed joy as the intentional work of affirming Black culture and identity within schools that had often marginalized or erased it. As Superintendent Garvey explained, “When I say we lead with joy, I mean we lead with love, with affirmation, with the belief that our Black children deserve more than survival. They deserve to thrive, to laugh, to see themselves in every hallway and every lesson.” Similarly, Superintendent Morrison noted, “Our students don’t need permission to be joyful. They need space. Space to be loud, to be brilliant, to be whole.” In this way, joy became an avenue for cultural truth-telling—where Black children were invited to bring their full selves into the schoolhouse.
Closely connected to this was the framing of joy as resistance and refusal. Superintendents did not shy away from naming the political nature of joy in educational settings shaped by exclusion. Superintendent Morrison underscored, “In this climate, joy is resistance. It's political. It's me saying, ‘Yes, we will teach Black children the truth. And yes, we will celebrate them loudly’. Because joy is not permission—it's our birthright.” Superintendent Brooks added, “You have to bring joy to Black children up. That's joy.” This ethos of resistance extended into daily practice. Superintendents described joy as a pedagogical commitment, intentionally embedded in curricula, celebrations, and everyday relationships. Rather than relegating joy to occasional assemblies or token gestures, they worked to ensure that joy was part of the fabric of school life. “We embed joy in the everyday,” said Superintendent Brooks. “Our bulletin boards show Black brilliance. Our bookshelves hold stories that reflect our students’ lives. Joy is the foundation.” This commitment was echoed by Superintendent Du Bois, who shared, “Joy looks like students smiling because the story they’re reading sounds like their own. That's the moment when literacy comes alive.”
Integral to this practice was a deep concern for creating spaces of belonging and safety. For these leaders, joy required environments where Black students could be emotionally and culturally safe—where schooling did not demand shrinking or assimilation. Superintendent Du Bois captured this by stating, “For too long, school has been a place of harm for Black children. I’m intentional about changing that. Joy, to me, means a child walks into school and doesn’t have to shrink. They know they belong. That their story matters.” Superintendent Du Bois also added, “Joy is when a Black child who's been quiet all year finally raises their hand because they know this space sees them. That moment is everything.”
Finally, these superintendents extended their understanding of joy beyond the classroom and into the broader community. Joy was also described as collective and relational, nurtured through partnerships with Black families and cultural traditions. “When we host family reading nights and the room fills with laughter and music and grandparents reading to grandbabies,” said Superintendent Brooks, “it reminds me that joy is communal. It's cultural. It's not just about happiness. It's about being known and loved in a space that once rejected you.” Superintendent Garvey reinforced this sentiment: “I tell my team all the time: if our families aren’t smiling, we aren’t doing our job. Joy is something we grow together.”
Taken together, these narratives affirmed that for Black superintendents, joy is not a byproduct of effective leadership—it is the very terrain on which equity work is built. It affirms life, refuses harm, cultivates cultural belonging, and connects school communities to the deeper wellsprings of Black resilience and pride. Just as joy was described as a vital and liberatory force within schools, it was also cultivated through the deep, intentional relationships that superintendents forged with Black families and communities—relationships that served as both the foundation and the fuel for advancing educational equity for Black students.
The Role of Black Families and Community Engagement in Advancing Joy
The superintendents interviewed consistently emphasized a pivotal concept: The advancement of educational equity and the fostering of joy for Black students cannot be achieved without the active involvement of Black families and the Black community. Families, neighbors, and the community need to engage in shaping the educational experiences of Black students. This principle was underscored by Khalifa (2018), who highlighted the importance of connecting with students’ cultural communities. Additionally, Khalifa advocated for culturally responsive school leadership, emphasizing the necessity for leaders to engage with their communities. Superintendent Brooks illustrated this approach by detailing efforts to incorporate Black families and students in decision-making processes. I implemented a student equity and empathy Ambassador Program, which is about forty high school students. And their whole goal is really to solve problems of practice or inequities that they see in their high schools and collaborate as student leaders across the district to address the inequities that they see. And we do a lot of work on racial identity. And there are a number of Black students in particular who are on the equity and empathy ambassador program.
Superintendent Brooks's leadership approach, which actively engages Black families in substantive ways, embodies a comprehensive understanding that educational equity cannot be achieved in isolation. Schools necessitate robust partnerships with the communities they serve. By establishing advisory councils that incorporate parents, community leaders, and students, Superintendent Brooks guarantees that the district's equity initiatives are informed by the actual needs of those most affected. Furthermore, Superintendent Brooks is deliberate in her efforts to solicit feedback from the community, gaining direct insights into effective practices and areas needing improvement. This approach enhances policy development and fosters trust between educational institutions and Black families, positioning them as genuine collaborators in this endeavor.
Superintendent Brooks also actively fosters collaboration between students, families, and the district to address inequities. By integrating a family engagement component into the Student Equity and Empathy Ambassador Program, Superintendent Brooks ensures that parents and caregivers are informed about key issues, such as grading policies that impact students. Additionally, Superintendent Brooks emphasizes amplifying Black student voices and agency while connecting their experiences to broader family advocacy. This approach not only raises awareness but also drives concrete changes, like revising grading policies, demonstrating the program's commitment to actionable outcomes: So there's a component of that program where we also work with our families and parents and caregivers to make sure that they’re aware of what those issues are, whether it's grading policies, and they, I mean, they work. They’re not just like gathering and talking about the issues in their schools. They’ve helped to change our grading policy, like they’ve done some really good work in that area. So, starting from, like amplifying Black student voice and agency but also connecting that to, you know, educating their parents and caregivers about the challenges that they themselves face in school.
These practical strategies and initiatives, aimed at building strong, collaborative relationships with Black families and the broader community, demonstrate the importance of fostering trust through consistent, culturally responsive engagement. These superintendents know that to get Black families on board, they first have to earn their trust, especially given the history of exclusion and marginalization by the educational system (Howard et al., 2026; Howard, 2010; Howard & Reynolds, 2008; Mapp, 2002).
To address feelings of exclusion among Black families, Superintendent Morrison explained how the district organizes more inclusive family engagement activities. One example is holding curriculum meetings during PTA events, where curriculum directors clarify standards and instructional expectations for parents. The goal is straightforward: Demystify the academic process for Black families by providing them with the tools to better support their children's education at home. This includes breaking down barriers and ensuring that Black families feel informed and empowered. We have curriculum meetings with our PTA. And so that's when all of our curriculum directors present the standards, present the work, provide examples of the type of work that they’re doing in the school, what your child should be learning, you know. We have released videos of what happens in our classes. We’ve done videos around cognitive engagement, and it was one of our focus areas from our strategic plan. So, we actually shot videos of teachers in every level, elementary, middle and high school in a variety of subject areas with a diverse group of students demonstrating what does cognitive engagement look like in your school, so we can have that common vocabulary in a, in a classroom of like, so just sustaining it like this, what it looks like. So, so, we put that out there for everyone to see. We also, you know, we have like kind of Mommy and Me programs that are curriculum focus. We’ve done that around science and our school districts. The strategic planning work as instructional, we look at data together. So, parents, teachers and administrators, and students are involved in those meetings, and we look at data together.
Superintendent Morrison then went on to discuss the strategies that take place in the curriculum PTA meetings: We look at gaps. We talk about strategies, and parents get to weigh in. So, we haven’t had parents talk about curriculum decisions, but in terms of the SEL work, so we, we start, I have this program called Soul to Grow, which is an online platform where students talk about their, basically their feelings. It takes kind of like a daily temperature check, kids get to write down how they feel on a digital platform, and teachers respond. It has an internal alert system, so it filters certain words. So, the kid mentioned self-harming behaviors, this alert that goes to like different levels of administration. So, we shared the data around that, with the parents and parents that, well, we want this in the middle school. That wasn’t our initial thought; we were going to move it from ninth grade up. So, but in response to our parents, we are now considering doing it in our middle school.
By bringing everyone—parents, teachers, administrators, and even students—into the same conversation, Superintendent Dr. Morrison's district is working to create more transparency and shared responsibility for student success.
Superintendent Brooks shared that building trust begins with engaging directly with families. Superintendent Brooks arranged walk-and-talk sessions, where visits happen in neighborhoods—particularly in public and affordable housing areas—and discussions occur with parents in their own environments. No formal meetings, no PowerPoint slides—just genuine conversations: I do something called superintendents’ walk-and-talks, which is where I go into the community. I will go into any community, but I start with our public housing, neighborhoods, and affordable housing neighborhoods. I will go into a more affluent neighborhood by request. But you know, I’m very intentional about the neighborhoods that I go into. And I don’t necessarily go with an agenda, I don’t go in a suit or, you know, heels, literally like go in sneakers and, you know, a t-shirt, and go hang out with parents in a parking lot in their community or in their community center. And I start with, like, just, you know, small talk and conversation and getting them to share what's top of mind for them as it relates to their children and their experiences in our schools. But then I also try to direct and shift the conversation to the maximum extent possible to instruction, and, you know, resources within the schools that our parents can access just to make sure that they’re aware. And then we also bring like interpreters with me, depending on the neighborhood that we’re going into. My Director of Family and Community Engagement, who was a Black female and a social worker by trade, by training, she comes with me.
Superintendent Brooks actively builds a robust family and community engagement strategy, mainly focusing on supporting Black families and leveraging community wisdom. Using insights from the Family and Community Engagement Department to develop programs and resources tailored to Black families ensures inclusivity for other families who participate. This collaborative process involves input from long-time Black educators and multigenerational community members. Superintendent Brooks regularly consults with a trusted group of Black women, referred to as “OGs” or “elders,” to gain insight into community concerns and navigate challenges as a Black female leader. These dialogues not only inform leadership decisions but also strengthen the connection between the district and its community. …my family and community engagement department, they follow up and create programming and supports for our Black families in particular, but also other families that decide to show up. So that she can create those supports and programming for them. And some of that is also done in collaboration with them. So, there's a number of either long-time Black educators in this district, or people that I was describing earlier, who have been in this community for, you know, three, four generations. So, I meet with a group of four or five Black women on a regular basis, I call them the OGs or the elders. But you know, I just sit down and talk to them about, you know, what my challenges are, as a leader, a Black female leader in our district, and they do the same, and they also have their ear to the ground and in the community. So, they can tell me like, hey, there's something you need to look into or something that you need to address from that standpoint.
These casual, face-to-face interactions are about more than just listening—they are about showing up, being visible, and making school leadership approachable. The idea is simple: When leaders make parents feel comfortable and included, they are more likely to engage with the school and support their kids (Walrond, 2025). Building on the insights shared by the Black superintendents in this study about the role of families and communities, it becomes equally urgent to examine how joy is intentionally cultivated within their schools through everyday practices that affirm, uplift, and sustain their Black students.
The Need for Joyful and Affirming Experiences: Practical Strategies for Fostering Joy
The superintendents in this study repeatedly stressed that Black students, especially those marginalized, often find themselves in educational spaces that fail to meet their cultural and emotional needs. These environments can feel distant from the reality of their lives, making it harder for them to connect fully with their learning. Superintendent Garvey captured this well when he said, “We spend a lot of time with children, especially Black children, and they need to feel that school is a place where they are lifted up. It's about much more than the academics.”
Superintendent Garvey's words cut to the core of the issue: Schools need to be active in creating environments that affirm Black students’ cultural identities and emotional needs.
The truth is that Black children face systemic barriers in education. From the low expectations some educators set for them, to curricula that often overlook their histories and cultures, many Black students feel out of place or unseen in school (Dumas, 2014). This can lead to disengagement, lower academic performance, higher dropout rates, and a general lack of motivation. The superintendents recognized that to change this, schools need to do more than just focus on academics. A full shift in school culture is required —one that uplifts, supports, and celebrates Black students alongside their families and communities. When Black children find joy in learning, they stay resilient, even in the face of obstacles. That joy is the key to keeping them engaged in education for the long haul (Jones, 2021; Love, 2019). Educational joy aligns closely with Khalifa's (2018) CRSL Framework, which calls for classrooms to be places where students’ identities are honored, and their cultural backgrounds are connected to the content they learn. For Black students, experiencing joy in the classroom stems from seeing themselves reflected in the curriculum and engaging with material that resonates with their lives. The superintendents in this study understood this. They understood that building joy and creating affirming experiences for Black students were not only nice bonuses. They were deliberate, necessary steps toward fostering educational equity.
To bring the vision of joyful and affirming school experiences to life, the superintendents used various practical strategies to create spaces where Black students could feel uplifted and inspired. Superintendent Du Bois emphasized the power of experiential learning and field trips with Black families and the community to spark joy for Black students: “We foster joy by organizing trips to Black history museums and community events. It's an opportunity for [Black] students to learn with their families outside of the classroom and connect with their history in a more meaningful way. They come back inspired.”
These experiences enable Black students to explore their cultural heritage in ways that extend beyond the classroom walls, helping them to view their education as something relevant and deeply personal. The joy of Black students in these culturally rich experiences also plays a critical role in their emotional and intellectual growth. These field trips transform learning into something meaningful and rewarding by fostering a sense of pride and excitement in their heritage. The enthusiasm that Superintendent Du Bois sees in students and families when they return from these trips is a testament to how joy can be a motivating force. When Black students feel inspired, they are more likely to stay engaged and invested in their education.
Beyond these out-of-classroom opportunities, Superintendent Du Bois talked about how his district celebrates students’ achievements and milestones with their families and the community through culturally responsive traditions. These events, such as end-of-year celebrations, class trips, and recognition ceremonies, are not only about academic success. Instead, they are about creating a sense of community and belonging for Black students and families, moments that make them feel seen and valued. Superintendent Du Bois described how these celebrations help build lasting memories for students and their families: “And they’re [Black students] celebrating the good work they’ve done … We bought an ice cream machine and have soft-serve ice cream parties … We send good-news cards home … You have to lift Black children up in word and action and everything else.”
These celebrations, rooted in the practices of CRSL, ensure that Black students feel recognized not just for their grades but also for who they are as individuals. They help build an inclusive and supportive school culture that lifts students up and shows them they belong. The superintendents also recognized that creating joyful, affirming spaces is not only about events, but more so about the day-to-day interactions in the classroom. To make sure teachers were prepared to foster these environments, they prioritized ongoing professional development. Teachers were trained to reinforce positive habits and build supportive relationships with students in ways that are culturally sensitive and affirming. As Superintendent Du Bois explained: We focus on teacher training to reinforce good habits and build positive relationships with students … It's about making sure that teachers understand the cultural context of their students and are intentional about creating a positive classroom environment.
This professional development aligned with Khalifa's (2018) CRSL model, which emphasized the need to equip educators with the skills to create inclusive and supportive learning environments. Schools can foster classrooms where Black students feel both valued and uplifted by ensuring that teachers are culturally aware and intentional in their approach.
Through these strategies—whether through field trips, celebrations, or teacher development—the superintendents actively create environments where Black students can experience joy, connection, and affirmation. These everyday moments of joy help cultivate a learning space where Black children are excited to learn and motivated to succeed. These everyday strategies to foster joy do more than create affirming school climates—they cultivate the emotional and academic resilience Black students need to thrive, positioning joy not just as a feeling but as a foundational pathway to deeper educational equity.
Creating joyful school experiences for Black students goes beyond making them happy in the moment; it is about building long-term emotional and academic resilience. When Black students feel part of a joyful and affirming school culture, they develop the confidence to face challenges and persist in their education (Jones, 2021; Love, 2019). As Superintendent Garvey put it, “We find when a [Black] child feels joyful and celebrated, that child is more likely to remain engaged, motivated, and resilient.”
This speaks to a crucial truth: Joy is not a luxury in education; it is fundamental to student engagement, especially for Black students who often face significant barriers outside of school. Joy also helps build strong, trusting relationships between students and educators. When teachers create a classroom where Black students feel seen and respected, those students are more likely to trust their teachers and invest in their learning (Jones, 2021; Love, 2019). This connection is particularly essential for Black students, who may have previously felt marginalized or invisible in other school environments. Superintendent Garvey emphasized: “Our goal is to make sure that every Black student feels like they belong here … that they’re seen, heard, and valued.”
Summary of Findings
By focusing on joy with Black families and communities, the superintendents in this study are actively dismantling the barriers that have historically limited Black students’ access to positive, fulfilling educational experiences. The superintendents in this study understand that joy is not incidental to learning for Black students, particularly those in historically marginalized communities; it is foundational to their educational experience. They recognize that the emotional well-being of Black children is inextricably linked to their academic success and that affirmation of their cultural identities is a central imperative. In each of the superintendent's districts, joy is not an embellishment; it is a form of resistance, a deliberate counter to the narratives that have too often framed Black students as problems to be managed rather than minds to be nurtured. This is not simply about improving academic outcomes; it is about reimagining what schooling can be—about constructing educational spaces where Black students are not merely present but whole, valued, and seen.
The superintendents in this study do not treat joy as an abstract ideal; they weave it into the very fabric of their leadership, ensuring that their school cultures reflect the dignity, worth, and boundless potential of Black children. Their work aligned with Khalifa's (2018) CRSL framework, which emphasized the importance of creating learning environments that honor and respect Black students’ identities and affirmed their intellectual and emotional agency. In cultivating these spaces, these leaders are not just enacting schoolwide policies; they are engaging in a radical act of care. Black children who experience joy in learning—who see themselves reflected in the curriculum, who are met with affirmation rather than deficit thinking—are children who can imagine themselves freely, expansively, beyond the constraints imposed by systemic inequities. Imagining that sense of possibility is where transformation begins.
In short, the focus on creating joyful school experiences for Black students underscores a profound understanding of the vital connection between emotional well-being, cultural affirmation, and educational equity. The superintendents in this study recognize that for Black students—especially those from underserved communities—joy and affirmation in the classroom are not optional extras; they are necessities. These leaders are not merely aiming for better academic outcomes; they are cultivating school cultures that enable Black students to flourish. By integrating joy into the fabric of the district, these superintendents are building environments where Black children feel valued, supported, and capable of reaching their fullest potential.
Discussion
The findings of this study underscored that Black superintendents are reimagining leadership not simply as the pursuit of improved academic outcomes but as the cultivation of joy, belonging, and affirmation for Black students in partnership with their families and communities. Three interconnected themes—how Black superintendents define joy, the role of Black families and community engagement, and the strategies leaders employ to foster joyful and affirming experiences—illustrate how CRSL (Khalifa, 2018) is enacted in practice.
First, joy was consistently defined by Black superintendents as more than a fleeting emotion or an “add-on” to learning. Instead, it was framed as a necessary foundation for educational equity, which affirms Black students’ cultural identities and sustains their resilience in the face of systemic barriers. Joy aligns with Edwards and Reynold'’s (2025) theorization of Black Joy as arising through practices of refusal, eroticism, spirituality, and love, and as a generative framework guiding praxis across research, pedagogy, and educational practice. Joy, as the very foundation of learning, also resonates with Love's (2019) framing of Black joy as an act of resistance and freedom-dreaming, as well as with Muhammad's (2020) argument that Black educational excellence cannot be adequately understood through standardized measures alone. By centering joy within their leadership practices, superintendents disrupted deficit-oriented narratives that have historically positioned Black students primarily through achievement gaps. Second, the findings underscored that Black families and communities are vital partners in promoting educational joy. Superintendents described initiatives that intentionally wove families and students into leadership decision-making—whether through ambassador programs, curriculum-based PTA meetings, or community walk-and-talk sessions. These practices illustrated Mapp's (2002) claim that trust and reciprocity are prerequisites for authentic family engagement, especially in contexts where schools have historically marginalized Black families. Involving Black parents and community elders creates a shared responsibility for equity, positioning families as co-authors of joyful and affirming school cultures.
Third, the study revealed a range of practical strategies superintendents employed to embed joy into the daily lives of Black students. These included experiential learning opportunities such as field trips to Black history museums, teacher professional development focused on culturally responsive pedagogy, and celebrations that uplifted students’ accomplishments beyond test scores. These strategies aligned with Khalifa's (2018) CRSL framework, which emphasizes culturally leadership practices, and with Love (2019), who asserted that joy in learning fosters deeper engagement and long-term resilience. Notably, the superintendents demonstrate that joy is not accidental; it is cultivated through deliberate, equity-driven leadership choices that connect instruction to students’ cultural lives and affirm their full humanity. Superintendents Brooks, Du Bois, Garvey, and Morrison demonstrate how all superintendents can challenge deficit narratives and create educational spaces rooted in joy. In doing so, they affirmed that equity cannot be measured solely by standardized metrics but must also be understood through the relational, cultural, and emotional conditions that sustain Black students’ brilliance and resilience.
Table 3 consolidates key leadership practices across the four superintendents in this study, illustrating how they enacted core tenets of CRSL and cultivated joy with Black students, families, and communities.
Leadership Practices That Cultivate CRSL and Joy in Partnership With Black Families and Communities
Black Superintendents’ Leadership Practices That Cultivate CRSL and Joy.
Abbreviations: CRSL = culturally responsive school leadership; PD = professional development.
Extending CRSL Through Joy
While CRSL does not explicitly theorize joy, the findings of this study extended the framework by demonstrating that Black superintendents lead not only through responsiveness and equity-oriented practices but also by cultivating joy as a necessary dimension of leadership. Joy functioned as an ethic of resilience, helping leaders resist deficit framings of Black students and communities. In supporting culturally responsive teachers, joy emerged as a pedagogical orientation that encouraged educators to create classrooms where Black students could feel affirmed, proud, and celebrated. In building inclusive school environments, joy was not framed as an end result but, rather, as the everyday presence of belonging and cultural affirmation. Finally, in engaging families and communities, joy served as the connective tissue that transformed school–community relationships into spaces of shared pride and celebration.
By extending CRSL with the principle of joy, this study contributes to broader conversations in urban education that emphasize the structural and relational contexts that shape leadership. As Milner and Lomotey (2021) reminded us, urban education is defined by the intersecting histories, geographies, and systemic conditions that frame educational opportunities. Within such contexts, Black superintendents can demonstrate that culturally responsive leadership is not only about disrupting inequities; it is also about cultivating joy as an ethic of care, affirmation, and collective flourishing. By centering joy, these leaders reposition urban education as more than a site of struggle; it is also a space of possibility where Black families, communities, and students can experience belonging and thrive. This reframing underscores the significance of examining how joy—long cultivated in Black communities as a means of survival and resistance—serves as a vital dimension of educational justice in urban schooling.
Implications for Research and Practice
Taken together, the superintendents’ leadership practices in this study offer a roadmap for integrating CRSL with joy in ways that are tangible and community-driven. For practitioners, the findings call for a more expansive understanding of leadership—one that recognizes emotional well-being, cultural affirmation, and relational trust as fundamental components of student success. The Joy-Centered approaches as shared in this study provide a framework for district leaders seeking to anchor their equity efforts in joy and partnership.
For researchers, this work presents several avenues for future inquiry. Longitudinal studies toward consequential research (Milner, 2025a) that centers on fugitive methodology (Dziengue & Esposito, 2025) might explore how sustained family engagement and culturally affirming practices influence student achievement and well-being over time. Additional research is also needed to investigate how joy—defined through the perspectives of students and their families—shapes motivation, resilience, and school connectedness, especially in systems led by Black educational leaders.
Ultimately, this study confirmed that culturally responsive leadership, when combined with intentional acts of joy, cultivates an environment that fosters the flourishing of Black students. It is in these everyday decisions—whom to include, what stories to center, how to lead with love and truth—that educational equity becomes not just a possibility, but a living, breathing practice.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
None.
Contact Information for the Corresponding Author
Honey Walrond, Georgia State University, Department of Educational Policy Studies, College of Education & Human Development, Suite 450. | 30 Pryor St. SW. Atlanta, GA, 30303, USA. | Email:
Ethical Considerations
This study was approved by the Institutional Review Board for the Protection of Human Subjects at Teachers College, Columbia University (IRB Approval No. 24-445). All participants provided informed consent prior to participation.
Consent to Participate
Written informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.
Consent to Publication
Written informed consent for publication of the data included in this article was obtained from the participant(s).
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
