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Abstract

French

This article examines how Pentecostal churches in Nigeria use online media to target the youth. Nigeria is now a major player in the commercialization of religion due to the sheer number of websites that promote add-on spiritual services. The promotion of Internet conversion is a major strategy in attracting the youth who are more active and comfortable on the Internet. Pentecostal consumerism became an avenue for the proliferation of religious programs and the consumption of different spiritual products on the Internet. At the same time, the lure of the global mission has also attracted the youth who have the idea (Japa syndrome) of emigrating from Nigeria to spread the gospel for economic reasons. This article intends to fill that gap in the literature by exploring how Pentecostal churches use the online media as a form of e-evangelism or e-vangelism for the youth.

Keywords

e-evangelism globalization Internet Pentecostalism youth

Introduction

Throughout the history of Christendom, the media have been used to propagate the gospel. In the Apostolic Age, believers sent encouragement and testimonies to their fellows through visitations and letters. The leaders of the Church in Jerusalem led by Apostles Peter and James sent letters to ‘prospective believers’ in Antioch (Acts of Apostle, 15:13, 19–20, 23) and other Gentile lands to encourage and increase the number of adherents to the early churches (Diboro and Ehiem, 2020: c1). Then, in the sixteenth century, Martin Luther, the pioneer Protestant reformer, relied on the latest invention of the day – the printing press – to mass produce Bibles in German (Wise, 2014: 17–22). Recently, we have seen some churches use cutting-edge technology to spread their message and generate more followers. In Nigeria, some scholars have argued that Pentecostal churches have grown faster than Mainline Churches, at least in part, but precisely credited to their technological savviness (Anderson, 2013: 10; Yong and Alexander, 2011: 2). This approach has only been strengthened during the Coronavirus global lockdown. Nevertheless, owing to the massive population growth in the country since the 1990s, every segment of Nigerian Christianity has increased numerically. This is evident in the opening of new and bigger church auditoriums even by many Mainline, Protestant, and Catholic Churches. These gains can be weighed on the scale of dynamism and inclination to adopt the latest technology for the purposes of recognition in the global religio-scapes.

In Nigeria, Pentecostal pastors adopt different theological strategies to expand their church’s outreach across the nation, in particular, in larger towns (Heuser, 2015: 20). With an estimated 33.9 million social media users in 2021 (Kamer, 2022), the Internet is an avoidable recruitment place, where potential adherents may be served different variants of the Pentecostal doctrines. ‘The game of numbers’ is not only crucial for the development of the churches, it also represents a yardstick to measure the influence of Pentecostal pastors on the country’s political, economic, sporting, and religious sectors. This article shows that Pentecostal churches in Nigeria partly use online media to gain popularity among the youth.

Online media has become an important platform for the dissemination of religious information, and space for discussions and contestation (Lynch et al., 2012). However, while existing studies have examined how the Nigerian video films have been instrumental in promoting religion as well as how Nigerian Pentecostal churches make use of roadside advertisements to pitch their messages (Ukah, 2003), limited attention has been devoted to religious online media in Nigeria. It was only recently that Digital Spiritualities (Oderinde, 2022) mapped out church-related social media scapes, such as chatrooms and Internet blogs by comparing strategies in establishing ‘so-called’ E-churches among Nigerian Pentecostal Churches in Switzerland with some headquarters in Nigeria to connect their diasporic members. The example of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (IURD) in Brazil presents a case that links the expectations of Internet-induced spirituality and the prophetic drive toward a global community (Oosterbaan, 2011). Nigeria is now a major player in the commercialization of religion due to the sheer number of websites that promote add-on spiritual services extending but not limited to pilgrimages, counseling, giving, deliverance, praise, sermons, communion, worship, fasting, leadership training, and the promotion of businessmen fora on the Internet. The website of the arguably leading Pentecostal church in Nigeria, the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) is a prime example of the progress of Internet Pentecostal conversion. The task of becoming a ‘born-again’ Christian is far easier than ever on the Internet. It has become fashionable to go through ‘steps to salvation’ after reciting six ‘items of faith’ on the principal menu of the RCCG’s website. According to the RCCG’s values in step 1, prospective believer has to: acknowledge his or her sins according to Acts 2:36–38; step 2: Confess those sins, Galatians 5:19–21; step 3: Ask for forgiveness of sin, 1 John 1:9; step 4: Repent of those sins, Acts 3:19; step 5: Forsake all your old way and sinful habit, Luke 14:33; step 6: Join a Bible believing Church, Hebrew 10:25.¹ The promotion of Internet conversion is a major strategy in attracting the youth who are more active and comfortable on the Internet (Oderinde, 2022: 23–24, 187). This article intends to fill that gap in the literature by exploring how Pentecostal churches use the online media as a form of e-evangelism or e-vangelism for the youth. In the first section of the article, the growth of Neo-Pentecostalism is ascribed to the vibrancy of the youth who became dissatisfied and abandoned classical theological agenda for a ‘better’ solution to current predicaments. Pentecostal consumerism became an avenue for the proliferation of religious programs and the consumption of different spiritual products on the Internet. At the same time, the lure for global mission also attracted the youth who have the Japa syndrome of emigrating from Nigeria for economic reasons rather than the need to spread the gospel. The Japa syndrome is a colloquial term used to describe the new wave of outward migration of Nigerians to other parts of the world solely for a better living standard. In the second section, the article discusses the rise of Internet evangelism with examples of religious mappings on the Internet. In the third section, the influence of globalization on youth-evangelism was explained with key examples on how modern evangelism is carried out.

Pentecostalism, youth consumerism, and the lure for reverse mission in Nigeria

The most impressive religious fact in the world today may be the rapid spread of Pentecostalism. In spite of the fact that the definition of Pentecostalism is arduous, it comprises variegated sub-movements that includes Classical Pentecostals, Neo-Charismatics, Charismatic ministries and churches, and or ‘Pentecostal-like’ indigenous churches, especially in regions such as in Africa, Asia, and Latin America (Oderinde, 2022: 3). In this article, we follow the description of Pentecostal churches as a group of churches that emphasize on tongue-speaking, visions, born-again, healings, miracles, prosperity, and the workings of the Holy Spirit as primary evidence of their faith (Oderinde, 2022: 2). According to a 2022 report published by the Center for the Study of Global Christianity, the number of evangelicals worldwide, including Pentecostals, is estimated to 667,216,000 million. The steady growth in the global number of Pentecostals is projected to increase to over 1 billion by 2050.² Pentecostalism now represents one of the largest groups of Christians in the world. They live predominantly in Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, the Philippines, Nigeria, and the United States, but they also enjoy a strong presence in Chile, Ghana, Guatemala, South Africa, and South Korea. Also, there are large Pentecostal populations and sizable minorities in India and Indonesia (Thomas, 2010).

Classical Pentecostals made inroads into Nigeria before the former British colony gained its independence in 1960. The first classical Pentecostal church is the Faith Tabernacle of Philadelphia, a precursor of Faith Tabernacle Churches. Others are The Apostolic Church, Assemblies of God, the Apostolic Faith, International Church of the Foursquare Gospel, and the Fruit of the Missionary Adventure. In Nigeria, the first phase of Pentecostalism is made up of churches called Aladura from the 1920s to the 1960s. The second phase is the foreign Pentecostal churches also called classical Pentecostal churches from the 1930s to the 1950s. The third phase is the indigenous Pentecostal churches from the 1950s to the 1960s such as the Gospel Faith Missions and the Redeemed Christian Church of God in its old mold before its transformation in the 1980s. Finally, there are the (independent) Charismatic ministries and churches promoted by college graduates and educated young adults from the 1970s to the present (Hackett, 1998; Ojo, 2006; Ukah, 2008). The evangelical reawakening among students in various campuses in the 1970s led to the proliferation of many charismatic and evangelical movements, Bible Study, and Prayer Fellowships that sprung from mainline churches (Ayegboyin, 2017). Moreover, of importance in the wave of Pentecostalism in Nigeria is the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship. It is an American Pentecostal organization that was popular among the middle-class educated elites (both Charismatics and evangelicals) from the 1980s to the mid-1990s. However, the visibility of the Fellowship declined when Charismatic ministries and churches proliferated from the mid-1990s which was led by the same class of people who attended the Fellowship and later became founders and leaders of the Charismatic ministries and churches. A few of the Christian graduates went on to establish various Pentecostal ministries and churches (Adeboye, 2012) such as Deeper Life Bible Church, Living Faith Church, Rhema Chapel International Ministries, Christ Life Church, Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries, to name only a few. This explains that the neo-Pentecostal movement is often seen, today, as a ‘religion of the youth’.

To a large extent, youth continue to drive the growth of Pentecostalism in Nigeria (although the founders who were young in the 1970s are now in their 70s and a few are already deceased) as newer Pentecostal churches began to adapt changes in their doctrinal teachings. Founders of many Pentecostal churches are mostly young graduates, and the composition of their pastors across the globe is young as well. Neo-Pentecostal churches do not recruit anyone above the age of 50 years to pastoral ministry. Also, most ‘religious entrepreneurs’ are young. They readily understand how to use the modern tools to mobilize people and spread their belief systems. Unsatisfied with the conservative mode of worship and services common in the more Mainline Churches, many young people prefer to join a vibrant movement like Neo-Pentecostalism. Theological orientations also shifted from Holiness preaching to accommodate youthful aspirations toward upward socio-economic status (prosperity theology), freedom from demonic captivity (spiritual warfare theology), and pulpit theology (political spiritualities; Marshall, 2009).

This article follows the definition of ‘youth’ by the Nigeria’s National Youth Policy. The policy defines a ‘youth’ as a Nigerian citizen between the ages of 18 and 35. Based on the latest National Bureau of Statistics (2013) data, a quarter (i.e. 64.1 million) of the nation’s estimated population of 200 million is below 30 years old (National Bureau of Statistics, 2013: 6). Nigeria has a youthful population, but catering to the needs and interest of the deprived youth is particularly important in Nigeria (National Bureau of Statistics, 2013: 6). Many mega-Pentecostal churches have established youth branches, such as the National Youth Affairs (YAYA) of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) to grow their organization. This move is not without influencing the way religious leaders regard technology. The presence of youth is linked to the rise of so-called Internet churches (Fuchs, 2017: 107 quoted in Oderinde, 2022: 43) and this rise, reciprocally, facilitated the experiments of various ways in which religious groups can use the Internet. Hence, the youth has been the driving force toward recognition of the Internet as a possible sacred space (Oderinde, 2022: 69). Mega churches also prioritize and pursue social agendas within a Christian Framework for the youth. The youth continue to champion the promotion of religion in Nigeria.

The dynamism of African Pentecostalism, which is about Pentecostalism that originates in Africa, has been accentuated by other socio-cultural changes initiated by the advancement in globalization. ‘Consumerism’, literally means the propensity to consume more different products. At the same time, ‘consumerism’ which implies consumers’ protection and rights in economics, can be deployed into the characterization of Pentecostalism since the Neo-Pentecostal adherents are exposed to and are consumers of different religious programs. And the youth played a key role in the growth of Pentecostal consumerism in Nigeria. Therefore, this article refers to the increased consumption of the Pentecostal doctrines and products especially by the youth as ‘Pentecostal consumerism’. Pentecostal consumerism in Nigeria is the process of introducing consumer-branded Pentecostal spiritualities through the promotion of religious brands (Benyah, 2018). The youth played a key role in the growth of Pentecostal consumerism in Nigeria. The point of emphasis is that Pentecostal consumerism is a feature of religious commercialization.

The aim was to create as many Pentecostal churches as possible to cater to Nigeria’s youthful population. To package and sell these new forms of Pentecostal spiritualities, several changes within the Nigerian Classical Pentecostal milieu were supposedly needed in the Pentecostal assemblage whole. The rhetoric of change among the youth is prominently noised around upward mobility status, dress style, wearing of earrings, influence of secular music, television, whether clergy roles may be assigned to women, and long hours of church services. These are some of the issues that called for desperate changes among the Classical Pentecostal ranks. Apart large billboard and handbill advertisements, nowadays, many Neo-Pentecostal churches heavily rely on social media advertisements for popularity. KingsChat application of Christ Embassy Church is an exceptional example of a social media platform where spiritual and material communities for young Christians may be formed with a subscription token. Social media platforms such as YouTube, Facebook, and Zoom also encourage the commercialization of religion due to diverse religious advertisements for online community-building.

The effect created options for the youth to choose from variegated Pentecostal denominations. Pentecostal consumerism is also similar to what is described in Digital Spiritualities as prosumer economy (Oderinde, 2022: 13). It describes power relations (of a borderless church) among spiritual leaders and their adherents within a capitalistic structure of online economies of Pentecostal churches. In the prosumer economy, most notifications concerning the lead pastor often attract repost from ordinary members who indirectly pay with their data connection without realizing their financial contributions to the assemblage. In this regard, peculiar illustrations reveal the case of a prosumer economy, whereby the commonwealth of the assemblage (online members) facilitated a newly acquired private jet by a celebrity pastor (Oderinde, 2022: 13, 208–232). On KingsChat application, favorite pastors can be monitored by solidifying outlandish celebrity status and expensive lifestyle. Gospel musicians also use the platform to showcase their talent, promote their brands, and expand global followership through likes and comments. In the description of online financescapes of KingsChat, prosumer economy is exhibited when members subscribe to their Super User account assemblage with US$3 (Oderinde, 2022: 187–190).

Theological approaches also came with territorial claims that concerns both physical and non-physical spatiality. Mega-Pentecostal churches and smaller ones desire the conquest of not just the African continent, but the entire world for Jesus Christ in their mission and vision statements. For instance, the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) claims to currently plant churches at every 5 minutes walking distance in every city and town of developing countries and 5 minutes driving distance in every city and town of developed countries.³ This ideology is mostly centered around the energy of the youth to drive ‘Reverse Mission’. Territorial mapping, even beyond physical borders as a strategy for recognition by the Neo-Pentecostals brought rapid infrastructural changes in the global architectural industry. With their financial muscles, the Pentecostals are readily available to let, lease, or buy public or private buildings for church purposes. This attempt at public recognition is also rooted in their global image of religious mapping agenda. An example is the attempt at ‘Reverse Mission’, which implies sending out large numbers of young missionaries out of (Africa) especially, Nigeria to the former heartland of Christianity (Europe). This view is also predicated on the truism that recently the religious identities of migrating people has changed in relation to geopolitical migration, refugees, terrorism, and other humanitarian disasters that we are experiencing in recent times.

Many Nigerian churches have established branches in the United States and the United Kingdom. However, an attempt at a reverse mission is relatively slower in other Central European countries such as Switzerland and Germany mainly due to language barrier and prosperity approach to salvation (Oderinde, 2022: 4–5).⁴ It is also important to state that the slower rate at revamping Christianity in Central Europe by African pastors in comparison to the United States and the United Kingdom is caused by deliberate selection of immigrants and hostile immigration policies toward Africans (Adepoju et al., 2010) by their Western hosts. Nevertheless, issues have been raised on the notion of Reverse Mission that has reinforced stereotypical views about migrant churches (Heuser, 2016). Arguments have been put forward to counter reverse mission proponents (Adogame, 2010; Freston, 2010) that converts or members of migrant churches are mainly from immigrant communities (Währisch-Oblau, 2009). In Western Europe, the Pentecostals have rejected the appellation ‘tenants’ and have embraced the idea of being the ‘landlords’ in foreign lands (Knibbe, 2009). This attempt by Nigerian Pentecostal has attracted many young Nigerians into the global mission field who dream of emigrating to win ‘lost-souls’ for Christ but end up settling in the host environment for economic reasons. This mentality, which is also prominent in other spheres of the geopolitical migration web, has been widely regarded as the Japa syndrome in Nigeria.⁵

Another factor that exacerbated the growth of Pentecostalism is the successive bad economic policies of the Nigerian government. This led to the liquidation of many factories such as Bata, Nigerian Textiles, and Chellarams Plc. Today, many more of such industrial complexes have been converted to churches (Banjoko et al., 2012). Therefore, our arguments deflect from a singular factor paradigm, which led to the use of the Internet by the Pentecostals in comparison to the rise of spiritual businessmen clubs, the pandemic of the 2020, community development, and church intervention programs for youths in Nigeria. The point here is that the collapse of industries in Nigeria allowed Pentecostal churches and young businessmen (churchpreneurs) to wade in the vacuum created by the Nigerian government in providing essential services in education, health, sports, and political sectors.

Neo-Pentecostal pastors such as Paul Adefarasin (House on the Rock Church), Apostle Johnson Suleman (Omega Fire Ministries), and Reverend Father Ejike Mbaka (Adoration Ministries of Catholic Charismatic extraction), are more politically vocal than their older counterparts on their pulpits. However, it should be stated that the Pentecostals have become more interested in politics since the beginning of the fourth Republic (from 1999 till present) in Nigeria. It became a heated subject of debate when the public learned of the creation of the Directorate of Politics and Governance by RCCG in 2022. This led to the suspicion among a section of the population such as the Muslim Rights Concern of Nigeria (MURIC; mostly youths) that there is an attempt to ‘RCCGIZE’ the country.⁶ Many Pentecostals pastors sponsor relatively young electoral candidates and also use their pulpit to decry social injustice in the country. In fact, Pentecostal pastors openly canvas the youth to use their Permanent Voters’ Cards (PVCs) wisely in the 2023 Nigerian Presidential elections. Although, it is against the Nigerian Electoral Act to campaign in places of worship, many Pentecostal pastors use the current political predicament to preach and encourage their members, especially the youth to take back their country, support change, prophesy the eventual winner, but also preach the consequences of electing a wrong president.

The rise of e-vangelism

In Nigeria, Pentecostal churches make an effective use of online media. They have religionized social media, so to speak. The Pentecostals have embraced social media as platforms of engagement with members and non-members. For instance, as of 11 November 2017, the official Facebook page of the RCCG had nearly half a million (434,154) followers, while the official Facebook page of the Christ Embassy had more than a quarter million (283,890). According to the information on his Twitter handle, the General Overseer of RCCG, Pastor Enoch Adeboye, joined Twitter in January 2011. In less than 7 years, he had sent 10,100 tweets (an average of about four a day) with no fewer than 403,000 followers. What this means is that with a single tweet, the pastor can potentially reach more than 400,000 people. Such impact is not lost on religious bodies, hence their heavy investment in social media.

Pentecostal churches apply the integrated social media approach; subscribing to and using all the major social media platforms simultaneously in an integrative model. A post to one is automatically reflected on and redistributed to the others either directly or through links and feeds. Thus, every information is replicated and multiplied across multiple platforms. Several networks are instantly connected to the churches/leaders. Besides, Pentecostal churches have all developed stand-alone ministry apps that take the user directly to their social media platforms (Kolapo, 2019). Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, the former National President of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria, and the former president of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), argues that

The great commission of our Lord Jesus Christ is that we should take the gospel to the end of the earth through various evangelistic activities. The internet has proved to be one of the most efficient and reliable means of communicating globally with little or no restrictions, which Christians cannot ignore. Like other means of communication, we urge Christians to take advantage of the numerous opportunities provided by the internet for evangelism. Churches should promote computer literacy programs for members to enhance their use of the Internet as outreach to many who need to hear about the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. Much as the gospel is eternal and never changes, it will be difficult for us to significantly influence the 21st century if we are not knowledgeable enough about modern tools for influencing world opinion like the internet. We need to sufficiently saturate the internet with evangelistic websites and information that can win over unbelievers from the kingdom of darkness into His marvelous light. (Gemade, 2020: 30)

The Internet has become a key medium for preaching the ‘Good news’ (Babin and Zukowski, 2002). In Nigeria, there are millions of Internet searches each day and religion is one of the most prominent topics (Chiluwa, 2012: 742–743). Not surprisingly, the Internet has become the ‘mission field of the 21st century’. This is why traditional ministrations are gradually abandoned in favor of social media, which provide a better platform for evangelization. For example, KingsChat (Christ Embassy International) and MyCelebration Television (Omega Fire Ministries International) applications offer exceptional outreach potentials. KingsChat has two accounts, the regular fan and the supersaver accounts. The former account is free, while the supersaver account users are required to pay a premium (Oderinde, 2022: 189). The application offers high-definition video and voice calls, including those of celebrity pastors. The KingsChat and MyCelebration Television applications represent an easy way to activate youth participation and incite them to participate in churches’ decision-making processes. Here, Pentecostalism, youth, and online media are clearly interwoven.

Relying on social media is especially important when addressing the younger generation, because the younger generation spontaneously turns to social media to find religious information. Forming the larger percentage of the Nigerian population, and constituting therefore the bulk of membership for any church, youth is the principal target of Churches’ social media outreach. It helps that many religious leaders are young and understand the potential of modern communication techniques (Ukah, 2007). As Chiluwa (2012) points out,

Significantly, the Internet has greatly bridged the spatial gap which once restricted spiritual worship in Nigeria to the urban areas. It is true that the rate of computer literacy among the youths and the working class is still quite low compared to western countries, but the cost of acquiring a used computer and mobile phones have made the Internet more accessible, and the average Nigerian is increasingly getting a fairly good education in computer and Internet operations. (pp. 734–749)

Pentecostal leaders know the power of youth. They constantly encourage the younger generation to popularize certain messages by posting church programs on their private social media accounts. ‘Jesus’ was a trending word on the many Pentecostal youths’ profiles in honor of the victims of the terrorist attack at St Francis Xavier Catholic Church in Owo, Ondo State on 25 June 2022 (where more than 40 worshippers were brutally murdered during service). Nathaniel Bassey, a major Pentecostal musician directed the youth on Twitter: ‘can we make this picture and tweet at noon? Let’s release this precious ointment on our land and nation. JESUS’. The tweet generated 1.9 thousand replies and 59.7 thousand likes on Twitter. Using Jesus as a display or profile picture meant ‘standing with fellow Christians’ in perilous times of rising kidnappings, banditry, and terrorism in Nigeria. In Nigeria, Pentecostal churches have religionized social media. This shows how Pentecostal churches in Nigeria religionized the social media and one of the many ways that social media have digitally transformed the method of carrying out evangelism. Recently, with the COVID-19 pandemic, e-evangelism is more than ever the privileged method used by religious organizations to reach out to their audience. Many Pentecostal churches are also drawn to the global pop culture in attracting youth to musical concerts to their end of the year (crossover) program. For instance, RCCG LP89 YAYA’s (Youths and Young Adults) 2023 program will feature different gospel artists for the entertainment of the youths. ‘Experience’, a yearly Christian concert in Nigeria is probably one of the largest concerts in Africa. It has attracted notable gospel artists such as Don Moen, Fred Hammond, Mary Mary, Nathaniel Bassey, Frank Edwards, and other secular pop musicians, including Tiwa Savage and Don Jazzy.

Globalization, youth, and e-evangelism

The term globalization first appeared in the scholarly literature in the 1980s. By the end of the century, it had become a broadly invoked expression in academic and popular discourse, conveying a variety of meanings (Adejo, 2003; Beyer, 2005). From a religious perspective, globalization means a process of increasing religious relations across international borders. It deals with the integration of beliefs and practices, and the growth of a transnational religious system. It is about the capacity of religious institutions to connect globally through various forms of communication mechanisms.

Nigeria’s media landscape has undergone a fundamental transformation that puts religion on center stage. Pentecostal churches in Nigeria have religionized the mass media to the extent that it has not only become part of their major evangelization instrument for growth, development, and expansion beyond the shore of their immediate birth, it has been a mode of establishing many online (or electronic) churches across the globe most especially through the new media platform, and it has made religion sophisticated, comfortable, and accessible to all. Hence, the more use of social media by Pentecostal churches, the more reputation they build.

From the time of the Apostles till date, the methodology of evangelization has changed allowing the adoption of new techniques of proclaiming the word of God. This paradigm shift is necessitated by the dynamics of world systems characterized by modern technology which had predicted would transform people and their cultures (McLuhan and Powers, 1989). Since the nineteenth century, the church has employed the use of various forms of mass media ranging from sound media (i.e. church bells and local gongs), broadcasting media, print media, to new media. In the pre-colonial period, Indigenous and Catholic Churches invite people to the church using sound media. The church rang the bells at specific times (such as early at 5:00 am), mid-afternoon (12:00 pm to 1 pm), and late afternoon (4:00 and 5:00 pm) inviting people for church services. This method is still being used in rural areas. However, what we called ‘mouth media’ is used for evangelism. It is a media method in which preachers moved from house-to-house to evangelize. This ‘analog’ method is the oldest form of media evangelism which subsists till this present era.

More so, while in the 1950s and 1960s, it was essentially radio broadcasting, in the 1970s and 1980s, the media was essentially print which developed into color printing in the late 1980s and early 1990s as color printing technology became available. This makes evangelism easier and faster in reaching out to people. While some churches have columns in the daily newspapers, most churches make use of tracts, posters, banners, and handbills with their contact addresses for distribution in public spaces. This medium of evangelism also still subsists today.

Likewise, audio tapes were widely used in the 1980s by many Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements. Then in the mid-1990s, Video Home System (VHS) tape replaced audio tapes combining sound and pictures in one medium. The Christian Home Videos and Secular Video Films benefited from and utilized this technology. By the beginning of the new millennium, the compact disk was the new medium that was utilized by religious organizations in Nigeria. And by the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, the availability of the information and communication technology (ICT) and the Internet shifted the media to satellite broadcasting. Social media received a boost in the second decade of the twenty-first century, and accelerated during the COVID-19 lockdown of 2020 when churches were prevented from physical meetings. Before 2020, social media was largely for personal witnessing and communication but shifted into an institutional forum and was legitimized because it provided an avenue for virtual religious communities. For instance, studies in America show that 90% of young people have used social media. In total, 75% have a minimum of one active social media profile, and 51% do visit social media site every day. Two thirds have their own mobile devices with Internet services (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (AACAP), 2018). Nevertheless, youth in Nigeria are not left out in this high rate of utilizing social media. For example, although in 2022, report shows that 58% of social media were men, in 2023; 28.20 million users aged 18 and above are using social media; an equivalent to 25.3% of the total population (Data Reportal, 2023). Thus, while the youth has dominated social media older people show preferences for traditional media.

Globalization has undisputedly accompanied the advancement of Pentecostalism worldwide. Up until the advent of broadcasting media, evangelism was fairly local. It is only with the development of electronic media did it become global. In the 1960s, Eternal Love Wins Africa (ELWA) Radio promoted by the Sudan Interior Mission (SIM) broadcast evangelistic messages on radio both from Nigeria and Liberia to Nigerian audiences (Stoneman, 2007). Although the first daily radio program was broadcast from Port Harcourt in Nigeria under the initiative taken by the Baptist missionaries in the 1940s (Cosh, 1987), and the Baptist Witness has been broadcast by the Baptist Mission of Nigeria on WNBS (Western Nigeria Broadcasting Service), which reached the Delta areas of Nigeria. Furthermore, in 1974, the Church of God Mission of Benson Idahosa started television broadcasts on the then Mid-West Television while Pastor W.F. Kumuyi of the Deeper Life Bible Church utilized audio tapes and radio broadcasts on local radio stations in southwest Nigeria since 1975 as an evangelistic tool. Others later joined such as Revd Ayo Oritsejafor’s Hour of Deliverance. However, in the 1990s, Pentecostal application of the broadcasting media in Nigeria reached its peak, with many preachers buying airtime on radio and television (Ihejirika, 2005). With the deregulation of the broadcast industry by the Nigerian government in 1992, many Pentecostal churches launched their own satellite television channels. If we take into account all electronic and print media in Nigeria, church programs constitute at least 60% of advertised programs, especially in southern and north-central Nigeria (Egbucha, 2008). Even a church like the Deeper Life Bible Church, which originally was opposed to the use of television, has made a volte-face; it now not only airs its programs on television, but also has a satellite television network of its own (Oloyede et al., 2015). Overall, in Nigeria, Pentecostal churches use mass media more than other Christian denominations (Obayi and Edogor, 2016). The same scenario played out with the introduction of the Internet to religion. Churches that were reluctant to invest in the new medium eventually realized the formidable potential of an evangelization tool (Edmiston, 2012) that promises to vastly expand the churches’ frontiers. Today, online (or electronic) churches are a common reality. They have made religion more accessible.

Online churches invest in the World Wide Web (WWW) to spread the gospel and reach a larger audience beyond their geographical location.⁷ Unlike the print and broadcasting media, which are restricted by physical boundaries (radio and TV broadcasting remain local), social media enables Pentecostal churches to spread the gospel internationally. Pentecostal churches can e-evangelize their followers wherever they live. An example is the Online Soul Winners Congress of Christ Embassy International Church, an organization devoted to propagate the gospel of Jesus Christ to the entire world. The congress gathers and trains online evangelists on how to improve their online ministrations in a modern democratized environment. Members are invited to download the ‘Christ Embassy Soul Tracker’ mobile application. The Soul Tracker Application (www.soultracker.org) allows e-evangelist to upload the names of converts to score so-called ‘evangelistic points’ (Oderinde, 2022: 184). For online evangelism purposes, Soul Tracker Application requires setting up a personal account to inscribe and follow-up on the names of new converts. The Soul Tracker Application attracts new followership to the leading or trending online soul winner on KingsChat application (Oderinde, 2022: 184–187).⁸ The top soul winners get a reward on the church’s social media application known as KingsChat, a promise that motivates members of the Christ Embassy International Church to search for more ‘lost souls’ (Oderinde, 2022: 25, 180–181) in the non-spatial environment.

In a world that has become a global village, the global visibility of religious institutions is linked to their online presence. Social media has been a vital technology in reaching out to a large audience. From print media to broadcast media and electronic media, and now to social media, mass media has been instrumental in reaching out to the churches’ adherents. Today, social media is used to transmit gospel messages/music, books, religious symbols, and seek donations. A church cannot really grow without engaging in what can be described as fluid religious conversation across the non-spatial environment. For instance, religious services are broadcast live on the Web, which enables individuals to participate, regardless of their location.

Participating in Pentecostal churches, Nigerian youth is thus embedded in transnational media circuits that shape their religious imaginations and modes of worship on a global scene and thereby inform its sense of transnational religious belonging (De Witte, 2010, 2018). The youth’s embrace of Pentecostal churches fits well with the new generation’s ideas (such as the prosperity gospel, democratized access to the Holy Spirit), its ways of worship (such as personal experience, emotional expression, spectacles) and its cosmopolitan ambitions, since Nigeria has been one of the fertile grounds in the growth and expansion of globalized religions through the expansion of Pentecostal Churches. In the bid to encourage more youth participation in leadership positions and Internet evangelism, the RCCG established the National Youth Affairs (YAYA). Presently, YAYA is active on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, with different zonal websites for their activities. YAYA Europe is described as a non-profit organ of the RCCG interested in raising youthful leaders who will affect the future generations.⁹ On their website, an asynchronous communication is established between a prospective youth who has the opportunity to view the verse of the week, access prayer walls, and contact the executive members, but above all, view live programs. YAYA’s activities on the Internet can be described as an example of religion online, whereby relationship with the church is partial, while interactions do not occur at the same time (Oderinde, 2022: 69). YAYA Europe also organizes summer camps (with spiritual frameworks) while YAYA Nigeria is in-charge of the international youth conventions and also volunteers during Holy Ghost Convention programs at the RCCG redemption camp.

The adaptation of Internet-spirituality has both positive and negative effects. Positively, it presents the opportunity for a borderless church. Negatively, it encourages anonymous criticisms. At the same time, its democratization features conflict with the strict hierarchical structures of most Pentecostal churches. During the Coronavirus pandemic, laities assumed priestly responsibilities hitherto earmarked for the clergy. It is in this regard that the Internet is regarded as both a blessing and a curse (Oderinde, 2022: 73). Not only that it encourages further denominational schism, but the Internet also elevated those who do not have mega-churches through borderless church initiatives to global pastors (Oderinde, 2023: 3). This means more churchgoers performed priestly rights in the private of their homes and became more vocal on national issues. Religion is one of the most important topics on the Internet during the Coronavirus of 2020 (Oderinde, 2023: 3), making many unknown pastors popular with their position on the decision of the government to suspend bodily worship. For example, the Internet also provided a space for the youth to express divergent opinion on issues of tithing by Pentecostal churches, especially during the Coronavirus global pandemic lockdown of 2020. Before the pandemic, Pentecostal churches are zealous preachers of the ‘first-fruit’ (tithing). The contradictions started when some Pentecostal pastors refused to take the Coronavirus vaccines, stating that the healing power of Jesus Christ was sufficient and can act as a substitute for the vaccine (Oderinde, 2023: 12–13). At a later stage during the lockdown, a few mega pastors including Bishop Oyedepo complained about appellation, ‘non-essential’ attached to the church when market places were re-opened at the expense of worship centers. As a result, the youth on Nairaland (a social network gemeinschaft for Nigerian youths) became the major critic of both the government and churches on the need to support vulnerable households. Secular musicians also criticize fake pastors and men of God who are in God’s business to deceive the population. A popular song titled ‘God of Men’ by Charlie Boy and Falz embodies criticisms of alleged fake miracles that some Nigerian pastors are mostly known for (Sunday, 2020).

Concluding remarks

Togarasei (2012) justified the appropriation of the media by stating that its use has made communication faster and easier. This has also extended the gospel into the non-spatial environment, enabling the ‘invasion’ of both private and public spaces. Thus, this article has shown that the Internet is an avoidable recruitment place where the impact/effect of cultural globalization has affected the most in recent times. It also argues that the Internet has become the mission field of the 21st century. At first, it was not considered as a sacred space by the Pentecostal churches for good reasons. The pervasiveness, promotion of immorality, and non-hierarchical elements of the non-spatial environment were some of the factors responsible for these fears. The youth appears to be the main target of the Pentecostal churches since its constituency forms the larger percentage of the Nigerian population. However, social media has been instrumentalized as a modern evangelical tool in the age of the Internet.

Although, Nigerian Pentecostal churches have not yet invented the idea of online Christian avatars, however, prophetic aspirations, missions, and vision statements to ‘conquer’ the world are exemplification of agendas that are boldly stated on most Nigerian mega-Pentecostal churches’ websites. The Pentecostal churches have been actively using social media to spread their doctrines, messages, and materials before the advent of the coronavirus. Various materials are available for sale on their websites, while messages and videos can be downloaded with data premium. Their websites have become indispensable church annexes. These services are aimed, in particular, at mobilizing the youth, which constitute the majority of the Nigerian population. The Internet offers an opportunity for young people to maintain pastoral and religious connections by following churches’ activities and programs directly on the Web. For example, the Global Youth Leaders’ Forum, YAYA, KingsChat, and MyCelebration Television applications represent important frameworks for youth participation in Nigeria. Social media are crucial means by which religion is presently globalized. They help unite Nigerian youths in a fluid religious conversation, such as Nairaland.

The deteriorating economic conditions and high inflation in Nigeria partly allowed Pentecostal churches to wade in the vacuum created by the Nigerian government in providing essential services in education, health, sports, and political sectors. Therefore, the clarion call for Reverse Mission and the appeal for a better life abroad has also attracted many youths into a global mission field. Nowadays, Pentecostal churches apply the integrated social media approach; subscribing to and using all the major social media platforms simultaneously in an integrative model. Many Pentecostals pastors promote electoral candidates and also use their pulpit to sensitize their members on a potential presidential candidate and other elective positions. Pentecostal churches constantly encourage the younger generation to popularize certain messages by posting church programs on their private social media accounts. Church’s social media applications represent an easy way to activate youth participation and incite them to participate in churches’ decision-making processes. As a result, the article argues that Pentecostalism, youth, and online media are clearly interwoven. Nevertheless, future research can examine the rise of religionizing youth Internet fraudsters in religious organizations.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Oluwaseun O. Afolabi

Peter Ayoola Oderinde

Notes

Author biographies

Oluwaseun O. AFOLABI is a lecturer at the Department of Religious Studies, Lead City University, Nigeria. He is member of the African Studies Association, the United Kingdom. His current research interests include religion, church history/conflict, teacher education, and peace studies.

Email: oluwaseunafolabi@gmail.com

Peter Ayoola ODERINDE is a lecturer at the Department of Religious Studies, Lead City University, Nigeria. He is a member of the European Network on Global Pentecostalism, African Studies Association, and Lagos Studies Association. His current research interests include religion and popular culture both in historical and contemporary eras.

Email: p.oderinde@gmail.com

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Exploring the use of the mass media by youths in Pentecostal churches in Nigeria

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Pentecostalism, youth consumerism, and the lure for reverse mission in Nigeria

The rise of e-vangelism

Globalization, youth, and e-evangelism

Concluding remarks

Footnotes

Funding

ORCID iDs

Notes

Author biographies

References