Vision questing in the New Forest: Indigenous spirituality in the public sphere and the cultural values underlying the Idle No More movement

Abstract

This article considers issues related to Indigenous spirituality in the public sphere. More specifically it examines ways Indigenous people have actively engaged in the electronic public sphere to communicate spiritual teachings and to fulfill kinship responsibilities by utilizing their spiritual gifts to benefit their human and non-human relatives, including the environment, through social action. The author takes the Idle No More movement (INM) as an example of a grass-roots social justice movement that effectively used Facebook as a public platform to create awareness and to mobilize social action. However the spiritual foundation of such social action is often lost in the message. And all social action, including the INM movement, has to be understood in spiritual terms. In this article, the author examines the representations of Indigenous spirituality expressed in the electronic public sphere with a focus on the cultural values underlying the Idle No More Movement.

Introduction

This article takes the notion of a vision quest as a window to consider issues related to Indigenous spirituality in the public sphere. Indigenous people in Canada have actively engaged in utilizing the electronic public sphere to communicate spiritual teachings and to fulfill kinship responsibilities by utilizing their spiritual gifts to benefit their relatives, including the environment, through social action. This article examines the Idle No More movement, the largest Indigenous social and environmental movement in Canadian history, as an example of a grass-roots social justice movement that has effectively used Facebook as a public platform to create awareness and to mobilize a significant amount of people into social action; attested to by the proliferation of ‘flash mobs’ across the country. Often lost in the message is the spiritual foundation of such social action. My intention is not to engage in theoretical or philosophical discussions on what constitutes a public sphere or what type of public sphere the Idle No More movement occupies on Facebook. Rather, starting from the position that, from an Indigenous perspective, spirituality is a way of life that permeates one’s existence, I examine the representations of Indigenous spirituality expressed in the electronic public sphere with a focus on the cultural values underlying the Idle No More Movement.

The title of this article is taken from a presentation that Mohawk lawyer, scholar, and activist Patricia Monture-Angus gave at the University of Winnipeg in 1997 titled, ‘Walking in the New Forest: Balancing Traditional and Contemporary Education'. Monture-Angus was talking directly about a strategy for how Indigenous people might find their place in the ‘New Forest’ (contemporary society) by utilizing a traditional method (the vision quest) for finding one’s place in the circle of life. Through observation of and reflection on contemporary society one will be prepared to act in a way that is beneficial to their relatives, human and non-human. The circle of life concept, briefly stated, symbolizes the general worldview perspective of the interconnectedness or interrelatedness of all living things (see Ruml, 2010). Although there is a great deal of variation in the way that the vision quest is carried out in the Indigenous cultures of the Americas, the meaning and intention is consistent. The individual seeks guidance from the Creator and spiritual powers of the universe to acquire a spirit helper or to obtain blessings from the Creator and/or their spirit helper(s); the goal is to find out who they are, their place in the circle of life, and what their role will be in their society. The individual is to use that vision to guide them in their own life and to help their people. They are to use their vision to contribute something positive to society and, ultimately, to other relatives in the circle of life (see Ruml, 2018). In light of this broader context, conceptually the idea of ‘Vision Questing in the New Forest’ is extremely powerful and empowering. It draws upon a long-standing traditional technique for physical, spiritual, mental, and emotional survival and provides a framework from which one can actively and intently survive and thrive in today’s world. Monture-Angus noted that people should sit on a bench in the heart of the city and observe everything around them in order to understand the city environment. By extension, following this traditional learning model, through observation and reflection of specific aspects of contemporary society, one will be prepared to act in a way that is beneficial to their people and ultimately all of creation.

Methodology and positionality

Before proceeding, Indigenous methodology protocol, following Kathleen Absolon (2011: 13), requires that I articulate my positionality. As I have stated elsewhere, ‘I believe it is important to briefly state my positionality and continually reiterate that this is my understanding, lest the reader forget that I am not writing as an Indigenous person or someone trying to speak for Indigenous peoples as their representative. I am also not writing as someone disconnected from an Indigenous community’ (Ruml, 2018: 259). In addition, in this article I do not provide extensive citations to support my assertions. My understanding is ‘based on thirty years of reading and research, attending public lectures and teaching circles by countless Indigenous Elders and traditional teachers (mainly Dakota, Anishinaabe, and Cree), serving as a firekeeper and a helper at ceremonies, participating in hundreds of sweat lodge ceremonies, dancing at a Dakota sun dance for a four-year cycle (open to the public at Birds Hill Provincial Park, in Manitoba) and an Anishinaabe sun dance for the past seventeen years, and serving as an apprentice to my adopted dad and traditional healer, the late Don Daniels from Long Plain First Nation, in Manitoba’ (Ruml, 2018: 259). ¹

Context

Any discussion of Indigenous spirituality in the public sphere in Canada has to begin with an awareness of its colonial context and residential schools. It also has to start from a realization that non-Indigenous Canadians can trace their roots back to a homeland elsewhere in the world but for Indigenous people this is their homeland. In addition, it has to begin with an awareness that, as I have pointed out elsewhere (Ruml, 2010: 194), First Nations people often say that there is no word for ‘religion’ in their languages. What this actually means is that no word exists to refer to what has, in the West, been called ‘religion’; a defined, reified system of institutionalized beliefs and doctrines separate from everyday life and devoid of direct, personal religious experiences. ² Instead, many Indigenous people typically prefer to use the term ‘spirituality’ when speaking English. Spirituality connotes an experiential engagement that the reified concept of ‘religion’ does not. Indigenous people often speak of ‘the way;’ a way of life, a way of being that encompasses all aspects of individual and societal life. From the Indigenous perspective, that which might be classified as spiritual practices and protocols permeate all aspects of life. Contrarily, spirituality is typically removed from many aspects of the public sphere in Canada, conceptually if not actually, with limited, negotiated acceptance. With these things in mind, I will turn to an examination of the engagement of Indigenous people and Indigenous spirituality in the public sphere.

The most visible expression of Indigenous culture in the public eye (other than the negative stereotypes appearing on everything from pro sport mascots and Hollywood movies, to advertising consumer goods) is the powwow. The powwow is an aspect of Indigenous spirituality that Indigenous people engage in publically and permit to be photographed and videotaped; allowing the general public to attend and view electronically on the evening news or through broadcasts by, for example, Powwows.com. ³ In the Canadian context, Nation to Nation encounters between the Canadian government and Indigenous political organizations is another way in which the general public is exposed to basic spiritual expressions such as prayer, smudging, and the pipe ceremony. For many Canadians, their introduction to Indigenous spirituality initially comes through their television sets in a Canadian political context in which, other than swearing an oath on the Bible, spiritual expressions are typically omitted.

The Oka Crises, Ipperwash, and Gustafson Lake are other examples of expressions of Indigenous spirituality in the public sphere. In these instances, men and women stood up to defend their people against injustice and the violation of their rights and freedoms. Such actions exemplify strong cultural values (spiritual expressions) such as self-sacrifice, commitment, love for one’s people, compassion for the oppressed, and showing kindness to those in need, fulfilling the sacred act and responsibility of taking care of one’s relatives. Unfortunately, the colonial mentality is unable to see such actions in spiritual terms. The colonial mentality judges such actions as contemptuous uprisings by violent factions and the media is often prepared to spin it in such a framework in order to maintain colonial positionality.

Another spiritual expression in the public sphere is the Mother Earth Water Walk, initiated by Grandmother Josephine Mandamin and her sister Melvina Flamand. The movement includes walking around significant bodies of water such as Lake Winnipeg and the Great Lakes ‘to pray for water’s health and promote awareness that water needs protection’ (Ashawasegai, 2011). The Mother Earth Water Walk is a powerful spiritual expression of the worldview concept of the inter-relatedness of all living things. On Facebook, friends, loved ones, and supporters mourned Mrs. Mandamin’s passing on February 22, 2019; acknowledging the beauty of the work that she did on behalf of the water, the quintessential symbolic element of nature for women.

More recently, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, formed following the apology from the Prime Minister of Canada (June 11, 2008) for Canada’s complicity in the residential schools, has brought Indigenous spiritual expression into the public eye. It has also made ordinary Canadians aware of the horrific, tragic history of the government-funded and church-run residential schools which operated from the 1870’s until 1996. The final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission notes that the federal government estimates that more than 150,000 children were placed in these schools (TRC, 2015). The children were forcibly removed from their families and communities. Many survivors have reported being subjected to physical torture and sexual abuse at the schools. They recall being punished if they spoke their own language. They were taught to be ashamed of their people, culture, and history and forced to embrace Christianity. The documentary We were children (Wolochatiuk, 2012) includes the testimony of two survivors who courageously share their horrifying experiences in residential schools.

Educational institutes in Canada today would be unrecognizable to those children who were sent to residential schools. Although there is still a significant divide between Indigenous and Western pedagogy and epistemology, educational institutes have moved towards not only understanding Indigenous knowledge (philosophies, worldviews, pedagogy, and epistemology), but to incorporating Indigenous knowledge into its curriculum and to being a welcoming place for Indigenous faculty and students. Locally, at the three universities in the province of Manitoba, graduation powwows are held to celebrate the accomplishments of Indigenous graduates. In 2011 at the University of Winnipeg’s fall Convocation, Indigenous spirituality found another venue for public expression as Honorary Doctor of Laws’ were awarded to three well-known Indigenous leaders: the Honourable Mr. Justice Murray Sinclair, Elijah Harper, and Tobasonakwut Kinew. The processional song was performed with a hand-drum by Traditional singer Cory Campbell followed by an opening prayer by Elder Larry Monkman. After the three leaders were awarded their honorary degrees, Jasmine Parisian sang an Honour Song, accompanied by her hand-drum. Although the format and structure were different than the typical convocation ceremony, the ushers and organizers adapted to the changes in protocol and convocation proceeded smoothly. All three public universities in Manitoba, and universities elsewhere in the Americas, continue to develop Indigenous educational programs and Elder-in-residence programs, and to make the university environment a welcoming one for Indigenous people. The University of Winnipeg Senate recently approved an Indigenous requirement that requires, as of September 2016, that all students take a minimum of one 3 credit hour course containing Indigenous content. Other universities in Canada are also implementing such requirements. These changes do not mean that institutional racism has been eliminated, nor that Indiginizing the academy (Mihesuah and Wilson, 2004) does not have a long way to go, the struggle continues.

Many Canadians recognize the tragic error of the residential schools and colonial policies. As more Canadians meet Indigenous people as friends, neighbours, co-workers, spouses, and in-laws, attitudes towards Indigenous people are changing. Nevertheless, the overwhelming majority of Canadians have very little understanding of Indigenous spirituality. The issue is complicated by the fact that English translations do not do justice to the meaning that is contained in the Indigenous names for the ceremonies and other cultural expressions. Indigenous art, especially Northwest Coast, Inuit, and Woodlands, have introduced images of Indigenous cultural perspectives; in some cases non-Indigenous Canadians have taken the initiative to learn the meaning of these images in the Indigenous cultural contexts. Indigenous people are also educating Indigenous and non-Indigenous people through traditional ceremonies; the sundance held at Birds Hill Provincial Park in Manitoba is an example of a ceremony that was open to the general public (Ruml, 2009).

In addition, cultural programming through such Indigenous run media as Aboriginal Peoples Television Network (APTN), NCI Radio, and the syndicated television series The sharing circle has been utilized to educate the general public, including Indigenous youth, about Indigenous spirituality. APTN news reporter Shaneen Robinson was invited by Sundance Chief David Blacksmith to film and report on portions of the sundance held at Spruce Woods Provincial Park in Manitoba. Recognizing the power of electronic media, Blacksmith took the unconventional step of allowing video cameras into the sundance site, predominantly to reach Indigenous youth in an attempt to fight the suicide epidemic among Indigenous youth. ⁴ Another Elder, Omushkego storyteller Louis Bird, noticed that the youth in his community were not spending time with the Elders like they used to, but were spending a lot of time on computers. Bird made the decision to digitize his audio collection of stories and teachings and upload them to a designated website (2019), hoping that the young people might develop an interest in learning about their cultural heritage, leading them to seek out their Elders. Many Elders and Traditional Teachers have taken advantage of Youtube to communicate spiritual teachings. Social media, particularly Facebook, is another electronic public sphere that is being utilized extensively by Indigenous people to communicate cultural ideals and traditional teachings. In his poem ‘Nothing Will Ever Be the Same: Idle No More,’ Neal Mcleod describes Facebook as ‘the great tool that allows for amplified storytelling’ (Kino-nda-niimi, 2014: 127–128). Tanya Kappo was asked, in an interview with Hayden King: ‘Over the past four or five years it seems that Native people have become a huge presence on social media. Why do Native people love Facebook and Twitter so much?’ (Kino-nda-niimi, 2014: 68). Kappo responded,

I think it’s because our voices have been silenced for such a long time. Not only by society generally but also by our own communities sometimes. So social media has provided a forum for us. It’s like this constant community meeting and you can go and hang out there anytime, a regular space to visit. And especially now that our people live in so many different locations, social media has also become the place to share thoughts on anything and everything. Because of the nature of our societies now, it’s really an ideal medium for important conversations. . .Social media helped continue the conversation and also helped build community (Kino-nda-niimi, 2014: 68).

In fact, Facebook was the forum through which the Idle No More movement found its expression. In November 2012, the first post on the INM movement hit Facebook. Since that time, INM has grown into a significant grass-roots social movement that has mobilized Indigenous people, largely through electronic social media, to social action through such peaceful demonstrations as round dance ‘flash mobs’ and teach-ins, intended to raise awareness of environmental, treaty, and other issues.

The introduction of Bill C-45: Jobs and Growth Act by the Conservative Party of Canada on October 18, 2012 was a pivotal point in the emergence of the INM movement, the largest Indigenous social and environmental movement in Canadian history. Bill C-45 which received Royal Assent on December 14, 2012 (Parliament of Canada, 2012) has been severely criticized by Indigenous people and environmentally conscious Canadians as a direct attack on the safety and security of the environment. Moreover, it has been opposed on the basis of the attack that the Bill was seen as having on Indigenous sovereignty, inherent and treaty rights, and the Nation to Nation relationship established in the treaties. Opponents to the Bill point to changes to the Navigable Waters Act, the Environmental Assessment Act and the Indian Act as specific sections of concern (CBC, 2013). In response, a number of points were articulated on the Idle No More website under the heading ‘Calls for change’ (Idle, NDa).

Often overlooked are the underlying cultural values that form the spiritual foundation of this social justice movement. The Idle No More movement began with four women: Nina Wilson, Sylvia McAdam, Jessica Gordon and Sheelah McLean. I have seen several posts on Facebook by Indigenous people who point out the significance and appropriateness of the movement starting with women. Women are honoured as life-givers, protectors, leaders, and teachers; women are, in fact, our first teachers. The significance of the number four is also acknowledged, four being a sacred number. These women, as the Idle No More website informs us,

felt it was urgent to act on current and upcoming legislation that not only affects our First Nations people but the rest of Canada’s citizens, lands and waters.

These 4 women from Saskatchewan (Indigenous and non-Indigenous) decided that they could no longer stay silent in the face of what is a legislative attack on First Nation people and the lands and waters across the country. Together, [they] organized a ‘teach-in’ event at Station 20 in Saskatoon [on November 10, 2012] titled ‘Idle No More’ (Idle, NDb).

With a catchy title for the movement, not only did it provide a battle cry to those who may have become complacent or who have been colonized into inaction, it generated reflection on how many have been ‘Idle No More for a long time’. An Idle No More website was created to promote the event. A week after that initial gathering, there were events in Regina, Prince Albert, North Battleford, and Winnipeg. One month after the first meeting Idle No More held a National Day of Action in locations across the country.

The day after the National Day of Action, Attawapiskat Chief Theresa Spence began a hunger strike, not only as a response to Bill C-45 but to draw attention to the plight of her community and the historical and continued injustices faced by Indigenous people. When I interviewed Cree Elder and storyteller Louis Bird, from Peawanuck Ontario on the question of ‘what is a leader?’, Mr. Bird said that in pre-contact times it was uncommon for an individual to choose to be a Chief as a career choice. Chiefs were appointed based on what were viewed as natural leadership abilities and through exemplifying cultural values such as generosity and self-sacrifice. A Chief was very poor because they put their people’s needs before their own. It required great sacrifice. Chief Spence’s hunger fast exemplified the cultural values that were seen as traditional characteristics of leadership, she was putting her people’s needs before her own. She was also exemplifying the value of self-sacrifice and of earning (gashgichige) that which one is asking for. Anishinaabe Elder Wally Swain refers to the sundance lodge as ‘Gashgichige Ogamig’ (Earning Lodge), emphasizing the importance of this cultural value (Personal communication).

In the ongoing colonial history of Canada, Bill C45 represented a colonial act that pushed Indigenous people to the limit of their tolerance. Indigenous people, who are becoming stronger the further they move away from the Residential Schools era, have reached a point where they are no longer going to sit idly by as the ‘settler’ governments continue the colonial project of extinguishing treaty status, failing to honour treaty commitments, and engaging in the destructive exploitation of the natural environment.

A shared aspect of Indigenous worldview is that all of creation is part of the circle of life. The circle of life concept, as mentioned earlier, symbolizes the general worldview perspective of the interconnectedness or interrelatedness of all living things. All that exists is part of the circle of life. The Dakota phrase/prayer Mitakuye Owasin ‘All my Relations’ reflects the relational orientation of the circle of life concept. As relatives of all of creation we have a responsibility to take care of our relatives, this involves using our natural gifts and visions. When Indigenous people take action against Bill C-45 for its attack on the environment, they are doing so out of a sacred obligation to protect and defend their relatives (water, trees, plants, animals, humans, etc.); not only the relatives alive today, but for the ones seven generations from now. The underlying cultural value in the Mitakuyowas philosophy is mutual respect. As Luther Standing Bear says, ‘The rules of polite behavior that formed Lakota etiquette were called woyuonihan, meaning ‘full of respect’; those failing to practice these rules were waohola sni, that is, “without respect,” therefore rude and ill-bred’ (1978 [1933]: 148). Mutual respect (ohokičilapi) and reciprocity are the underlying principles to be adhered to in order to be a good relative, to be human, to be spiritual. In Dakota or Lakota society, the individual who fails to follow the rules of polite behaviour, is disrespectful, neglects proper kinship behaviour, is less than Dakota, less than human. Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) ceremonial leader Giigwegiigaaboo maintains that respect is the underlying cultural value in the Seven Teachings. As Giigwegiigaabo notes, ‘Mangade osiseon is respect at its greatest when we live it. When we live it, and I stress this very, very strongly, is to know all of these seven teachings is to be all the seven teaching all at once in balance with ourselves’ (cited in Ruml, 2011: 165). The Seven Teachings or Seven Natural Laws are called Gagige Inaakonige (Eternal Natural Laws). From my understanding of the Anishinaabe perspective, because these laws are considered to be natural and not human-made, they are found in cultures throughout the world. The Seven Teachings are commonly identified as wisdom, love, respect, bravery, honesty, humility, and truth. All of these cultural values are being expressed in the INM movement.

Indigenous protests in Canada are nothing new; they have almost become cliché to some Canadians. What was new with the INM movement was the plethora of hand drums and singing and dancing accompanying flash mobs in shopping centres and other public sites. A single hand drum or the big drum is powerful, but a large group of people with many hand drums gathered in a round dance and singing songs, in addition to the spiritual and emotional resonance of the sound of the drum, has the profound effect of generating a sense of inclusivity and community. As one of the co-founders of INM, Sylvia McAdam, phrased it in the title of an article she wrote, they were ‘armed with nothing more than a song and a drum’ (Kino-nda-niimi, 2014).

Analysis of the Idle No More movement must be framed essentially in a spiritual context. Every article written on the movement should address this foundation in some way, yet very few even mention the significant grounding of the movement as a spiritual movement. It was gratifying to read Leanne Betasamosake Simpson’s comment on the photo of prayer flags at the site of Chief Theresa Spence’s hunger strike on Victoria Island. She correctly notes that the prayer flags were ‘a reminder that Idle No More is very much a spiritual movement’ (Kino-nda-niimi, 2014: 60). The movement itself started in a traditional way in a spiritual context. As co-founder Sylvia McAdam noted, following the first ‘teach-in,’ they went to talk to Elders who gave them ‘their support and prayers.’ The Elders told them that they must use their own Indigenous laws. As McAdam notes:

One of our most sacred and peaceful law is ‘nahtamawasewin.’ This law is invoked in times of crisis and great threat. ‘Nahtamawasewin’ means to defend for the children, all human children; it’s also a duty to defend for the non-human children from the tree, plants, animals, and others. The Elders said, you ladies must invoke this law and let it guide your actions. We must always be prayerful and peaceful (Kino-nda-niimi, 2014: 67).

Those who are participating in the INM movement are performing a sacred duty.

As Indigenous engagement in the public sphere increases and discussions concerning a renewed relationship between Canada and First Nations develops further, a number of questions (many that are beyond the scope of this brief article) need to be asked and answered. This can be posed through the rubric proposed in this special issue on ‘open’ and ‘closed’ secularism, as proposed by Maclure and Taylor (2011). Certainly the post-TRC context makes only an ‘open’ secular perspective possible. What elements of Indigenous spirituality has Canadian society accepted into the public sphere? As educational programs develop taking Indigenous spiritualities into account, what are the implications for post-secondary institutes in terms of epistemology, pedagogy, and research? As participants in the conversation related to the future of Canada’s relationship with First Nations people have begun to speak of a paradigm shift, which incorporates First Nations worldviews in the new Canada, it is important to become aware of potentially contentious elements which might prevent the development of such a paradigm shift or impede the development of a renewed relationship that seriously includes Indigenous worldviews. Different processes for political and intellectual engagement, conflicting ideas of epistemology and pedagogy, clashing worldviews, and racism, are a few items that must be negotiated, addressed and resolved (see Colorado’s article in this special issue for an example). Moreover, Indigenous traditions are not uniform. Different Nations have different teachings and protocols. Even within one Nation there is a great deal of diversity. There are many women’s teachings that are undergoing changes in contemporary times. Some women teach that women should not participate in the sweatlodge ceremony, because traditionally, in some traditions, women did not participate until they were past menopause and no longer on their moontime (menstruating). Others say that times have changed and now women need to sweat because of added stresses and toxins in our environment that were not present in the old days (Calvin Pompana, personal communication). Some are modifying and rejecting age-old protocols related to women on their moontime or ones disallowing women to sit around the big drum. Others are rejecting the teaching that women should wear skirts at ceremonies. This latter point became an issue at a pipe ceremony held in June 2015 at the University of Winnipeg when the invitation to the ceremony requested that women wear long skirts, the ceremonial protocol, for women in the Treaty One territory where the University is located. Joanne Boucher (2015), an associate professor of political science at the University of Winnipeg, wrote a letter to the Winnipeg Free Press (June 17) indicating how problematic it was for a ‘sacred ceremony’ to be allowed in a public educational institute. More emphatically, she took offense to a gendered dress code, labeling it sexist and discriminatory. Follow-up stories referenced a similar controversy at the University of Saskatchewan in 2013 where women were requested to wear long skirts and avoid the ceremony if they were menstruating (CBC, 2015). University of Saskatchewan associate professor and member of the Opaskwayak Cree Nation, Alex Wilson said, ‘I wasn’t raised with the understanding that I could not attend a ceremony based on the clothing that I wear or based on any kind of body regulation’ (CBC, 2015). Wilson’s statement captures how a standard cultural teaching that is accepted as a given in one territory or by a specific spiritual group may not be by someone from another territory or spiritual group. The issue becomes doubly problematic when the ceremony is being held in an academic institution that operates on radically different cultural assumptions, including those that may be more of a ‘closed’ secular approach.

Conclusion

Indigenous people will continue to engage in a discourse about what they consider to be acceptable in the public sphere. Many Indigenous people were vehemently opposed to the piece that Shaneen Robinson did for APTN on the Sprucewoods Sundance. Some people feel that it is sacrilegious to have video cameras at a sundance or any ceremony. Others feel that it is fine to utilize new technology. Some feel that the Sundance and other ceremonies were never private, they were always public, until colonization forced people to continue their ceremonies in secret. Some are against holding ceremonies, such as sweatlodge ceremonies, in the city. Some are against ceremonies being part of an educational institution. Some are against sharing spiritual traditions with non-Indigenous people in the public sphere due to issues related to cultural appropriation. Arvol Looking Horse, the 19^th generation keeper of the Sacred White Buffalo Calf Pipe, under pressure from some Lakota spiritual leaders, issued a ‘Protection of Ceremonies’ statement in response to cultural appropriation and what was perceived of as misuse of the ceremonies (Looking Horse, 2003). The statement required, for example, all non-Indigenous people who were sundancing to cease dancing and for those who had pipes to give them up. The statement created, on an open forum, a huge online discussion among Lakota spiritual leaders. Many supported the statement while many asserted that, while they respect Arvol Looking Horse, it is not the Lakota way to have one person dictate what happens in another spiritual leader’s sacred circle. Moreover, some held the view that the non-Indigenous sundancers and pipe carriers were, in essence, Lakota. They had been adopted into their tiyospaye (extended family unit) and sacred circle.

Those that believe in a secrecy/privacy approach related to ceremony might superficially be read as supporters of ‘closed secularism’ as identified by Maclure and Taylor (2011). However, closed secularism is not possible from a normative Indigenous traditional teaching perspective, especially considering that the sacred/secular dichotomy is not part of a shared Indigenous worldview, which views the world and everything in it as part of the sacred. Given Indigenous worldview, one should expect to find Indigenous spirituality expressed in the electronic public sphere, social justice movements, and all aspects of life.

Indigenous spirituality in the public sphere will continue and so will the debate and disagreement among Indigenous people about what should be in the public sphere and how it should be presented. It is unlikely that there will ever be consensus but it is reasonable to assume that Indigenous people will continue to engage in the public sphere in a way that they feel best serves the survival of their people, particularly as they are bolstered by the recommendations from the 2015 Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

There is a line in a song that Dakota Elder and spiritual leader Calvin Pompana taught us in the sweatlodge. It reminds the people that they are never standing alone. The akicita (warriors) of the past are standing with them. The akicita of the past represent all of one’s relatives, traced back to the beginning of time, who, through their self-sacrifice and commitment, made it possible for us to be here today. It reminds the people that they are standing with the cultural values and ideals, the teachings and ceremonies of their people. Such songs reinforce the importance of living one’s life according to the cultural values and ideals. We are the akicita that future generations will be remembering. Those actively involved in social and environmental justice are passionately protecting and defending their relatives, exemplifying cultural values and ideals central to the spiritual teachings. They are, to borrow a Dakota expression, woyounihan, full of respect, truly human.