Family transmission and identity construction: The perspective of ‘mixed’ individuals with a Muslim parent in Quebec

Abstract

Based on interviews conducted in Quebec with 23 people with parents of different ethnic backgrounds and one of whom is Muslim by birth, this article explores how family transmission influences identity construction. More specifically, the article deals with how these mixed individuals identify themselves through certain identity references. The analysis highlights the essential role of family transmission in how individuals define themselves while showing the latitude they enjoy. It also shows that while their identity is linked to certain cultural references, identity markers such as language, religion, or nationality are not necessarily the most important elements for them.

Introduction

Based on interviews conducted in Quebec with 23 people between the ages of 20 and 40 whose parents are of different ethnic origins and one of whom was born Muslim, this article examines the influence of family transmission on identity construction. More specifically, the article focuses on how these people define themselves using certain identity references. Identity options are much more complex and varied today than they were in the past. For mixed individuals, the process of identity construction – the process in which they define themselves – is different from that of non-mixed individuals. Exposure to several languages or religions, as well as the possibility of having more than one nationality or the ability to move between two or more countries, leads them to make choices among the references that have been transmitted to them (or not) (Therrien and Le Gall, 2012). In recent years, a wide range of studies, particularly in the United States and Great Britain, have explored the racial identity of mixed-race individuals (e.g., Campion, 2019; Song and O’Neill Gutierrez, 2016). Others have addressed the issue of mixedness through reflections on ethnicity, culture, or religion (e.g., Odasso, 2016; Osanami Törngren, 2020). What we know about the identity of mixed individuals remains limited (Foner et al., 2018). This is especially true for individuals with a Muslim parent. Recent studies on the latter have focused primarily on the issue of religious identity, and many have examined the intergenerational transmission of religious values (Arweck and Nesbitt, 2010a; Cerchiaro, 2020).

Despite a significant increase in mixed unions in Quebec over the past few decades, there has been no large-scale study of the experiences and identities of mixed individuals. The Quebec context is particularly interesting for examining the identity construction of people whose parents have different ethnic and religious backgrounds. Quebec, a place of long-standing immigration, is characterized by increasing and highly diverse new waves of migration, and the number of countries of origin of its migrants is on the rise ¹ . At the same time, the religious landscape has changed considerably. After a long period of control by Catholic clergy, Quebec underwent an accelerated process of secularization in the 1960s that transformed its relationship with Catholicism. Until then, Catholicism had been inextricably linked to Quebec culture and was considered a pillar of national identity (Gauthier and Perreault, 2013). More significant than the sharp decline in traditional religious practice among Catholics – still in the majority in Quebec – is the resentment and distrust toward the religious institution itself (Meunier, 2008). Religious feeling has not disappeared; rather, it is manifested in a more individualized way. As in other contemporary societies, the emphasis is placed more on the subjective and embodied dimensions of religion (Meintel and Mossière, forthcoming). Moreover, people’s increased mobility has contributed to the growth of religious diversity, which includes Islam, although it is somewhat invisible in the public sphere. Since the late 1980s, many Muslim migrants from various countries and regions of the world have settled in Quebec. The majority of them speak French and have a high level of education. In addition to the influx of migrants, many Francophone Catholics have converted to other major religions or have been attracted to more marginal spiritual trends (Meintel, 2021). While some aspects of Quebec’s history tend to favour less conflictual interethnic contacts than elsewhere, and while public discourse has always embraced diversity, issues of difference – particularly religious difference – have been the subject of debate in recent years. Quebecers’ distrust of religious diversity stems from a ‘fear of losing an essential identity reference, and its opposite, the fear of the return of a institution of regulation and control that would take away acquired liberties’ (Rousseau, 2012: 3). For decades, Quebec’s public discourse has been marked by Quebecers’ long struggle for the recognition of their identity, culture, and the French language, which has affected the way identities are felt, imagined, and structured in Quebec (Le Gall and Meintel, 2015).

It is now recognized that, on the whole, mixed individuals do not necessarily reject part of their heritage and often develop hybrid, mixed, hyphenated, multiracial identities. To varying degrees, they adopt references from both cultural spheres, retain few references from the cultural sphere of the migrant/minority parent or, conversely, appropriate many of them (Song and O’Neill Gutierrez, 2015; Unterreiner, 2015). Studies have highlighted the many individual and contextual factors behind the wide variety of identity markers adopted (Le Gall, 2003; Osanami Törngren et al., 2021). These include social class, gender, age, and primary place of residence. The determining effect of social constraints on available options has been widely documented (e.g., Aspinall and Song, 2013; King-O’Riain et al., 2014). Racism and discrimination may lead to a disconnect between the self-perception of some mixed individuals and the image that is reflected back to them from the outside world (e.g., Mahtani, 2014; King-O’Riain, 2021; Rodríguez-García et al., 2021). That said, more than a negotiation between personal identity and social constraints, the identity of mixed individuals also depends on parental choices (Odasso, 2016). However, we know little about the impact of these choices on the identity construction of mixed individuals (Foner et al., 2018). Are their identities determined by knowledge of a set of identity markers (religion, language, nationality, etc.) that have been transmitted to them by their parents? How do individuals react to their parents’ plans? What meaning do they attach to identity? We are inspired here by the literature that invites us to consider the active role of social actors in the creation of identity components – and therefore their ability to shape their own self-definition (Nibbs, 2014). Identity is seen as a subjective, plural, dynamic process that evolves in a relationship with the other (Gallissot, 1987).

The analyses highlight the central role of family transmission in how study participants define themselves, while also showing the latitude they enjoy. Although their identity is linked to certain cultural references and socialization as expressed in their family, identity markers such as language, religion, or nationality are not necessarily the most important elements for them. The lack of importance ascribed to religion is one of the distinguishing features of the interviewees’ stories. This article contributes to the growing literature on the identity of mixed individuals through an analysis of identity markers that allows for consideration of the role of family and provides new insights about individuals whose mother and father have different religious backgrounds, particularly those with a parent who was born Muslim.

Reception of family transmission by mixed individuals and identity

Studies that have examined mixed couples’ choices have shown how the transmission of identity is part of the family project in ways that are more or less sustained, ranging from anchoring in two cultural spheres to the erasure of cultural difference in favour of one spouse’s referents (see Le Gall and Meintel, 2014). Between the two ends of this continuum, there are many different ways of structuring the familial landscape (Varro, 1995). While children’s identities may not necessarily correspond with what is passed on to them (Le Gall, 2003; Unterreiner, 2015), what is passed on by parents should not be underestimated. It is within the family that social relationships are established through which identity is constructed (Juteau-Lee, 1983). Because parents are a primary source of knowledge about language, religion, and culture, the way they communicate their background (ethnic, racial, religious, etc.) is likely to influence the way children define themselves. Some studies on mixedness reveal the role of parental influence in the intergenerational process and the construction of identity (Cerchiaro, 2020; Odasso, 2016; Unterreiner, 2015). Rocha (2016) has identified the particular importance played by the family as a site of socialization for individuals of Chinese and European descent in New Zealand and Singapore. In each of the countries studied, parents helped shape individuals’ perceptions of their cultural identity and background through exposure to cultural practices. Findings from Yeoh et al.’s (2020) study on Eurasian identity in Singapore reveal the centrality of family in the transmission of material culture and daily practices, while also showing that younger generations have greater freedom to define what makes them Eurasian. Other studies indicate that when parents pass on references from both origins to their children, the latter are more likely to develop a plural identity, without necessarily giving equal weight to each of the two origins (Arweck and Nesbitt, 2010a; Rodríguez-García et al., 2018).

Conversely, when there is little exposure to cultural references from their minority heritage, individuals may react differently in terms of the meaning and value they attach to it (Song, 2017). While a lack of exposure can lead to a rejection of one’s origins, it is sometimes accompanied by a reclaiming of them. This is the case of children of Jewish and non-Jewish couples in France who go as far as undertaking a conversion process when their parents have not transmitted Judaism to them (Allouche-Benayoun, 2008). In secularized contexts, religious affiliation is in fact more often the result of a personal process than of heritage (Voyé, 2008). Both individualization (Collins-Mayo, 2010; Hervieu-Léger, 2002; Woodhead, 2010) and the subjectivity of religion (Hervieu-Léger, 1997) call into question the effectiveness of the family in transmitting religious beliefs. In Quebec, where there has been a break in the chain of transmission of Catholicism (Gauthier and Perreault, 2013; Meunier, 2008), even practising parents often seem reluctant to pass on their religious beliefs and affiliations. Research on religious groups established there since the 1960s has found that in many cases no religious socialization is advocated by practising parents for their children (Meintel and Le Gall, 2009). In other words, not only non-practitioners, but also those who practise their religion, be it Catholicism, Islam, or something else, tend to emphasize the individual aspect of religion and the importance of one’s spiritual quest. A study of transmission in mixed couples in Quebec also found that both practising and non-practising parents expect their children to eventually choose their religion (Le Gall and Meintel, 2014).

Most researchers interested in the reception of parental transmission have focused on identity markers such as religion, language, and nationality. That said, not all the elements considered to be distinctive features of identity are necessarily so for mixed individuals, or not exclusively – as Varro noted 25 years ago (1995) – so it is therefore a question of exploring the significant elements in the identity construction process. For some people Rocha (2016) met, being Chinese meant the ability to speak the language and learning family practices and traditions was proof of ‘cultural authenticity.’ For others, this feeling was influenced by food and family culture or simply by a sense of connection to China.

The simple presence of a parent from elsewhere can affect a child’s identity. For even if they do not speak the parent’s native language or practise their religion, mixed individuals are often raised in environments where material, emotional, or ideological references to the parent’s country of origin are encountered daily. These include ways of being, thinking, and acting (gestures, conception of time, space, intimacy, etc.). Here one might think of food practices (meal preparation, food consumption, dining habits) which, as Gonzalez Alvarez and Fresnoza-Flot (2020) demonstrated in their analysis of Belgo-Peruvian and Belgo-Philippine families, are the object of intergenerational transmission. Strong ties to extended family in early childhood, particularly grandparents, are also thought to play an important role in the acquisition of cultural references and be instrumental in shaping how mixed individuals define themselves (Allouche-Benayoun, 2008; Arweck and Nesbitt 2010a; Le Gall and Meintel, 2014; Unterreiner, 2015). Conversely, the absence of relationships or the presence of conflicting relationships with extended family may lead mixed individuals to minimize or reject part of their heritage (Harman, 2010; Slany and Strzemecka, 2017). Family influences beyond the nuclear family are likely to be critical in families with strong transnational ties (Chito Childs et al., 2021; Le Gall and Meintel, 2011). While the influence of transnational ties on various aspects of the lives of mixed individuals has been examined (Le Gall and Therrien, 2022), the impact on their identifications has yet to be investigated.

Methodology

The interviews on which this article is based were drawn from a larger study on the identity of mixed individuals in Quebec ² , in which approximately 100 individual, semi-structured interviews were conducted with people aged 18 and over who were born to parents of different ethnic origins. The interviews included questions on a variety of themes (migratory trajectory of the migrant parent[s]; linguistic and religious transmission, identity, transnationalism, relationships with extended family, relationship to Quebec society, experiences of discrimination). The interviews were conducted in French and lasted an average of two hours.

This article focuses on the 23 respondents (17 women and six men) who have a Muslim parent from the following countries: Morocco, Tunisia, Turkey, Lebanon, Ivory Coast, Senegal, Guinea, Egypt, Gambia, or Bangladesh. They were born and raised in Quebec and are between 20 and 40 years old. They come from 20 different families, as there were three siblings among the interviewees. 14 of the respondents have one Quebecer parent (for 13 of them, it is their mother) and one migrant parent. For nine of the respondents, both of their parents are migrants. The vast majority of respondents and their parents have a high level of education. In six of the families, both parents practise a religion: in five families (six respondents), both spouses are Muslim following the mother’s conversion, and in one family (one respondent), the father is Muslim and the mother Catholic. In 11 of the families (12 respondents) both parents are atheists and in three others (four respondents) the mother is an atheist and the father a practising Muslim. 22 of the 23 respondents lived in Montreal at the time of the study. In the next section, based on an analysis of the respondents’ personal narratives about their identity, we outline the parents’ identity strategies from their children’s perspective, the respondents’ identifications, and the meaning they give to their identity.

Perception of parental identity strategies

Three identity strategies used by parents with regard to the cultural references of the immigrant parent(s) were evident in the interviewees’ accounts: absence of transmission, explicit transmission of identity markers, and simple exposure to cultural references. In all cases, a transmission of Quebec or Canadian identity references was mentioned. A minority of people (3/23) feel that they were deliberately excluded from the culture of the migrant parent. This is the case of Alexandra ³ (mother from Quebec, father from Ivory Coast) and Talia (mother from Quebec, father from Gambia), whose parents separated shortly after their birth. They do not know their African father and have no references to his country or culture. Conversely, in a few cases (7/23), respondents said they were explicitly exposed to the language, religious practices, and other cultural references of the migrant parent’s country (or parents’ countries). It is no surprise that religion was transmitted only in families where both parents were practitioners. Six of these respondents were introduced to Islam and one was introduced to Catholicism after their parents divorced. Between these two identity strategies lies a less conspicuous one, in which the migrant parent’s (or parents’) cultural references were transmitted subtly, implicitly, and indirectly through daily family interactions. Thus, according to slightly more than half of the respondents (13/23), parental choices did not correspond with the transmission of plural identity markers. Even in families where one parent was religious, religion was not passed on. Similarly, French (or English in three cases) was the only language spoken in the family sphere. That said, these individuals reported having internalized the norms and habits of the local society and those of the migrant parent’s country (or parents’ countries). Saraya (mother from Quebec, father from Morocco) is a good example of this type of cohabitation of cultural references. Her father, a practising Muslim, never tried to make her Moroccan or Muslim and did not teach her Arabic. However, she was regularly exposed to Moroccan culture through cultural and religious practices and contact with extended family during regular trips to Morocco where her parents own a house. Her father regularly cooked Moroccan food for her and did not consume the traditional Quebec pork dishes that her mother made. ‘I realized that when it comes to food, there are some who do that and others who don’t.’ She also described how as a child she wanted to imitate her father and observe Ramadan: ‘I fasted for one day when I was seven, and it was the longest day of my life. I thought I would die. But I wanted to do it (…) they really let me explore both sides.’

These people, as well as those whose parents have passed on multiple identity markers, speak of conviviality, daily actions and gestures, ways of being linked to a country they do not live in. In their eyes, experiences, food, and parties are all forms of cultural expression. Family histories are passed down through the generations in the form of objects, photos, food practices, and anecdotes, and serve as references for remembering aspects of one’s cultural origins. Likewise, a process of transmitting family migration history (Ribert, 2011) exists to a greater or lesser extent within many families. According to the respondents, trips to the country of origin of the migrant parent(s) and other forms of privileged contact with extended family in early childhood play an essential role in the acquisition of cultural references. As children, most of the respondents made such trips regularly or occasionally and remember them fondly. This data confirms the results of a previous study on mixed couples in Quebec, where the daily life of many respondents was marked by numerous transnational practices aimed at reinforcing the children’s sense of belonging (Le Gall and Meintel, 2011). In addition to exposing individuals to part of their heritage, such trips and regular contact with extended family (some of whom may live in Quebec) contributed to the development and maintenance of a sense of family.

Among the explanations put forward to justify the absence of transmission of identity markers from the migrant parent’s culture (or parents’ cultures), there is integration into Quebec society, as noted by Roweid (mother from Quebec, father from Morocco), about his father’s decision to transmit neither Arabic nor Islam to him: ‘He didn’t want me to be mixed up about my identity.’ Amina (mother from France, father from Morocco) believes that her father did not want to accentuate differences for the same reasons: ‘He would say, “I wanted to make your life easier, to make it easier for you to fit in, so that you would be like the others.” ’ For the respondents, the migrant parent’s attitude can be explained in part by the fact that he or she had negative experiences in Quebec or elsewhere and wants to prevent their child from being discriminated against, which is an attitude that has been observed elsewhere (Cerchiaro et al., 2015). Individual and family history is thus invoked to explain the non-transmission of identity markers, as well as the lesser presence of one of the parents in the child’s upbringing – generally the migrant father – as in the cases of Alexandra or Talia mentioned earlier (see also the results of studies by Allouche-Benayon [2008] or Rocha [2016] on the effect of family history and family dynamics on the process of intergenerational transmission and sense of identity.) A parent’s lack of interest in his or her minority heritage has also been suggested. Benjamin (mother from Venezuela, father from Bangladesh) expressed that because his father had spent most of his life in Canada and felt more Canadian, he did not pass anything on to him: ‘My father made no effort to involve me in Bangladeshi culture. He himself doesn’t consider himself Bangladeshi.’ In the following sections, we will look at the effect of parental identity strategies and cultural influences on identity construction during childhood by examining how the respondents define themselves and how they perceive their identity.

Quebecers and/or Canadians above all

All the participants unambiguously expressed identifying with Quebec and/or Canada, whether or not they have a parent from Quebec. They stated that their ‘codes’ or ‘references’ are primarily those of the place where they were born and raised – where they feel ‘at home.’ It is where they went to school and where most of their friends and other significant people live. For the majority of them (16/23), these references are first from Quebec and less often (3/23) from Quebec and Canada. Quebec is their home and the simple fact that they have always lived there makes them Quebecers. Although Camélia (mother from Quebec, father from Lebanon) grew up in a Muslim environment, there is no doubt in her mind that she is first a Quebecer: ‘I was born here. That makes me part of the group, after all.’ However, it is not a civic identification with Quebec (i.e., I am a Quebecer because I live in Quebec). What stands out in the interviews is that they have grasped the way the society and its culture work. For Delia (mother from Venezuela, father from Morocco), being born and raised in Quebec is a key factor in how she identifies: ‘I am really exposed to the culture here. It comes from all sides, in the music, the arts, everything. I was brought up here. I can’t deny it. It’s a huge part of my life.’ Talia (mother from Quebec, father from Gambia) – who has not inherited anything from Gambian culture, as stated earlier – uses the expression ‘pure laine’ (meaning descended from the first French Canadian settlers) to describe herself. She feels she has a thorough grasp of Quebec culture because she grew up in an ethnically homogeneous city: ‘I am more of a Quebecer than a white person who was born in Montreal because he doesn’t have the same vision of Quebec as me. He has a vision of Montreal, but it’s not a vision of Quebec. I have a vision of Quebec, even though my skin is brown.’ In many cases, fluency in the French language, and more specifically, having a Quebec accent serve as important markers.

A minority of the respondents (4/23) identify with Canada; most of them explain their lack of identification with Quebec by a lack of knowledge of its ‘codes,’ i.e., a poor command of the French language and/or a lack of exposure to its culture. Benjamin and his sister Julie, whose parents are both migrants (mother from Venezuela, father from Bangladesh) and who grew up in an English-speaking environment, do not feel like Quebecers. As Julie explained: ‘I didn’t go to French schools, my family isn’t from Quebec, they didn’t raise me with songs from Quebec […] I have no Quebec culture. I didn’t grow up with that. That’s why I don’t feel like a Quebecer inside.’ A similar explanation was given by Mahalia (mother from Turkey, father from Quebec), who grew up in an English-speaking neighbourhood: ‘I have a hard time saying that I am a Quebecer because first of all, I don’t know too much about its traditions or culture. And my French is not that good.’ The case of Léa, whose mother is from Quebec and converted to Islam and whose father is Lebanese, stands out from all the others. Due to the rejection she has experienced because of her Muslim faith and her feeling that she doesn’t fit into Quebec society, she doesn’t identify with Quebec at all ⁴ . Her story is consistent with studies that show the impact of stigma and racism on identity options (Rodríguez-García et al., 2021). However, Léa identifies with the majority at the national level: ‘I strongly identify as Canadian. I go to Ottawa on Canada Day (…) I love Canada as a country.’

Quebecer or Canadian, but with a diverse background

Few individuals identify exclusively as Quebecers or Canadians. Contrary to Rodríguez-García et al. (2018) who found that mixed individuals in Spain who adopt a unique identification are stigmatized, these individuals are not more or less stigmatized than the others, but are those who have not inherited any cultural references that would connect them to the migrant parent’s country. Talia (mother from Quebec, father from Gambia) stated, ‘I am not open to talking about my African origins because… I don’t know about them […] I don’t identify with them.’

Most of the respondents unanimously declared an attachment to their minority heritage and claimed a plural identification or called themselves mixed. They combined their national identity with an identity that referred to a greater or lesser extent to the country of origin of their migrant parent(s). While some have questioned their identity in the past or sometimes feel obliged to position themselves in relation to others, all claim the freedom to choose how to define themselves, and most reject a binary opposition between being a Quebecer and being a non-Quebecer that erases the diversity of experiences. As such, they use a variety of terms to identify themselves. Saraya (mother from Quebec, father from Morocco) insisted on her mixed background: ‘I have a little bit more, so for me I am 50/50, but more of a Quebecer. Because I’ve spent more time here. I was born here, but I can’t deny it, I don’t have to deny it, I don’t have to make a choice either.’ Issam (mother from Tunisia, father from Spain), a practising Muslim who speaks both Arabic and Spanish, claims all his origins: ‘I was born here, so yes, I am Canadian, a Quebecer. But I also have Tunisian, Spanish, and Turkish blood. I would identify myself more as a multicultural person who has roots all over the world.’ Binta (mother from Quebec, father from Senegal) considers herself 100% Quebecer and Senegalese rather than 50% of one and 50% of the other. She identifies with the lyrics of a song from Quebec that uses the expression ‘100% métis’ and likens herself to a chocolate and vanilla ice cream cone to illustrate that she is the sum of all her experiences: ‘Depending on the bite you take, it will taste different. That’s how I see it. But basically it’s the same; it depends on which bite you take.’ Amina (mother from France, father from Morocco), who questioned her identity a lot when she was younger, said, ‘Until further notice, I would say that my position is that you construct your identity yourself; it can be multifaceted, you can actually have multiple identities and… one doesn’t negate the other.’ In their eyes, being a Quebecer includes the possibility of being culturally ‘mixed,’ as Camélia explained: ‘It’s true that I’m different, but that’s how Quebec is now. It’s okay to have multiple identities. It’s your own identity.’

While belonging to a group can mean many things, such as having a nationality or an ethnicity (Schneider et al., 2012), the respondents referred again mainly to cultural influences from their childhood, referring to both values and practices (food, traditions, holidays, etc.). They were aware of having distinct cultural backgrounds and emphasized the impact of the family environment on their lives and the way they define themselves. Even today, they maintain strong transnational ties to their extended family and believe that family spirit is an essential and sometimes central value in defining their identity. According to the respondents, identity markers such as language or religion are not necessary conditions for identification with the group. That said, those who did not learn the language of the migrant parent as a child seem to find it harder to claim an alternate national identity (e.g., Moroccan or Tunisian) and feel an ‘authentic’ connection (Rocha, 2016) without mastering the group’s set of symbols. When asked about his identity, Roweid (mother from Quebec, father from Morocco) responded: ‘Identity is complex and it varies all the time in our heads. But I think that… I am a Quebecer with Moroccan roots.’ Why does he define himself that way? ‘When I say that I’m a Quebecer, it implies that I was born and raised here. When I say I have Moroccan roots, it implies that there’s another influence present.’ In his opinion, he is not as steeped in the Moroccan ‘mentality’ as someone who grew up in Morocco.

According to Imed (mother from Quebec, father from Morocco), familiarity with each culture determines who he is: ‘It’s almost a mathematical calculation. All the hours in my life that I’ve been exposed to a French environment in Quebec, whether at school, at work, with friends, or with family, compared to the time I’ve spent… in a Moroccan setting.’ Amina (mother from France, father from Morocco) feels that she can’t fully claim to be Moroccan: ‘If my father had passed the language on to me, if he had passed the codes and culture on to me, I would be more comfortable calling myself Moroccan.’ However, she said she is of Moroccan origin and feels close to Moroccans, while admitting she has no interest in her French side, mainly because her mother – who was born in Asia – has always had a difficult relationship with France and has made no effort to maintain ties with that country. According to Binta (mother from Quebec, father from Senegal), a knowledge of Senegalese culture is essential to be able to claim that identity. The effort she has made over the years to find out more about her background is, to some extent, proof of her origins: ‘Because I want to be coherent when I say that I belong to both cultures. I have to back it up.’ It is a matter of proof to herself: ‘It’s a matter of credibility and authenticity, but to myself.’ Without this knowledge, she would feel uncomfortable fully claiming the identity:

When I was younger, I had difficulty [calling myself Senegalese] precisely because I didn’t know a lot about Senegal. There was a time when I had gone just once or twice. That meant that despite everything I was experiencing at home, well, I felt it less. That’s why sometimes… That’s why, when I was asked, ‘Are you Senegalese or Quebecer?’ I would say, ‘75% Quebecer.’ I found it tricky to say I was Senegalese because… especially with the upbringing I had… I quickly realized that I was not raised strict, strict, Senegalese.

For Delia (mother from Venezuela, father from Morocco), it is clear that proximity to each of the two cultures has more impact on her identity than her ancestral origins as such. As she explained about the results of a DNA test she did to discover her origins: ‘It’s so much more about the culture, about your customs, rather than where you come from, your DNA […] I’m 6% Central African, but I don’t identify with that… I don’t even know 5% of… I don’t even practice 5% African culture in my life.’ She has had more exposure to Venezuelan culture due to her maternal grandparents’ presence in Quebec and more frequent trips to Venezuela, and explained that she would feel more Moroccan if she had lived in Morocco as a child. At the same time, she doesn’t deny any of her origins: ‘Arab, Latin American, Caucasian and all that. I can check off about eight of them.’ Her story and Amina’s story earlier illustrate that when both parents are migrants, respondents may feel closer to one side of their heritage based on family history and ties to the countries of origin.

Identity as a resource

Mixedness does not appear to be a problematic aspect of daily life, as has been observed elsewhere (Meyer and Foznar, 2017). On the contrary, being mixed turns out to be an opportunity for enrichment that comes with what Rodriguez-Garcia et al. (2018) call mixed sociocultural capital. Having multiple identity references represents a set of resources that can be mobilized according to the circumstances: they can travel, are more open-minded, and have knowledge of several cultures. They also emphasize the efforts their parents have made to pass on ‘subjective resources’ (Delcroix, 2005), i.e., values such as effort, generosity, and openness. Saraya’s comments (mother from Quebec, father from Morocco) reflect the feeling shared by the majority of the respondents: ‘It’s an advantage because it opens many doors, culturally. I’m as familiar with the Flying Canoe and Little Red Riding Hood as I am with the Thousand and One Nights […] it’s wonderful to know that you can read from right to left or from left to right.’

Just under half of those who inherited their migrant parent’s (or parents’) religion approve of their parent’s (or parents’) choices. The others, who gave up religious practice over time, are more or less critical of the upbringing they received, while being proud of speaking more than one language. Those whose migrant parents did not pass on any cultural references have no regrets. Others, who have grown up surrounded by multiple cultural references, but did not learn the language or religious practices of their migrant parent(s), appreciate being able to choose their own identity. Somewhat paradoxically, even though the participants believe that identity markers are not a necessary condition for identification with the group, they nevertheless regret not knowing enough about their minority heritage, except for religion ⁵ . Fluency in the language would allow them to fully identify with their minority background, in addition to opening up opportunities and facilitating travel abroad and contact with their extended family. On the contrary, the transmission of religious beliefs would, in their opinion, lock them ‘in a box,’ denying them the ability to choose. In fact, they insist that their parents want them to be able to make their own decisions. Commenting on her parents’ decision not to pass on any religious beliefs to her, Delia (mother from Venezuela, father from Morocco) exclaimed: ‘Absolutely, 100%. I think it was the responsible thing to do […] What would have happened if I had been baptized and then later I was disappointed because I wanted to become a Muslim? What kind of situation would that have caused?’ Roweid (mother from Quebec, father from Morocco), who also identifies as an atheist, agreed: ‘I realize that I am extremely lucky to have the opportunity to choose for myself.’

These individuals are making concerted efforts to reclaim elements of their various backgrounds as assets and distinguishing markers. The desire to learn more has led them to travel to the country of origin, especially to discover more about its history or politics or to learn the basics of the language. Once again, such a quest rarely involves religion. Only Roweid turned toward Sufi Islam as an adult, even though neither his Moroccan father nor his Quebecer mother, both of whom are atheists, have spoken to him about religion. This appropriation of identity markers corresponds with the increased prominence that the minority side (or one or both minority sides when the parents are migrants) acquires in their identity over time. This change is observed in Amina (mother from France, father from Morocco), whose interest in Morocco has recently increased: ‘I want to explore this aspect of my identity more.’ In addition to enrolling in Arabic classes at her university, she spent two months in Morocco. In a similar way, after having rejected her Tunisian side due to limited contact with her father when she was a child, Rebecca (Spanish mother, Tunisian father) claims it more today: ‘I think that in a divorce sometimes you have unconscious reflexes. I was closer to my mother and I rejected my father a little bit, his side. Afterwards, for sure, when you grow up… it changes… I really relate to both sides.’

This search for identity is most evident as they enter adulthood, often after a period of minimizing or rejecting their minority side, a reaction generally associated with adolescence (Arnett, 2004). Saraya (mother from Quebec, father from Morocco) explained how, after a long period of rejection, she appropriated her ‘identity roots,’ which led her to spend about ten months in Morocco at the age of 19 in order to ‘immerse’ herself in its culture: ‘As a young child, as a teenager, I was more of a Quebecer; I didn’t see that I had a Moroccan side to me. As a young adult, after school, I started questioning myself about it. And now I choose what I am and I prefer to say that I am steeped in both cultures.’

Other elements of the individual trajectory that have shaped the respondents’ relationship to their identity include a trip to their country of origin, the birth of a child, or a significant encounter. The close relationships Julie developed with her maternal family during her first trip to South America triggered her quest for identity: ‘I spent a month there when I was 19, alone, at my grandmother’s house […] I felt that this is really my family. They are my cousins, my grandmother, my culture. I felt really proud to belong to that culture.’ Her brother Benjamin explained that more frequent contact with his paternal grandfather who lives in Alberta led him to feel more Bangladeshi and take steps to learn more about that side of his background: ‘I was the one who went to find out more about that part of my background, of my own volition. I went to Bangladesh by myself last year.’ While the respondents construct their identities based on what is valued and passed down in their families, they also do so based on their personal journeys, as Odasso (2016) has observed. The impact of individual trajectory on identity explains why certain siblings are more receptive to a particular identity reference ⁶ , as in the previous example or in that of Camélia and her sister (mother from Quebec, father from Lebanon). Camélia, who is no longer a practising Muslim, considers her older sister to be more Lebanese than she is: ‘My sister may have a greater connection to her Arab side, her Lebanese side [than I do], as she speaks the language better, and teaches it to her children.’ As for her sister, she considers herself Muslim and ‘of Lebanese origin’ because she is different from a ‘typical Lebanese’ person.

Discussion

In keeping with previous studies (e.g., Aspinall and Song, 2013; Song, 2017), our research shows that the identifications adopted by mixed individuals vary greatly. With the exception of Talia, Alexandra, and Mahalia, whose sole reference is Quebec or Canada, participants in the study construct their identities in various ways that are connected to both the place where they reside and the country of origin of their migrant parents. Rocha (2016) found similar results regarding the ability of people of Chinese and European descent in New Zealand and Singapore to relate to various sides of their heritage, as did Meyer and Fozdar (2017) with people of European and Asian descent in Australia. A central theme that emerged from the analysis was the family’s culture of reference. Just as Rocha (2016) noted in her study, it provides material for identity construction for most of the respondents, as they develop an identity that is built in reference to the country they live in and their parents’ culture of origin. To define themselves, they constantly employ the terms ‘references,’ ‘codes,’ ‘heritage,’ and ‘culture,’ which they use interchangeably and associate with the way they have been socialized. While the identities have been described as fluid, largely independent of fixed attributes such as behaviours or physical characteristics, individuals may associate them with distinct cultural and social practices (Schneider et al., 2012).

The few people who identify exclusively with their country of residence are the only ones who do not feel they have inherited anything from their migrant parent’s culture. The others emphasize the important role of cultural references from both the Quebecer parent and the migrant parent in forming their identity. When both parents are migrants, respondents often identify with one of the two minority cultures more than the other, depending on the cultural model that is dominant in their family, in addition to identifying themselves as Quebecers and/or Canadians. Our data thus supports the few studies that emphasize the role of family transmission in the development of a plural identity (Allouche-Benayoun 2008; Arweck and Nesbitt, 2010a; Song, 2017; Yeoh et al., 2020). However, in contrast to these studies, identification with the minority group seems (in more than half of the cases) to be more related to experiences and knowledge, cultural practices, traditions or habits than to nationality or knowledge of the language or religion. In most of the families, it is the incorporation of different cultural models, often indirectly, that allows for the maintenance of differences, without it being an identical reproduction of the attributes of a community. For the majority of the study’s participants, having parents from different ethnic backgrounds and sometimes from different religious denominations means having grown up in an environment steeped in differences.

While religion can be an important site for identity formation for many young people who are committed to a religious path (Collins-Mayo, 2010; Gareau et al., 2019), our data points to the limited importance of religion in the identity construction process of the interviewees as well as a high degree of autonomy in their individual choices. Many are indifferent to religion and instead view fluency in multiple languages as an identity resource, while their identity is organized more around having multiple ethnicities.

On the one hand, most of them did not receive any religious socialization, which confirms the results of other Quebec-based studies (e.g., Gauthier and Perreault, 2013; Meintel and Le Gall, 2009; Meunier, 2008). Both parents were either atheists themselves or, when one of them practised a religion, they were concerned that the religion would undermine the child’s integration into Quebec society. Above all, they wanted to give their child the opportunity to make his or her own choices. Only families where both parents were religious made efforts to teach the religion of the migrant parent(s) to their children. Our results contrast with those obtained by Cerchiaro (2020) in Italy among individuals with one Muslim and one Christian parent. He found that the majority adhered to a traditional religion or claimed to have what he has called ‘spiritual feelings.’ Unlike our study, the vast majority of parents were religious practitioners. On the other hand, while religion is more likely to be an important dimension of identity for individuals with two religious parents, as Arweck and Nesbitt (2010b) and Cerchiaro (2020) have argued, it is not always the case for the participants. In fact, more than half of those who grew up in a religious environment do not believe that religion has played a role in forming their identity. One participant turned to Sufism as an adult without any prior exposure to it. Our results are not surprising in the Quebec context where young people, like their parents’ generation, are generally reluctant to identify with a religious tradition and commit to a religious path, at least when it comes to institutionalized religion (Gauthier and Perreault, 2013; Meunier, 2008). While such a phenomenon has also been observed elsewhere (Arweck and Shipley, 2019; Voas and Crockett, 2005; Warner and Williams, 2010), in the Quebec context it seems to demonstrate a certain identity-based tension caused by the erosion of cultural religion (Meunier, 2011).

While some authors have cited the lack of ties to the migrant parent’s country as an explanation for mixed individuals’ weak identification with that part of their heritage (Slany and Strzemecka, 2017), in our study, the country where the respondents do not reside was quite present. The latter happily talked about the close ties they developed with their extended family during summer vacations, which played a role in their socialization, as Allouche-Benayoun (2008) has observed. Thus, we are not just talking about a symbolic identification with the migrant parent’s country (Odasso, 2016; Varro, 1995), nor are we talking about cultural loss or ethnic dilution (Song and O’Neill Gutierrez, 2015). It is also the connection that the respondents have drawn between cultural references and identity that makes most of them feel that they have no right to claim a different national identity, once again emphasizing the role of family transmission in the construction of identity. Recognition of a greater influence of Quebec and/or Canadian referents on their lives also confirms the importance of geographic location on mixedness (Odasso, 2016; Unterreiner, 2015; Varro, 1995). Furthermore, life history and personal histories may explain the differences observed between our results and those obtained by Slany and Strzemecka (2017) with Norwegian–Polish 6- to 13-year-olds who defined themselves primarily as Norwegian despite their Polish mother’s efforts to transmit her culture to them. In our study, the participants were much older and many had experienced an identity quest in adulthood that led them to identify more with their minority side and to value their origins, in addition to making a greater effort to learn the language of their migrant parent(s) that they regret not speaking.

Conclusion

The results of our study confirm the active role of mixed individuals while showing how they participate in redefining existing categories (Osanami Törngren et al., 2021; Yeoh et al., 2020). They are also consistent with the work of Arweck and Nesbitt (2010a) or Cerchiaro (2020), which has shown that this type of mixedness is not necessarily more problematic than others. The people we met reject a rigid and predefined definition of identity. They easily reconcile the various facets of their identity, which do not seem in any way antagonistic to them. They see no contradiction in calling themselves Quebecers and/or Canadians and claiming several cultural backgrounds. Above all, among those who consider themselves Quebecers, many proposed an inclusive definition of Quebec identity. It is possible that such identification is facilitated by the multi-ethnic nature of Montreal, as Meyer and Foznar (2017) have noted about the Australian context. In closing, it is interesting to note that the 22 people who live in Montreal all feel at home in the city, which they consider cosmopolitan and open, a point that was not addressed in this report and deserves more attention.