Between needs,goods and services: Ukrainian immigrants on the Polish religious market

Abstract

This article seeks to address the intersection of migration and religion/religious affiliation of migrants in Central Europe. Increase in immigration from Ukraine to Poland observed since around 2015 has been challenging and remodeling religious relations in the relatively homogeneous country. Drawing on the qualitative research conducted in 2020 in Krakow, one of the key Polish destinations for the migrants, this article explores the strategies and choices of immigrants in relation to the religious market, and consequences of their decisions. Our research, embedded in the theoretical perspective of the economics of religion, shows the fluidity of religiosity in migration processes as well as inconsistencies in religious affiliations in the context of migration. We propose a concept of non-religious incentive for participation/church affiliation and argue that identified inconsistencies stem largely from the non-religious motivations related to the attractiveness of the goods and services offered by some religious communities.

Introduction

After the collapse of communism, Poland has experienced an unprecedented outflow of its citizens mostly to Western Europe. As a result of this wave of emigration around 2.5 million Poles live outside of the country (GUS, 2019). However, since the beginning of the 1990s, Poland has emerged as an important destination for persons seeking asylum, as well as business and educational opportunities. However, the largest group of migrants that arrived to Poland before 24 February2022 are economic migrants (i.e. the invasion of the Russian Federation on Ukraine), most of whom come from Ukraine (1.35 million; GUS, 2019). New immigration already begins to influence the religious situation in Poland, especially in the biggest cities which attract most foreigners.

Most theoretical claims on the religion–migration nexus have been rooted in empirical studies from the West and the United States in particular (Frederiks and Nagy, 2016: 14; Hansen, 2014). This focus on a particular socio-geographical region with its distinct religious history does not allow for universalization and the research should be extended to other localities. Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), with its new migration dynamics constitutes a fertile ground for exploring religious responses and transformations. As a result of historical processes, in many Central and Eastern European countries the Roman Catholic Church occupies the central position. However, in recent years this semi-monopoly has been increasingly challenged. Although some aspects of other European religious markets have already been studied (Davie, 2013; Ganiel, 2016), and the body of literature on religions and religiosity in CEE (Borowik, 2006; Müller, 2009; Sarkissian, 2009), including the church competition and dynamics of religious revival in post-Communist countries (Northmore-Ball and Evans, 2016), has been growing, there are still significant gaps. This article contributes to those fields in several areas.

The first regards the studies on competition within religious markets (Lechner, 2007; Stark and Finke, 2000) to which we add the crucial migration context, that is, that of ‘an immigration country in the making’. Our contribution to the studies on the impact of competition between religious actors in post-Communist countries is based on the research conducted in a relatively religiously homogeneous country that first experienced a significant migration outflow and subsequently a mass inflow of immigrants. In this respect, our study traces the dual diversification process that concerns, on one hand, the Polish church market due to migrants’ varied denominations, and on the other, the traditional churches in Poland, non-Catholic ones inclusive, as migrants introduce different traditions, patterns of religious participation, rituals, and languages. This approach offers more general reflection on religion in the processes of migration, including regional socio-cultural specificity.

Moreover, the article contributes to the literature on migration processes in CEE by shedding light on the religious and non-religious choices as important factors of an immigrant’s well-being. It also adds to the literature on the new Ukrainian presence in Poland by filling a gap in our knowledge about the ambiguities of migrants’ religious adaptation and the support offered by religious communities. There are numerous studies analyzing various aspects of Ukrainian immigration in Poland. However, religious dimensions of their migration experience in Poland have remained so far largely unexplored (Mucha and Pędziwiatr, 2019). This article aims to fill this gap by investigating the under-researched issue of religion and religious affiliations of Ukrainian immigrants in Poland. It shows the religion in transition by focusing on religious affiliation and church-related activities of migrants from Ukraine in Krakow. The economics of religion perspective allows us to analyze Ukrainian migrants’ strategies and churches’ offers, as well as religious activity motivated and sometimes activated by non-religious reasons (Sherkat, 1997). Our main findings show the fluidity and complexity of religiosity in migration processes as well as some inconsistencies in religious affiliations of Ukrainian migrants and their actual religious participation.

Finally, we conclude that the market theory of religion turns out to be insightful when it comes to understanding the dynamics of religious pluralism in the relatively homogeneous region/country triggered by migration. It helps to capture the processuality and dynamism of religious and – especially – non-religious choices of immigrants which are closely related to the religious market’s offer.

Religion and migration: theoretical background

The main focus of research on the religion-migration nexus is the impact of religion on migration or the role of religion in immigrant integration. The first set of research explores mainly religiously motivated migrations, missionaries and pilgrims, as well as the role of religious networks in migration (Wuthnow and Offutt, 2008). The second one concerns the influence of religion on various areas of immigrants’ lives, such as the situation in the labor market (Connor and Koenig, 2013,), family situation (Carol, 2016), civic participation (Levitt, 2008; Stepick et al., 2009), or family background and cultural capital (Alba et al., 2011; Kogan and Weißmann, 2020). In older studies on the relationship between religion and migration, religion is considered from the perspective of (non)adaptation to the host society, resources and benefits that allow immigrants to develop a sense of belonging (Hagan and Ebaugh, 2003; Hirschman, 2004), immigrant religious adaptation or patterns of immigrant religious participation (Connor, 2009). In our perspective, equally important is the issue of non-religious aspect of immigrants participation in religious life. We focus mainly on the interplay of migration, religious choices, and non-religious motivations in choosing to participate in a particular religious group. This article, therefore, sheds light on the complexity of religion and religious transformations in migration processes and discusses the role of migrants’ religion in challenging the religiously quasi-homogeneous market. By indicating these challenges, the article also shows that migrants often use religion and religious affiliation for secular needs. That is why we propose a concept of non-religious incentive for participation/church affiliation. We argue that religious affiliation is not equal to religious participation and may be very distant from personal religiosity understood as a set of practices and ways of experiencing the sacred. Therefore, it does not predetermine religious participation in a given religious community.

The perspective of the economics of religion which underlines the agency of people who choose religious offers and services from available options based on their needs, which are specific in the case of migrants. Goods obtained within faith communities may have not only spiritual character, but socio-cultural or economic. This perspective of an active consumer who reflects upon his or her interests, needs, and choices is also referred to as a ‘seeking orientation’ toward religion characterized by adaptation, choice, and individualism. Migration is often a factor widening the level of autonomy from previous communities, encouraging shifts in religious identity and church participation. The seeking attitude may lead to changes in migrants’ religious affiliation, conversion, turn toward non-institutionalized religious forms, or to abandoning religion (Luhrmann, 2011; Manglos-Weber, 2021).

As Chiswick (2014: 1–2) notes, on one hand, the religion of an immigrant influences his or her perspective on the country of immigration and the consumption choices made in a new place. On the other hand, it is itself modeled by changes that a migrant undergoes in a new place, including changes related to adjusting to the local economy and labor market. According to this perspective, religion is seen as a self-produced spiritual good, a club good and an investment good. In addition, Chiswick also uses the term religious human capital coined by Iannaccone (1990: 299). It is the result of the process of learning a religious tradition, formally and informally, through experience, memory, and by acquiring skills through training. It may include ‘religious beliefs, knowledge, familiarity with ritual, or convictions about morality’, as well as the skills, experiences, and friendships with fellow believers developed through engagement with faith communities (Iannaccone, 1990). It enables an individual to satisfy his or her religious needs and the sense of being a member of a spiritual community.

This mechanism explains an important process that we will discuss in more detail later, namely, the ability of a migrant to switch between different religious communities with similar technologies for producing religious goods (Chiswick, 2014: 2–3). Thus, religious human capital is not the same as a religion, but it allows easier access to other communities, as long as the individual finds there the goods s/he is looking for. Religious affiliation or affiliating with a religion is different from religiosity (or lived religion; for example, Knibbe and Kupari, 2020), understood as a set of practices and ways of experiencing the sacred.

However, depending on religious human capital and its transferability, the costs and benefits of the switching process may be very different and depend on secular capitals and the labor market, as well as the local context and global mechanisms as discussed below.

Religious transition in the context of migration is to a large degree dependent upon modernization processes, which impact the ways religious institutions function. One of the most crucial factors is the fast access to information on religious groups and churches via portals such as Facebook, YouTube, or instant messaging. Increasing mobility, in turn, prompts actors to perceive their activities, including religious participation, in terms of options which are individually selected according to preferences and needs, but come at a price. Modernization changes religious markets as they enable a religious consumer the right to choose and the resources to make the choice. These processes also change religious organizations – from powerful social institutions to voluntary associations – that are forced to compete (using, for example, marketing and branding) for members and their financial resources, time, energy, etc. This rivalry often takes place between religious and secular institutions, leading to an increasing dynamic of religious markets and phenomena such as: ‘marketization, individualization, and secularization’ (Stolz and Usunier, 2018: 4–5). However, the competition between religious organizations often involves their adaptation to new circumstances and creativity in providing an offer attractive to potential new members.

Methods, data, and the pandemic

Our considerations are based on the results of a qualitative, exploratory research conducted in 2020 in Krakow, which aimed at exploring the changes of religious communities resulting from the increasing number of foreigners arriving at the city in the last two decades. The research involved, among others, an analysis of (a) the dynamics of migrants’ presence in Krakow’s religious communities; (b) the channels through which religious communities reach migrants; (c) reception of immigrants by church members and clergy; (d) the degree of integration and involvement of immigrants in religious communities, as well as (e) non-ethnic and non-linguistic factors attracting migrants to certain religious communities. Research included semi-structured, in-depth interviews: 21 with immigrants and 20 with non-immigrants. The interviewees were mostly in the age between 25 and 45, both women (n = 13) and men (n = 28), of different religions, social status, education, and cultural capital. We met with clergy and laypeople, people involved in the life of a religious community or those less active. Among them, there were 11 Ukrainian immigrants and 15 leaders or engaged members of congregations with a varied degree of Ukrainian presence. The study was carried out when the first wave of COVID-19 infections was waning, and the second one soared (from the beginning of October 2020). Despite the difficulties, we organized both online and face to face interviews and meetings, although participant observation in religious communities had to be limited. Interviews were based on two different scenarios, one for a conversation with a clergyman, and the other worshiper-specific. The latter group included also people particularly active in the life of a given community. These research methods were selected in order to bring us closer to the bottom-up ideas and experiences of the faithful and clergy.

Religious market in Cracow and Ukrainian immigrants: goods, needs and offers

In religious terms, Poland is largely homogeneous, as almost 92% of Polish citizens belong to the Roman Catholic Church (GUS, 2019: 34). The current increasing trend of immigration contributes to transformation of the religious field, which is observed in growing number of foreigners among the faithful in existing religious communities and the formation of new ones. Migrants who practice their religions do not fit easily quite widespread especially in big cities open anti-church attitudes (e.g. acts of apostasy and withdrawals of children from religious instruction). Importantly, there is a high level of religious pluralism in Ukraine and, thus, immigrants do not constitute a religiously homogeneous group. The largest number of believing citizens of Ukraine (34%) claim to belong to the new autocephalous Ukrainian Orthodox Church. Less than 14% indicated affiliation with the Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate; therefore, 48% of Orthodox Christians in Ukraine indicate specific institutional affiliation. Another group of over 27% is people who consider themselves Orthodox, but disregard a specific institution. Slightly over 8% belongs to the Greek Catholic Church. Less than 1% is recorded for smaller Churches: Protestant and Evangelical (0.7%), Roman Catholic (0.4%), and other religions and denominations, such as Judaism, Islam, paganism, and others (0.6%). ¹

Krakow is the second largest city in Poland, inhabited by nearly 780,000 people and the Ukrainian citizens constitute the largest group of immigrants in the city. The big data analysis showed that there were approximately 50,000 Ukrainians in Krakow in 2020 (Pędziwiatr et al., 2020: 27). Ukrainian citizens most commonly join minority religious communities which had existed before their arrival (mainly Greek Catholic and Orthodox). However, many are searching for other opportunities to meet their religious needs and hence contribute to the emergence of new religious institutions and communities which respond to migrants’ needs more adequately.

Krakow’s churches in which immigrants from Ukraine appear include both more ethnically homogeneous churches (Greek Catholic Church, Polish-speaking Roman Catholic Church) and transnational churches (Orthodox Church, Slavic Mission and other Protestant communities, Jehovah’s Witnesses). Some of these institutions also function as religious centers of ethnic or supra-ethnic culture, based on a cultural and religious community. In a situation of scarcity of civic principles, religious principles that help to develop supranational and supra-ethnic religious affiliations and identities may be important for many migrants (Levitt, 2008). However, Krakow’s religious institutions support and preserve strong national and ethnic identities of migrants, formed before emigration and later strengthened in local post-migration conditions.

Ukrainian migrants’ religious choices are often connected to assimilation intentions. For example it is not uncommon that a Greek Catholic parents baptize their children in the Roman Catholic Church because they are convinced that in this way they may avoid stigmatization at school and problems in preparing for the First Holy Communion. Frequently children attend Roman Catholic religious instruction at their schools and Greek Catholic one at the church. This situation is typical of immigrant countries with a low level of religious pluralism. Although Krakow, like other big Polish cities, is an exception, there is a kind of symbolic pressure felt by some migrants. This pattern is confirmed by Chiswick who argues that ‘in a country that is less pluralistic, people may face incentives to adopt the religion practiced by their neighbors or by a majority in the community where they work’ (Chiswick, 2014: 5).

Based on our research, we have noted that smaller religious communities tend to pay more attention to attracting migrant believers. The biggest religious communities are much less engaged in this respect. Moreover, since large scale immigration is a new phenomenon in Poland, religious communities’ responses to it are usually based upon superficial assessment of the newcomers’ situation and needs. Personal sensitivity of the communities’ leaders determines not only the specific shape of the offers proposed to migrants, but even the decision whether to engage actively with immigrants or not. In the absence of official guidelines of particular Church hierarchies in terms of preparing for the immigration, such decisions tend to have an individual and contextual character. They usually revolve around three issues: (a) the language of liturgy, religious meetings and general communication inside a given community, (b) a general non-religious offer addressed to all the faithful, which may be attractive also for new migrant members, (c) migrant-specific services related to the practical side of staying in a foreign country. The issues may be considered as the main goods and services produced by the churches/congregations and sought by the immigrants. Below we present the key findings resulting from our analysis driven by the indicated points.

Language issues

It seems that the only religious institution in Krakow with an exclusively Ukrainian profile, attended by immigrants from Ukraine, is the Greek Catholic parish. The language of liturgy and communication is Ukrainian, and among the faithful, there are only people of Ukrainian origin. Olena, who has lived in the city for 5 years, attends the Greek Catholic church regularly. As she says, ‘this is a tradition, you know, it’s in the family, if you want to cultivate it, it stays somewhere in you’. The church is a very important place for her and her friends, without which they cannot imagine their life in a foreign country: ‘I found it, I went, I saw and I already knew that I would go there. This is my place. Mainly because that is where my mother tongue resounds’. What is in her view surprising to migrants from Ukraine is the local Ukrainian dialect which migrants have to get used to. However, contacts with the church and other members of the congregation, both locals and immigrants, are not adversely affected by it.

Other communities have a much more multiethnic and multilingual character, although one of the languages usually has a privileged position: Polish (the language of the host country), Russian, or English. While the choice of Polish as the official language is self-explanatory, similarly to English – the dominant language of expats and a tool of global communication in churches operating in inter- or supra-ethnic areas, the issue of the Russian language requires a comment.

Institutions dominated by the Russian language reproduce the communication model of those who come from the territory of the former USSR. For some of the faithful, it is an insurmountable barrier and ultimately means leaving or changing the religious community. The institutions privileging Russian language as the mean of communication in the opinion of some believers may strengthen the symbolic violence known from the recent religious history of Ukraine, which some probably would like to avoid in a new place. This model also ignores the possibilities, skills and needs of the young generation who do not know Russian or know it only passively (with the exception of born in Russian-speaking families) and do not perceive Russian as a natural tool of international communication (within the former USSR countries; Seals, 2019). It is English they are taught in public schools from their early childhood.

As pointed out, one of the churches Ukrainian migrants attend is the Orthodox one. Other worshipers in this church come from Russia, Belarus, Georgia, Slovakia, Macedonia, Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria. The languages of contacts with the majority of the faithful are Polish and Russian. However, should such a need arise, the parish priest and curate are open to contacts in English. The liturgy is conducted in the Church Slavonic language, and the sermon in Polish.

According to the parish priest, 80% of Ukrainians coming to Krakow are Orthodox, about 20% are Greek Catholics, and a small percentage is non-believers/believers of other confessions. In his opinion, mainly people from western Ukraine attend the Orthodox church. This view differs from the opinions of the other faithful. Oksana, who came to Krakow from western Ukraine, noticed that among the worshippers who remain in the church, migrants from central, southern and eastern Ukraine prevail. These are the regions where the Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate dominates. The migrants usually speak Russian. According to Oksana, who after many years abandoned the church, the reason why Ukrainian-speaking Orthodox leave the church was its lack of a real multicultural and multilingual character. Instead of accepting the diversity of worshippers, the church’s leaders promote Polish and Russian as the main languages of communication, ignoring Ukrainian. In her view, this attitude was as a key deterrent to many migrants, especially after the outbreak of the war in Ukraine in 2014. Consequently, many migrants decide not to attend the Orthodox Church in Krakow. Some, however, switch to the pro-Ukrainian Greek Catholic church without formally converting to Greek-Catholicism.

There are several Protestant communities operating in Krakow, in which the presence of immigrants from Ukraine is clearly noticeable. One can often meet them at Polish-language services, although some congregations try to adjust linguistically to the needs of migrants who do not speak Polish or prefer to participate in religious activities conducted in Ukrainian, Russian, or both languages. A particularly active approach is seen among the Pentecostal movement and some Baptist communities.

One of the important factors in choosing Protestant congregations is the Russian-language of religious and non-religious offer. About 5 to 6 years ago, the Church of Jesus Christ in Krakow (CJC) started services in Russian. This gave the new immigrants the opportunity to join an existing group and participate in religious life in a language they knew well (Marcin). However, the situation of immigrant believers from the East is very diverse and largely depends on the type of job they have. Most of the people who chose the ‘Polish’ Protestant church over one of the Ukrainian Protestant churches are well-paid corporate employees or entrepreneurs who have established a company in Krakow. For them, socio-cultural integration with Polish society is the key issue. Another group consists of blue-collar migrant workers. They often work with co-nationals and thus do not have many opportunities to use Polish. They prefer services in CJC in Ukrainian or Russian, or choose one of the Ukrainian Protestant communities to feel more comfortable.

The Krakow branch of the Slavic Mission, formally known as the ‘New Hope’ Christian Church, is open primarily to Russian-speaking migrants who find the language barrier too challenging or who prefer a culturally close environment over the Polish one (Marcin). The largest number of people connected with the Mission is migrants from Ukraine. People from Belarus, Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan also attend the community services and events. In this congregation although Russian is the dominant language of communication there is a certain degree of multilingualism, and, depending on the need, Polish, English and Ukrainian are also used (Igor).

The Russian-speaking/preaching Jehovah’s Witnesses’ community was founded in Krakow in 2013. A significant part of its members are Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine. In 2014, a separate Ukrainian-language community was established. In 2020, it was a group with the largest representation of foreigners (62 members; Artem). According to our respondents, offering the opportunity to participate in community meetings in Ukrainian was also prompted by the fact that for many Ukrainian is the ‘language of the heart’ (Taras). It seems that such a decision could have similar roots as the one taken by some of the Orthodox migrants to leave the Orthodox church.

Non-religious offer

Apart from linguistic issues, an important element in responding the needs of migrants by particular communities is a non-religious offer. It includes meetings, concerts, providing space for creative events or social purposes, lectures and workshops – to name but a few of the activities coordinated by religious communities. In the Greek Catholic parish, many religious and non-religious activities are aimed at integrating young families with children, as well as students from Ukraine. There is a Sunday school for children held in Ukrainian. The church is actively involved in the social life and pastoral activities for young people, catechization of children, children’s performances, etc.

Russian-speaking and non-religious Ukrainians are beyond the reach of the faithful of the Greek Catholic church. There is also no secular institution that would provide services to all Ukrainians in the city. Consequently, the religious affiliation of Ukrainian migrants in Krakow significantly influences their social networks–they are shaped within religious institutions. The conviction of the faithful, both locals and those who came from Ukraine, that the migrants from this country are only Greek Catholics, Orthodox, and a few Roman Catholics (with Polish roots) is also significant. A similar opinion prevails among the faithful of the Orthodox church. Whereas our research shows that apart from the three indicated communities, there is a considerable group of Protestants from Ukraine (3,000–5,000 people according to the estimates by one of the pastors), a small community of Roman Catholics without Polish roots, and Jehova’s Witnesses.

The Slavic Mission is a dynamically functioning enterprise supporting members from the former USSR countries in a variety of ways. Its premises include a prayer room (the ‘New Hope’ church), a theater and a conference room, a kitchen and a dining room. In addition to the religious side (Sunday masses, gathering around 150 people before the pandemic, holiday celebrations, other religious activities), the Mission runs youth clubs, a women’s club, a pensioners’ club, a theater circle, and a music group. It organizes performances, music meetings, competitions of young talents and charity events:

(…) we understood that we cannot only take from Poland but we need also to give something back. And we started to serve Poles too. (…) People started to launch places which work for all. This is what the Mission is, too…! (…) We can organize a concert, we can help where it’s possible, we’ve got professional musicians. (…) The Mission is much more than just a church (Igor)’.

The Pastor of the Mission emphasizes supra-confessional nature of its activities, openness to all migrants and people willing to engage, not necessarily with migratory experiences.

An important area of the Mission’s activity is work for the common good of the country that has welcomed its leaders and members. The pastor spoke a lot about the charity work of the Mission as a way to show gratitude to Poland and support people in need. On one hand, it is obviously due to Protestant ethics. On the other hand, it is a part of the need of being useful in a new country, giving it the benefits obtained back, showing concern for the environment, for people in need, for whom work can be a way to pay off the debt of gratitude for migrant success.

Migrant-specific services

Migrant-specific services offered by some churches, which are related to the practical side of post-migration life, include language courses, help with arranging accommodation or residence permits, advice about local labor law and employment issues. Last but not least, religious communities often form a kind of intricate welfare system for those in need. Our research confirms that migrants who turn to churches for help or material assistance usually receive it. For newcomers equally important is the opportunity that some congregations provide to socialize with people from the same region or town, as well as to speak their language. This aspect was raised in particular in relation to people working in the Polish environment.

At the beginning of their stay in Krakow many migrants also reach the Orthodox church, not necessarily for strictly religious purposes. They seek support in the daily challenges of a migrant’s life (obtaining documents, problems with the legality of stay, looking for a flat and job). In such cases, the church acts as an intermediary between new migrants and the city reality. On a daily basis, the parish priest helps in the preparation of documents, runs an informal job exchange, organizes meetings for newcomers, gives advice, sends them to relevant institutions or persons. The parish priest emphasizes how he sees the role of the church in relation to migrants, not limited to strictly religious purposes:

‘A person who is in a foreign country (…) is under a huge psychological pression. And religion, the church is a place where we can neutralize all these bad emotions (…) And of course our work with the youth (…) they become a family for us, or we become a family for them (Paweł)’.

The quote shows that the leader of the community identifies the precise areas where migrants are in need. Migrants’ expectations from the congregation go far beyond purely religious ministry. In the case of those affected by severe problems or life crises, ministering is a holistic approach, closely intertwined with providing care and help in secular, practical areas of life. It is also worth noting that to receive such help, the sole requirement is that the migrant belongs to the Orthodox community. Nothing is expected in return and there is no pressure on contribution to the community. In this case, therefore, religious affiliation is enough to guarantee various forms of social assistance and psychological support. The economic, social and emotional needs related to the migrant status prevail over the migrant’s purely religious needs. The Orthodox church has also its socioeconomic element as it serves as a platform for contacts exchange (employing migrants by the settled co-nationals is treated as a form of help for ‘their own people’). According to Piotr, at present it is mainly migrants who engage in the life of the parish.

Protestant CJC attaches great importance to helping recent migrants who reach the community. The pastor participates in problem-solving attempts, listens to and deals with the difficulties faced by foreigners trying to legalize their stay and obtain appropriate documents legalizing work in Poland. Welcoming new migrants from the East is still considered a challenge for the church and they have been constantly learning how to respond best to the increasing presence of foreigners in Krakow. One of the ideas to support Ukrainians was to create Saturday schools for children in Ukrainian Protestant communities in the city. They were to be an important support for Ukrainian national identity, a place where they could learn history, language, literature, etc. of their country of origin. It turned out, however, that there was hardly any interest on the part of the Ukrainian faithful (Marcin).

The Slavic Mission works also as an employment and accommodation exchange center, and a link with Polish employers. If someone is looking for a job, apartment, or becomes unemployed, they will get help for free. For three years the Mission offered Polish language classes. They did not continue with that project once similar courses appeared around. Generally, the church supports people who come to Krakow even for a short period of time (and for example, intend to move further to other destinations). Usually, the information about the Mission circulates in the migrants’ social media, for example, via the Facebook fan page. Such short-term migrants eagerly participate in the church’s social activities, even though many of them do not attend religious ceremonies.

Our research confirms the key role of migration social networks not only in making decisions about migration and organizing departure, but also in adapting to life in a new country. These networks overlap with religious contacts. The Ukrainian community of Jehova’s Witnesses in particular seems to be committed to supporting all newcomers or those who join the community among Ukrainian immigrants in Poland. This support is especially crucial for people with little or no command of Polish.

To sum up, what do migrants from Ukraine expect from religious organizations in Krakow apart from addressing their religious needs? First, one of the most valuable commodity for migrants is information provided in their native language. They also seek the overall support related to the experience of being a migrant, especially at the beginning of their stay in the city. This often involves financial or psychological help in the case of a crisis. Second, it is the social need to participate in the community including co-nationals and other migrants. Third, many migrants, especially those working in the Polish environment, are often in need to engage regularly in their co-nationals’ circles and language in their spare time.

Nowadays, religious institutions, especially in the context of religious pluralism, are subject to market processes, whether they accept it or not. As Stolz and Usunier (2018: 6) point out,

in consumer society, individuals learn that products and services should be attuned to their needs. It is, therefore, no wonder that they also expect such behavior from religious organizations and their products and services. (…) Individuals also hope to be entertained. (…) [and] expect to be free to choose.

These expectations have important consequences, such as an ‘increased religious shopping and a generalized religious market’ (Iannaccone, 1990; Stark and Finke, 2000; Stolz and Usunier, 2018: 6). As a result, the religious affiliation and religiosity itself are fluid and transferable between the communities. This is especially evident in the context of migration, which often leads to identity transformations in the approach to religious participation. The more offers are on the religious market, the more dynamics can be observed in the practices of immigrants.

There is a diversity of ways in which the religious congregations and their leadership recognize and respond to Ukrainian migrants’ needs and expectations. Some of them concentrate on immigrants only, as for example, churches established by and for immigrants (the Slavic Mission, the Ukrainian group of Jehovah’s Witnesses). These institutions which monitor migration processes in the city tailor their offers to specific groups of immigrants (Russian or English speakers, expats, mobile business workers or short-term foreign employees, or students).

In other congregations, the leadership have recognized the importance of forging a common ground between the local non-immigrant faithful and new (potential) members by reconciling different regional traditions and languages. Their focus on immigrants is only partial and contextual. It is usually limited to a set of migrant-specific services (the Greek Catholic church, the Orthodox church). Some of the churches additionally try to offer at least relevant language services (some Protestant congregations).

Mutual benefits

The sudden and significant influx of migrants to Krakow in the last few years meant for some smaller churches an opportunity to secure their survival by overcoming the threat of closure. That is the case of the Greek Catholic church, where non-immigrant parishioners from the long-established Ukrainian minority, before the new wave of immigration from Ukraine occurred, gradually became aware of the need to close their parish due to demographic and economic reasons. At present, the congregation consists mainly of migrants, the number of which has been growing. The established Ukrainian minority comprise the congregation only to a small extent. The priests working in it are not able to estimate the number of parishioners because this number keeps changing due to a large fluctuation in the inflow and outflow of migrants (students, circular migrants), and periodic religiosity, which means that many people attend church only twice a year – at Christmas and Easter. The dynamic caused by migration is also visible in the number of regular masses. In 2006, when the current parish priest was appointed, there was one Sunday mass. Currently, there are four, with a total of around three hundred participants. Fifteen years ago, there was one wedding a year and one or two baptisms, and today there are about fifty (Orest).

The arrival of Orthodox migrants from Ukraine, but also from other countries, brought about a significant increase in the number of Orthodox churchgoers. The physical size of the church is no longer able to accommodate all believers. However, the plan for a new, large temple is not a solution for all Orthodox Christians in Krakow, especially for Orthodox Ukrainians. The key issue is not connected to the size of the building, but the language of communication inside the community, which is unacceptable for some of the faithful from Ukraine. And although there are at least hundreds, if not thousands, of Orthodox Ukrainians who expect service in Ukrainian in Krakow, the church does not offer them such an opportunity. While Greek worshipers, who are not significant in terms of numbers in Krakow, were offered Greek-language masses, the needs of Ukrainian-speaking migrants have not been recognized. It seems that the church is satisfied with the number of believers, with disregard for an important group of migrants and their language needs or simply the reasons for their unwillingness to speak/listen to Russian, as market conditions do not force it to do so. In this sense, the Orthodox church in Krakow is a monopolist in providing services to the Orthodox faithful.

Orthodox and Greek Catholic churches in Krakow have in recent years transformed from minority churches to immigrant churches. The Slavic Mission, instead, was established as an immigrant church. Other communities and churches, chosen by Ukrainian immigrants in Krakow, for example, the Roman Catholic Church and some Protestant communities, absorb new arrivals in a less significant way, which results in the lack of a specific non-religious offer for migrants. Each of them, however, receives migrants whom these communities notice to a greater or lesser extent, sometimes deciding only to introduce an adequate language service.

Stolz and Usunier (2018) propose an analysis of strategies undertaken by religious organizations with the 4 Ps of marketing: Product, Price, Promotion, Place. Although each of the religious institutions attracting migrants from Ukraine uses all the tools, the analysis of the empirical material clearly shows the advantage of one or two elements in each case.

The Slavic Mission excels in a specific ‘segmenting their consumer base’ by preparing religious services in Russian language addressed to various generations, interest groups, and social milieus. These products can be more or less entertaining, with a greater or lesser dose of music of different styles and humor (Stolz and Usunier, 2018: 12). In addition, non-religious events, such as competitions of young talents, concerts and theater performances, are organized with the use of a similar template. This is reflected even in the availability of a cafe room with a spacious open kitchen, where guests can prepare a cup of good quality coffee, other drinks or snacks.

In turn, in the case of the Greek Catholic church, these are both religious and religious-secular initiatives as products which constitute or at least support the offer of maintaining national identity by using well known symbols, traditions and practices. These are, for instance, a visit of Santa Claus with gifts for children (who gather in the church wearing Ukrainian-style-embroidered shirts), a concert of Christmas carols performed by a choir from Ukraine, celebration of secular anniversaries important in the history of Ukraine.

In the case of the Orthodox church, these products are pilgrimages to the most important Orthodox centers in Eastern Europe that the parish organizes every few years. Local events are organized by the Jerzy Nowosielski Center of Sacred Art (icon writing and calligraphy workshops, lectures, talks) or church choirs’ concerts. These events take place under the names of both aforementioned churches understood as a brand (Stolz and Usunier, 2018: 14) and a specific quality mark.

Important role in attracting migrant believers is played by social media, definitely the most powerful promotion tool used by the religious congregations in Krakow. These are especially Facebook fanpages, YouTube or Instagram profiles. Aside from the community website, these are important channels for communicating with members as well as with those interested in joining the church.

Distribution of religious products always takes place in some places, understood literally, such as a religious building, a bookstore or souvenir shop (Stolz and Usunier, 2018: 15), or metaphorically, like a Facebook fanpage through which a given church conducts marketing (promotion, information) and religious activities (recordings of masses and prayers, reports from meetings with church dignitaries). Despite the fact that the Orthodox parish has both a souvenir shop and the Center of Sacred Art, as well as guest rooms, however, it cannot compete with the Slavic Mission in terms of distribution channels and promotional tools. The latter has much larger and attractive infrastructure for secular activities and various facilities that allow migrants to spend time in its premises without necessarily participating in religious services.

Conclusion

This article has analyzed the religious dimension of the Ukrainian migration to Poland in the context of the second biggest Polish city. Using the perspective of the economics of religion we analyzed the largest religious communities in Krakow and their offers for immigrants from Ukraine, both religious and secular. The presented analysis leads us to several conclusions.

Expectations of migrants toward religious organizations are very diverse and certainly exceed meeting strictly religious needs. That is why we call them non-religious incentive for participation/church affiliation. Among religious migrants, there are those who choose from the currently available options, but on the other hand there are also those who dismiss all the options. There are also situations when, after attending, for example, the Orthodox church for a while, they choose to leave it, disappointed with some elements of the offer.

Therefore, a specific religious affiliation does not predetermine a migrant to take part in activities of a given religious community. It can also be assumed that in the future a change is likely, after a newcomer’s stabilization in the new country. Then a migrant who belongs to a religious community not along the lines of his or her religion may no longer need to stay in it, once the profits from this participation have already been gained and now a symbolic or real return to one’s ‘own’ community occurs. There may be also the opposite situation – with time, one settles in a community that becomes familiar and homely. Therefore, an immigrant will stay there also after the benefits that he or she has obtained are no longer valid. Then the non-religious issues give way to the religious ones, and the latter turn out to be more important at a given stage of one’s life and stay in the city. A formal conversion may also take place at that stage.

The religious human capital that an immigrant can strengthen by participating in a given religious community regulates the choice of this community. Therefore, joining it opens the possibility of participating in the exchange of information and allows access to job offers, business opportunities, and so on. At the same time, it generates a kind of loyalty to the community that ‘helped’ to find oneself in the immigration reality, and may even increase the sense of belonging and commitment, although not necessarily in strictly religious terms.

The perspective of the economics of religion allows to reveal the religious affiliation choices in post-migration circumstances and to observe the fluidity of religion in migration processes. Last but not least, this is the first step to identify the phenomenon of invisibility of previously religious migrants who abandon practicing, disappear from the religious communities. The factors behind not participating in organized religion/not engaging in a religious community may vary widely and change over time.