‘I just don’t belong’: White Christian privilege and older immigrants’ experiences with religion

Abstract

A growing body of research shows that older immigrants have a heightened vulnerability to loneliness and social isolation. Religion can help mitigate loneliness and cultivate belonging. This article draws on 42 qualitative interviews with a diverse group of older immigrants living in and around a mid-size city in the Southeastern United States. Participants shared that religious involvement, faith, and spirituality were important resources for coping with adversity and adjusting to new contexts. Ethno-religious communities allowed respondents to maintain their culture and form friendships with people who share their background. Our article examines individual- and structural-level barriers that may inhibit older immigrants’ ability to utilize these resources. Our findings highlight the crucial role of White Christian privilege in shaping older immigrants’ experiences, including implications for acceptance and belonging.

Introduction

Roughly one in four adults over the age of 70 in the United States experience regular or intermittent loneliness (Ong et al., 2015). The aging process presents many obstacles to continued social integration, such as declining health, loss of friends, and life transitions like retirement. Studies have linked loneliness to heightened risk for negative health outcomes, including cardiovascular disease, cognitive decline, and depression (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM), 2020). Older immigrants, who age ‘out of place’ away from support systems in their home countries, have even greater vulnerability to social isolation and loneliness than native-born older populations (Sadarangani and Jun, 2015: 110). The risk is highest for late-life arrivals, or ‘older newcomers’ (Treas and Batalova, 2007: 2). Limited English proficiency, cultural differences, and other challenges often make it difficult for older immigrants to establish social networks outside of family (Sadarangani and Jun, 2015). Experiences of discrimination may also contribute to loneliness by reducing sense of belonging and discouraging social interactions (Klok et al., 2017; Salma and Salami, 2020).

Faith, spirituality, and religious involvement have been identified as resources that older adults can use to cope with loneliness and other hardships (e.g. Malone and Dadswell, 2018; Shaw et al., 2016). For immigrants of all ages, religious involvement can provide a source of community, assist in identity formation and maintenance, and enable cultural adaptation through assistance with language and adjustment to life in the United States (Cadge and Ecklund, 2007). This article examines the role of religion in the lives of a diverse group of older immigrants, highlighting the benefits of religious involvement as well as structural constraints. While often unrecognized, White Christian privilege is a structural force that has a significant impact on older immigrants’ religious expression, sense of belonging, and well-being.

Literature review

Older adults’ experiences of religion

In the United States, older adults have the highest rate of religious identification and participation among all age groups (Pew Research Center, 2015). Compared to younger cohorts, older generations are more likely to report daily prayer, weekly service attendance, and belief in God. Older adults are also more likely to say that religion is very important in their lives (Pew Research Center, 2015). Longitudinal research shows a patterned increase in the strength of religious beliefs with age (Bengtson et al., 2015). Commonly offered reasons for increased religiosity include personal interest in exploring faith, a desire to pass on religion to the next generation, and a need to cope with negative life events (Silverstein and Bengtson, 2018).

Religion can be a source of resilience and has been associated with improved mental health and well-being (Nguyen, 2020). Older adult interviewees across multiple studies described how their spirituality, faith, and/or religious commitment provided them with a sense of purpose and increased life satisfaction (Malone and Dadswell, 2018; Shaw et al., 2016). For some older adults, strong faith led to a change in perspective about aging, with ‘older age becom[ing] a period, not just of decline and loss, but also of [spiritual] growth and development’ (Shaw et al., 2016: 319). Benefits of faith and spirituality can extend beyond individual comfort, as participation in religious services and activities can offer older adults social support, fellowship, and an improved sense of belonging (Malone and Dadswell, 2018; Park et al., 2012).

Older immigrants’ experiences of religion

The process of immigration can lead to increased religiosity, as religious and ethnic identities often become more salient in the new country (Warner, 1993, 1998). Faith can provide older immigrants with a framework to manage loneliness, stress, hardships, and difficult transitions (e.g. Lee and Chan, 2009; Zhang and Zhan, 2009). Older Chinese immigrants interviewed by Lee and Chan (2009) explained that their faith aided in coping with life’s challenges. Religious involvement helped some participants maintain a sense of agency, rather than the powerlessness often associated with adversity. Involvement in religious communities and organizations can also provide social benefits for older immigrants. Older Muslim immigrants in Salma and Salami’s (2020) study met people of a similar age with a shared background through attending activities at the local mosque. Religious involvement offered them a sense of belonging that contrasted with the alienation, discomfort, and unwelcoming atmosphere at mainstream senior centers (Salma and Salami, 2020). Older Chinese Christians interviewed by Zhang and Zhan (2009) highlighted the cultural familiarity provided by their church. Zhang and Zhan (2009) observed that ‘Chinese Christian churches have created a mini “Chinese world”’ (p. 310), allowing elders to maintain their cultural traditions and ethnic identity as well as develop a sense of belonging.

Religious communities have long been recognized as easing immigrants’ transition to life in a new country (Cadge and Ecklund, 2007). Religious organizations that serve large immigrant populations often offer services such as English language instruction, citizenship classes, and assistance with employment, banking, and other institutions (Cadge and Ecklund, 2007). Ethno-religious communities can help immigrants maintain ethnic and religious identities, such as through holiday celebrations, communal meals, and services conducted in immigrants’ native languages (e.g. Lee and Chan, 2009; Warner, 2004; Yu, 2018; Zhang and Zhan, 2009). Ethno-religious communities can also enable older immigrants to expand social networks outside the family (Zhang and Zhan, 2009). This could otherwise be difficult if local ethnic communities are small (e.g. Wong et al., 2006). Salma and Salami (2020: 619) identify involvement in religious organizations as a key individual- and community-level ‘counter-strateg[y]’ to mitigate loneliness, promote social network development, and combat exclusion experienced in broader society.

Not all older immigrants are able to access the benefits of religious involvement, due to individual- and structural-level barriers. Notable structural constraints include the size and diversity of ethno-religious communities and the impact of White Christian privilege. These factors affect religious minority groups’ ability to congregate, celebrate holidays as desired, and maintain traditions. White Christian privilege and normativity also shape public knowledge and attitudes (Schlosser, 2003) and thus the experiences of non-Christians in practicing their faith.

White Christian privilege

Christian privilege acts as an undercurrent shaping daily life, in a similar manner as patriarchy, racism, and other forms of structural inequality (Blumenfeld et al., 2009; Fairchild and Blumenfeld, 2007; Joshi, 2020; Schlosser, 2003). Christian privilege can be defined as ‘a seemingly invisible, unearned, and largely unacknowledged array of benefits afforded to Christians’ (Fairchild and Blumenfeld, 2007: 177). In the United States, the beliefs and practices of Christians are widely perceived as normative and even natural. Manifestations of Christian privilege include widespread public knowledge about Christian religious beliefs and traditions; work schedules built around Christian religious holidays; and the relative ease of finding places of worship (Blumenfeld et al., 2009; Fairchild, 2009; Schlosser, 2003). The normalization of Christianity results in a structural lack of knowledge about minority religions, and followers of minority faiths encounter misinformation, prejudice, and discrimination (Schlosser, 2003). Markowitz and Puchner (2018) advance the concept of structural ignorance in connection with Christian Privilege, pointing out that ‘ignorance is systematic’ and ‘what we do or do not know is always embedded within systems of power’ (p. 4).

Whiteness and Christian privilege are inextricably linked, and this convergence is tied to perceptions of American identity (Joshi, 2020; Theiss-Morse, 2009). Joshi (2020) postulates that Christian and White privilege often intersect, resulting in a structural system of ‘White Christian supremacy, such that Whiteness and Christianity are read as American, while everything else appears foreign’ (p. 22). A recent national survey by the Pew Research Center revealed 60% of Americans believe that the United States was intentionally founded as a Christian nation; nearly half (45%) believed that the United States should be one today (Smith et al., 2022). The structural context of White Christian privilege has influenced the development of many state and federal laws, including immigration policies (Joshi, 2020). The normalization of Christianity, particularly White Protestantism, leads to the racialization and exoticization of non-Christian faiths (Joshi, 2020). Non-Christian religious beliefs are commonly depicted as superstition and idolatry, particularly if the practitioners are people of color (Joshi, 2020).

The need to examine White Christian privilege is heightened by the impact of immigration on the religious landscape in the United States. While immigration is one factor increasing religious diversity, a majority of immigrants to the United States in fact identify as Christians (Pew Research Center, 2022; Warner, 2004). As a result, even though Christianity is often associated with Whiteness, the share of racial and ethnic minority Christians is growing. In addition to becoming more diverse, the practice of Christianity is changing as immigrants bring their traditions and styles of worship to congregations across the nation (Warner, 2004). Despite these shifts, literature on White Christian privilege reveals that structural advantage is not experienced uniformly by Christians. White Protestantism is elevated as normative, above denominations such as Mormonism and forms of Christianity practiced by people of color and immigrants (Joshi, 2020). Combined, these trends attest to the need to consider the impact of White Christian privilege on immigrants and Christian communities of color.

Our study identifies faith and spirituality as key resources for older immigrants, providing psychological and social benefits. The older immigrants in our study were able to draw upon religious communities for social connections, fellowship, and support, consistent with the literature on older adults and religion. Many participants also maintained their traditions and sense of identity through involvement in ethno-religious organizations. However, not all older immigrants are equally able to access religious communities and practice their faith with co-believers. Our participants’ narratives about religion were underlaid by White Christian Privilege. Challenges included difficulty finding a suitable place of worship, the inability to continue cultural traditions and celebrations, and discrimination. At a broader level, this has implications for sense of belonging and identity.

Methods

Our article draws on 42 semi-structured interviews conducted in 2019 in and around a mid-size city located in the Southeastern United States. The area is a regionally significant immigrant destination. The research design, methodology, and interview schedule were approved by an Institutional Review Board. Qualitative interviewing was selected to allow for in-depth exploration of participants’ experiences, beliefs, and attitudes (Bryman, 2016). A strength of semi-structured interviews is that respondents can guide the conversation to topics that they consider important (Bryman, 2016).

Participants were recruited through convenience and snowball sampling. Posters advertising the study were placed in locations that older immigrants were likely to visit, including ethnic grocery stores and restaurants, places of worship, community centers, libraries, and an immigrant literacy organization. Leaders of religious and cultural organizations were also contacted about the study. For the purposes of our study, we adopted a broad definition of older immigrants as self-identified older adults who were born outside the United States. Self-identification was chosen to enable the participation of those who may consider themselves an older adult based on cultural norms, yet not meet the US definition of older adulthood (typically 65 and older) (e.g. Maleku et al., 2022). No age, length of residency, citizenship, or country of origin requirements were set, in order to reach a broad sample.

This exploratory study featured a diverse sample of older immigrants, including participants from most major world regions and a variety of religious backgrounds. Participants’ ages ranged from 42 to 95 years old, with a median age of 64. A majority (69%) of respondents were female, and over 70% of the sample had at least a college degree. About a quarter (24%) of respondents were from East Asia, 21% were from Europe, 17% were from South or Southeast Asia, 17% were from Western Asia, 14% were from Latin America, 5% were from Africa, and 2% were from Australia-Oceania. A majority of the participants (64%) identified as Christian, with 36% identifying as Protestant, 17% as Catholic, and 12% as an unspecified or nondenominational Christian. Other faiths represented included Islam (19%) and Sikhism (7%). About 10% of interviewees identified with another faith or did not identify with any religion. The sample can be conceptually divided into two groups based on length of residency, ‘long-term residents’, and ‘older newcomers’ (Treas and Batalova, 2007). Seventy-one percent of the sample were long-term residents, residing in the United States for over 20 years. Twenty-nine percent were older newcomers, living in the United States for less than 20 years. The median length of residency was 35 years. Research indicates that older newcomers experience a distinct set of challenges related to adapting to a new country as an older adult (Sadarangani and Jun, 2015; Treas and Batalova, 2007).

All interviews were conducted in person by the first author. Interviews were audio recorded to preserve the tone and accuracy of responses. Respondents were assured of the confidentiality of the interviews; pseudonyms are used to protect participants’ identities. On average, interviews took about 1 hour to complete and were conducted in locations chosen by participants. Interviews covered a range of topics, including adjustment to a new language and culture, social network formation, and involvement in local communities. Basic socio-demographic information was also collected, including age, national origin, length of residency in the United States, and level of education.

Interviews were transcribed and coded for emerging themes using collaborative qualitative data analysis strategies outlined by Richards and Hemphill (2018). Analysis began during the data collection stage. An initial set of 15 interviews were examined by both authors and coded for emergent themes and subthemes. Each author independently reviewed the interview transcripts, coded them by hand, and then met to discuss and compare coding schemas and patterns within and across transcripts. Inductive coding was used to allow meaning and patterns to develop from the data, reflecting participants’ experiences and concerns (Castleberry and Nolen, 2018; Nowell et al., 2017). Analysis was iterative, with both authors frequently revisiting the transcripts and coding schemas. Through this process, the most compelling and relevant ideas were selected as major themes, which were then identified in the remaining transcripts.

Major findings from this study highlight the benefits of faith and religious involvement for older immigrants, as well as structural barriers that impact experiences. Faith and spirituality are important personal sources of resilience for many older immigrants, promoting optimism and enabling them to cope with adversity. Religious involvement can promote social connections, a sense of belonging, and cultural continuity. While our study suggests that religion and spirituality can be crucial counter-strategies (e.g. Salma and Salami, 2020) for mitigating loneliness and isolation, our analysis revealed the role of White Christian Privilege as a structural-level barrier that prevented many participants from utilizing these resources.

Results and discussion

Benefits of faith and religious involvement

Faith, prayer, and meditation helped some of our participants maintain a sense of perspective when difficulties arose. Mei, a Catholic long-term resident from Southeast Asia, shared: ‘[Religion] helps you get over all of life’s difficulties’. Edith, a long-term Christian immigrant from Europe, spoke of the importance of faith in helping her come to terms with mortality. Several interviewees described how their strong faith helped them cope with feelings of anxiety, loneliness, and other challenges presented by aging in a new country. Seo-yeon, an East Asian older newcomer, declared, ‘Old people are lonely, so I depend on God’. Consistent with previous research, spiritual practices such as prayer acted as a ‘source of strength, comfort, and hope’ (Malone and Dadswell, 2018: 8). Several interviewees described how their faith helped them cope with the challenges in their immigration journey. Sonia, a newcomer refugee from Africa, spoke about this:

I praise God [that] things had not really been worse. [Despite the] war, I escaped… I still survive and my children survive. And, I was able to be accepted as a refugee to come to USA… We used to wish to live [here]… one day, to come to USA, and it’s fulfilled!

Other participants’ faith or spirituality provided an avenue to express gratitude. Abbas, a Muslim refugee from Western Asia, explained that his faith reminded him to be grateful and humble: ‘I thank God for everything I have… I am one of the people who came here and became successful’.

Some interviewees described a deepening of their spirituality, faith, or commitment to their religion with age. This aligns with the nationwide trend; in the United States, religious identification and participation is highest among older adult populations (Pew Research Center, 2015). Andrea, a South American immigrant, described how retirement gave her the opportunity to devote more time to prayer and the study of Christian theology, ‘more than what I learned in the Catholic church when I was growing up’. Mei, a Southeast Asian Christian immigrant, identified religion as her ‘top priority’ and described her strengthened faith as the outcome of a lifelong spiritual journey: ‘[Now that I’m older, I’m] taking my religion more seriously because I have the time to and the desire for it… Your knowledge has to increase as you age’. Several interviewees described how retirement enabled them to deepen their faith and devotion by freeing up more time for introspection, exploration, and religious attendance.

The importance of religion extended beyond faith, as involvement in religious communities could provide an array of benefits. For older newcomers, religious communities provide crucial assistance with adjusting to life in the United States. Sonia, a Christian older newcomer and African refugee, recalled how members of a local church helped her family get settled in their apartment and contributed basic necessities. Sonia formed a strong social network through the church, which she continued to depend on even after switching to a different church. Similarly, Seo-yeon relied on church members for help with adjusting to life in the United States, such as tips on how ‘to find good medication’. Fellowship, guidance, and social services have long been identified as indispensable resources offered to immigrants by religious communities (Cadge and Ecklund, 2007). This aid is especially crucial for older immigrants who do not have other networks that younger immigrants might rely on, such as through school and employment.

Particularly for participants with few, if any, family members living close by, religious communities can be a significant source of assistance and support. This was true for Soo-jin, who explained, ‘We came here 20 years ago. [I had no family here,] just some church people. And they are my family now’. Seo-yeon, an older newcomer, shared: ‘Korean church… that’s my social life’. Andrea, a South American long-term immigrant, found community at her church, a feature of religious involvement that she found surprising:

In [my home country] (…) there wasn’t so much of a community at the church… Whereas here… churches are different because they are really a community… There is something supportive here… particularly for people that come from other countries and maybe are not feeling quite as accepted… Back home, you have your family… so you don’t need other people to take care of you… [The U.S.] is a very big country and my children are all away… When you don’t have a lot of extended family around, I think the church is a very important place for support. [Emphasis added]

As Andrea recognized, while it may be possible for older immigrants to rely on kin networks in their home countries, these networks may not exist in the new country. Strong fictive kin networks can help older immigrants remain independent as they age.

Several of the older immigrants in our study took social network-building a step further. A few participants took on leadership roles in their places of worship. Sofia, a South American Catholic long-term immigrant, whose religious community provided her with many resources, later became a church elder, participating in programs to assist newcomer immigrants. Taking on leadership roles can also enable older immigrants to contribute to the cultural socialization of younger generations, which could reduce feelings of alienation. Leadership positions may offer additional psychological benefits for older immigrants who come from cultures where older adults are venerated; research has highlighted this cultural difference as a common point of tension for older immigrants adjusting to life in many Western countries (e.g. Sharma and Kemp, 2012; Wong et al., 2006).

Many older immigrants sought communities that could meet both their religious and cultural needs, a strategy necessitated by the small size of ethnic communities in the area where interviews were conducted. Ethno-religious communities demonstrate the intersection of racial, ethnic, and religious identities, which may become intertwined after immigration (e.g. Lee and Chan, 2009; Yu, 2018). The Korean Christian church exemplified this intersection, as it provided members with fellowship as well as cultural continuity. Jung-ho described the role of the Korean church in the community:

If you are an immigrant… there are not many places where you can get Korean food, or meet other Korean people… and you feel lonely, miss your country, so church kind of took care of all of that… That’s basically what [the church] was, somewhere to get back in touch with your culture and meet other Korean people, eat Korean food… It’s very lonely… the church kind of fills that void.

These observations were supported by the comments of other older Korean immigrants. Seo-yeon, an older newcomer, spoke wistfully of the dishes served at the church during holidays: ‘Sometimes I’m missing Korean food; they serve the huge Korean [banquet at the church]’. Another benefit offered by ethno-religious communities is the ability to connect with people from a shared cultural background. Kyung-hee, a long-term immigrant, found it easier to form friendships with fellow Korean immigrants: ‘[My friends are] just the church members… Korean people… We can [easily] become [close]’. Ethno-religious communities allowed participants to maintain their cultural and religious identities, a finding that aligns with previous research (Cadge and Ecklund, 2007; Warner, 2004; Zhang and Zhan, 2009). Several interviewees emphasized the importance of attending services held in their native language and gathering at places of worship for celebrations and rituals. Given the cultural affirmation that religious communities provide, involvement is especially important for racial and religious minority older immigrants. The numerous advantages, large and small, provided by religious communities were difficult to obtain for many of our participants, since they lived in an area of limited ethnic and religious diversity. Small ethnic communities are often unable to adequately support the religious diversity present in their home countries, resulting in limited choices for places of worship.

The underlying role of White Christian privilege

While many older immigrants in our study derived various benefits from religious involvement, not all were equally positioned to draw upon this resource. White Christian privilege impacted the experiences of many non-Christian participants, particularly in finding a suitable place of worship. A Sikh couple explained that the closest gurudwara was over an hour away, limiting their attendance. Hari, a South Asian Sikh long-term resident, pointed out the relative ease with which Christians could locate a suitable religious community: ‘the majority of the population is Christian, so you will [always] have a church very close… it is much more convenient for a person to go on a daily basis’. While Hari attributed the preponderance of Christian churches to population size, it is also an element of White Christian privilege (Schlosser, 2003). Xenophobia and discrimination can make it difficult for religious minorities to construct a place of worship, as many communities across the nation have encountered opposition and bureaucratic hurdles (Blumenfeld et al., 2009). These obstructions make it difficult for religious communities to construct spaces to gather, even when they have enough resources to do so.

Due to limited options, some participants sought spiritual fulfillment in other spaces, attending services for a different sect or faith. Sara, a Shia Muslim long-term resident from West Asia, described her experience attending a Mormon church:

When we first came to the United States, there was no mosque… I had this need to go to a spiritual place, so I would go to various churches on Sundays… [For] 2, 3 years I went to the Mormon church and by then they said… you cannot continue coming without being a member. So then I stopped going.

The first mosque that was established nearby was affiliated with the Sunni branch of Islam, which Sara was not comfortable attending. Abbas, a Sunni Muslim long-term resident from Western Asia, also commented on the limited options facing local Muslims. He pointed out that larger cities with more religious diversity tend to have mosques that represent more sects: ‘[Here,] they only have one [mosque], and there is also a smaller one, a worshipping room… In Washington [D.C], you have a variety of mosques’. Community size is not the only barrier. Even within the same faith and national group, services may be offered only in one language. Regional, linguistic (Yu, 2018), and political differences can become sources of division within religious communities. For instance, Hassan, a Muslim newcomer from Western Asia, explained, ‘I quit, don’t practice any religion, even my religion’. He did not feel at home in any of the co-religious communities available to him due to regional and political misalignment.

Even if religious minorities locate a place of worship that aligns with their beliefs, religious services may take on a different format. Congregationalism is one way that religious communities have adapted to life in the United States (Warner, 1993). This is also an element of White Christian privilege, as the Christian practice of worship in a group setting with a designated leader and at a particular time is viewed as normative and correct (Blumenfeld et al., 2009). Priya and Samir, a South Asian couple, shared:

[Followers of our religion] prayed in their own homes, they didn’t go to the temple… People go to temple to meet people, there are all these functions going on… so people do go… but it’s not a big thing in the religion.

However, after immigrating to the United States, Priya and Samir became involved in a temple to help introduce their children to their culture. While they fell out of attendance after their children moved away, their shift to attending services is illustrative of how immigrants may adapt their beliefs and practices in the United States. This may be a particularly difficult change for older newcomers to make, though it is often necessary to access the social benefits of religious communities. Hajira, an older newcomer Muslim refugee, was uncomfortable attending services at a local mosque because this was not the norm for women in her home country:

Some people want to go to the mosque… [After the service, they] have good food… All Muslims sit, eat, drink, and pray… But some people don’t go, like me. I want to pray [in] my home… In [my country] men go to the mosque, not women.

In her home country, Hajira was surrounded by people who shared her faith and culture; and she had a wide network of neighbors, family, and friends who she could socialize with and rely on for assistance. However, in the United States, Hajira found that attending events at the mosque was the primary way to connect with fellow Muslims and co-ethnics.

While White Christian privilege has the strongest impact on followers of non-Christian religions, it is important to note that not all Christians experience the same level of structural advantage (Blumenfeld et al., 2009; Joshi, 2020). Some racial minority Christian immigrants in our study also faced challenges in identifying a suitable place of worship. Jung-ho, an East Asian Christian long-term resident, declared: ‘Whatever church is there, that’s what you go to, you can’t be picky’. However, he also acknowledged that it would be hard to feel comfortable in a church that is predominantly composed of people from a different culture and race. Thus, being Christian in a predominantly Christian country does not guarantee a welcoming environment among co-believers, and some of our racial minority Christian participants faced difficulty integrating into predominantly White churches. Young-sook, an East Asian Christian long-term resident, described an instance of racism that stuck with her:

When I first went to [a] church here… at the midpoint we greet each other… There was only this woman and I in that aisle. So, of course, you first shake hands with the next person. And she turned [away]. Throughout, I could not shake her hand. She greeted back, front… but never [me]. There was nobody but she and I.

Later in the interview, Young-sook added, ‘They are very prejudiced… whites in [this area]. They just think you are not one of them. That’s very hard to establish any relationship. Of course, they have in their mind I’m inferior… I just don’t belong’. The challenges faced by some non-White Christian participants attest to the intersectional nature of structural (dis)advantages. Although part of the dominant faith tradition, participants such as Young-sook and Jung-ho had trouble finding communities of co-believers where they felt seen, accepted, and welcomed. Broad similarities in beliefs, rituals, and practices notwithstanding, the differences of language, food, and cultural traditions between the home and host countries, combined with experiences of discrimination and contributed to feelings of rejection and alienation. This sense of not belonging was even more pronounced for our non-White, non-Christian participants, who are outside the mainstream on account of their race, ethnicity, and religion.

White Christian privilege transformed how many religious minority participants conducted services, celebrated holidays, and expressed their religious identities. Many religious communities in the United States hold services on weekends, as the structure of the typical workweek allocates weekend as a time of rest. In addition, federal government offices and many businesses close for Christian holidays such as Christmas and Easter (Fairchild, 2009; Joshi, 2020; Schlosser, 2003). While this ‘Christiancentric calendar’ allows many Christians to worship on Sunday without a conflict, followers of minority religions typically must take time off work for religious observances (Blumenfeld et al., 2009: viii). Sara, a Muslim long-term immigrant from Western Asia, found it challenging to ensure that her parents could attend Friday services, as this would require her to miss work. While work schedules were a rare constraint in our sample, as many participants were retired, at a broader level, minority religious communities must accommodate and alter their religious practices when organizing services. Hari, a South Asian Sikh, observed,

Over here, there are less people visiting [the] gurudwara, and primarily on Sundays only, so they don’t have to keep that many services… The majority of the immigrant population is either working or they don’t have much means of travel on weekdays, so they try to find time on weekends to come… That has become a norm… de-facto way of doing things.

While Hari attributes the differences in scheduling as a natural shift due to population size, the structural constraints discussed earlier reveal that this is a manifestation of White Christian privilege and normativity (Fairchild, 2009; Joshi, 2020; Schlosser, 2003).

Several religious minority participants in our study described how celebrations for religious holidays were more muted in the United States compared to their home countries. Rahul, a South Asian Sikh, mentioned this: ‘Over here it is just our family, or when we go to the gurudwara’. Hari, a Sikh participant from South Asia, also pointed out structural constraints that limit the types of celebrations possible, ‘There is a big festival of kite flying… Over here, I cannot do that… I cannot play loud music outside in my backyard on a weekend… You have to stay within the boundaries of city regulations’. These structural constraints are also emblematic of White Christian Privilege; Christian celebrations do not face similar restrictions or public opposition. Jamil, a Muslim from South Asia, shared that changes had to be made to holiday celebrations in the United States to avoid negative attention:

Holidays we miss most… Even in big cities, we can’t do holidays the way we do them back home… On the holidays we would dress up… but people would start looking at you, then you become conscious, especially girls. I’m not saying that everybody does that. There are many Americans who celebrate with us… but that depends on where you live.

Public displays of faith, such as prayer, also led some participants to experience prejudice. Jamil lamented the negative attention he received when doing his daily prayers in a public space: ‘We have to worship five times a day… Right now, there’s a time to worship, but if I started worshipping here in a restaurant, everybody would start looking… [some] start videotaping you. (…) It’s ignorance’. As Jamil’s experience suggests, religious minorities may feel uncomfortable praying in public or wearing visible markers of their religious identities, as this may attract negative attention. This can be particularly difficult for older immigrants, especially late-life arrivals who might be especially hesitant to adopt ‘Western’ clothing or give up clothing that acts as crucial markers of ethno-religious identity.

White Christian privilege impacts how followers of minority religions express their religious identities, as prejudice and lack of knowledge about non-Christian faiths can result in overt discrimination (Joshi, 2020). Shadleen, a Muslim from Western Asia, described an incident in which she was harassed for wearing a hijab:

[At my job, one customer], she asked for me, she say, ‘You are work[ing] here?’ I say, yes. [She said,] ‘Oh, this scarf very bad’. I say, ‘Bad for you, but good for me’. [She asked,] ‘Why you wear this?’ I say, ‘For my religion’… The Islamic religion [is] good. Wearing a hijab [is] good.

Sara, another Muslim from Western Asia, described how her experience of covering was impacted by concerns about how others might perceive her:

I’m a moderate Muslim. As you can see, my legs are showing, my arms are showing, my hair is showing… but imagine if I was covering myself, how [people would react]… None of [my colleagues] know I’m a Muslim. Because I know deep down, if they know, they’re not going to refer [people] to me. I know deep down.

Sara also shared that she lost many friends after 9/11:

Once I started getting adjusted, I had a lot of American friends… [but] unfortunately when… 9/11 happened, a lot of my friends stopped being my friends. I would hear them say, ‘Oh in church there was a talk about terrorism and how we have to be cautious…’.

Along the same lines, Abbas, a Muslim from Western Asia, explained that he was committed to his religion, including the five daily prayers, but worried about being perceived as ‘fanatic’. He discussed several instances in which he experienced harassment due to his appearance and religious identity. While Abbas and many other religious minority interviewees dismissed negative comments or experiences as resulting from a lack of education or knowledge, the underlying issues are actually structural in nature, tied to White Christian privilege. Even in instances where prejudice does result from lack of knowledge, Markowitz and Puchner (2018) point out that ignorance is patterned in a way that privileges dominant groups in society, including Whites and Christians.

A basic implication of White Christian privilege is the association of whiteness and Christianity with the American identity, such that people of color and followers of non-Christian religions are automatically viewed as foreign and threats to the dominant groups (Joshi, 2020; Theiss-Morse, 2009). This is partially accomplished through a broad pattern of overgeneralization, termed the ‘racialization of religion’. The racialization of religion leads to the assumption that all people who share physical characteristics belong to a particular faith tradition (Joshi, 2020). For example, all people with brown skin who look ‘Middle Eastern’ are assumed to be Muslim, and all Indian immigrants are assumed to be Hindu. Importantly, racial minorities are rarely assumed to be Christian. Several of our participants reported encountering assumptions about their religious identity based on their appearance. Omar, a nonreligious older newcomer from Western Asia, encountered misconceptions and frequent questions about his religious identity, which was assumed to be Muslim: ‘They’ll start to talk to me about their religion [then ask,] “What is your religion? What’s going on over there?” and I tell them… I’m not that religious guy’. The racialization of religion and the resulting pattern of overgeneralization render certain racial and religious intersectional identities invisible, such as Pakistani Sikhs, African American Muslims, and Chinese Christians (e.g. Joshi, 2020). This can then impact immigrants’ sense of identity. One South Asian participant made it a point to clarify that their ethnic and linguistic identities were separate from their religion, suggesting that people commonly conflated them:

Punjabi is… an official language of the Punjab province… [it has] nothing to do with religion… Punjabi is not a race actually… [but an] ethnicity. There is no [such] religion as Punjabi. The religions are Sikhism, Hinduism, Muslims, and Christianity in that region.

The racialization of religion can lead to ‘religions being conflated with one another’ and ‘situations of “mistaken identity,” in which the perception that [people] are members of a given racial group leads to the assumption that they are members of a given religion’ (Joshi, 2020: 47). Hari, a South Asian Sikh, recounted how wearing a turban, part of Sikh religious attire, sometimes resulted in negative looks and harassment, particularly as he was commonly assumed to be Muslim, ‘People often confuse a person wearing a turban with a Muslim… Turban is… one of the articles of faith, which Sikhism carries… It’s not bad. Unfortunately, it turned out bad over here’. According to a 2017 Pew Research Center report, 35% of Americans believe that a ‘substantial number’ of US Muslims support extremism, and over 40% consider Islam to be inherently more violent compared to other faiths. The racialization of religion combined with this widespread association of Islam with terrorism has led to a pattern in which people who ‘look Muslim’, such as Sikhs, are commonly targeted (Afridi, 2013). However, as Afridi (2013) points out, ‘the argument that there was a mistaken identity… does not pressure society in any way’ (p. 230) and instead problematically suggests that discrimination and even violence against Muslims could be justified.

The overarching effect of White Christian privilege on our participants’ experiences was a deep-set sense of not belonging. Non-Christian religions – and by extent their followers – are marginalized, delegitimized, and viewed as foreign and threatening. This occurs through multiple avenues, ranging from structural ignorance of non-Christian beliefs and traditions to the all-too common experiences of prejudice, discrimination, and violence (Blumenfeld et al., 2009; Joshi, 2020; Theiss-Morse, 2009). The association between American identity, whiteness, and Christianity is widely documented (e.g. Joshi, 2020; Theiss-Morse, 2009). It was also recognized by a few of our participants. Abbas, a long-term immigrant from West Asia, identified and pushed back against this association:

A religion is not an identity. You don’t introduce yourself as [Christian or Muslim]… I don’t have to have people recognize me as a Muslim man… Recognize me by my nationality. Here in the United States, we all are Americans, regardless, whether Black, White, Muslim, Christian, Jew, Hindu, it doesn’t matter. We are all Americans. You can go to your church and I go to my mosque and we worship the same God, in different ways. Okay. So? Who cares?

While Abbas’s claim is emblematic of the ideal of religious pluralism, the reality is that religion is an identity, an important one that shapes our lived experiences. Older immigrants who are racial and religious minorities may never attain a true sense of belonging, as their identities mark them as outsiders in multiple ways. White Christian privilege is a central element in this exclusion, as whiteness and Christianity are viewed as essential components of the American identity (Joshi, 2020; Theiss-Morse, 2009). Religion has a lot of potential to serve as a protective resource against loneliness and social isolation, offering older immigrants psychological, social, and cultural benefits. However, our study demonstrates that this resource is not equally available for all, notably due to the undercutting structural role of White Christian privilege.

Conclusion

Our findings support previous research in identifying the benefits of faith and religious involvement among older immigrants. Faith and spirituality were resources that many participants drew upon to manage feelings of loneliness and maintain a positive outlook. For many older immigrants in our study, involvement in religious communities provided fellowship, social support, and cultural continuity. Ethno-religious communities allowed older immigrants to continue familiar traditions in the United States, providing an important source of identity and promoting a sense of belonging. However, structural barriers constrain the ability of many older immigrants to access these benefits of religious involvement. White Christian privilege impacted participants’ ability to locate a suitable place of worship, continue cultural traditions and celebrations, practice their faith, and develop a sense of belonging. Many participants who were non-Christian and non-White experienced discrimination and prejudice as a result of these visible identities. Our study highlights how White Christian Privilege is central to understanding the experiences of older immigrants of multiple racial and religious backgrounds.

We do not mean to suggest that the manifestations of White Christian Privilege were the only challenges faced by our participants, or that older believers in general, and older immigrants in particular do not face additional barriers to robust engagement with faith communities. In line with previous research on older immigrants in the United States, our participants highlighted the challenges posed by aging, declining health, lack of transportation, dependence on kin, cultural differences, limited English proficiency, and other factors. However, focusing exclusively or primarily on these issues draws attention away from structural barriers that may be less visible but still have a significant impact on older immigrants’ experiences, quality of life, sense of belonging, and feelings of loneliness. Furthermore, issues such as transportation can be addressed more easily than structural factors such as Christian Privilege, xenophobia, and racism, which can only be overcome through social change.

Several limitations to our study should be noted. Our study drew on a convenience sample of self-identified older immigrants from diverse backgrounds, with a majority being female and college educated. Future research should examine the experiences of various groups of older immigrants, including Christians of different nationalities and members of non-Christian religions such as Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Sikhism. It may be beneficial to focus on members of a single ethnic or religious group. Researchers should consider characteristics of religious groups and how this could impact older immigrants’ ability to draw on community resources. Location also has an impact, as experiences would differ for older immigrants living in a larger city, where they could access co-ethnic faith communities. Future studies should also investigate how experiences of White Christian privilege are impacted by intersecting identities, including race, ethnicity, nationality, gender, sexual orientation, and socioeconomic status.