Yoga,Hinduism,and the Orthodox Christian Culture: Attitudes in Religious Education in Romania

Abstract

This study examines the attitudes of both instructors and attendees of the confessional Orthodox Christian religion class in Romania toward yoga. It examines whether individuals are more familiar with religious or secular forms of yoga and whether they approach it with curiosity, neutrality, or opposition. As yoga is rooted in Hindu traditions and is often associated with Hinduism when viewed in a religious context, the study also examines the attitudes of students and teachers toward Hinduism. It draws on data collected in two field studies involving students and educators. The findings reveal a significant gap: students generally exhibit curiosity and openness despite limited knowledge, while teachers tend to adopt a more cautious or critical stance aligned with Orthodox discourses. This contrast reflects broader societal tensions between emerging pluralistic tendencies and longstanding religious norms in Romania. The study highlights how negative attitudes, shaped in part by Orthodox media narratives, underscore the importance of educator training to counter exclusivist viewpoints.

Introduction

Few elements rooted in religion are as widespread and widely practiced as yoga. While Indian in origin, yoga has undergone significant transformations in modernity, both within India itself and in the discourses and practices of those who have adopted and promoted it (Baier 2011). Although yoga has become a global phenomenon in recent decades, its perception is very diverse. Attitudes toward it have varied on a scale ranging from its complete demonization to the unreserved embrace of specific elements, whether in a secularized or a religious, especially Christian, fashion (Amaladass 2018).

The present study deals with the attitudes toward yoga among high school students from Romania who attend the confessional Christian-Orthodox Religious Education (RE) classes and their RE teachers. The study assesses various aspects of students’ perspectives—including biases, interests, and willingness to engage with religious topics in the classroom—and discusses these in parallel with teachers’ attitudes to highlight key similarities and differences. The objective is to understand the tensions surrounding religion and spiritualities, identity and pluralism, in a society marked by the predominance of a single faith, recent secularization trends, critiques of religious institutions, and the challenges posed by globalization and information dissemination. Analyzing the situation in this context provides valuable insights applicable to understanding recent religious dynamics globally and identifying effective strategies to prevent radicalization and address social tensions.

To study the attitudes of both students and teachers we conducted a non-experimental mixed-methods investigation, utilizing a questionnaire for students and semi-structured interviews for teachers.

The students’ perspectives on yoga may be explained in relation to the evolution of yoga perception in Romania; therefore, a short history of yoga in the Romanian context and an overview of its present-day presence and perception precede the analysis.

The Context of the Analysis: A Brief Overview

Romania is situated in Eastern Europe, with a predominantly Christian population, particularly Eastern Orthodox. The modern national state of Romania emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century, with important territories incorporated after World War I. Similar to other states in the region, nation-building emphasized the Christian-Orthodox identity as a defining characteristic (Leuștean 2014). The peaceful coexistence with the ethnic and religious minorities of the provinces gained after World War I persisted for a long time, with notable exceptions in the period before and during World War II.

Orthodox Christianity has always formed the uncontested majority. The results of the 2021 Romanian census show the following confessional structure of Romania’s population: 85.3 percent were Orthodox, 4.5 percent Roman Catholic, 3.0 percent Reformed, 2.5 percent Pentecostal, followed by Greek Catholic (0.7%), Baptist (0.6%), Seventh-day Adventist, and Muslim (0.4% each). The Jews formed 0.01 percent, and other religions registered together 1.25 percent. Besides, 0.9 percent of the total population declared themselves without religion, atheist or agnostic (Institutul Național de Statistică 2022).

The fall of communism has revealed a population with a high level of religious interest, religiosity being a way to counter the official propaganda of the previous decades. Alongside the building of new houses of worship, both established religions and freestyle spiritualities flourished (Stan and Turcescu 2007; Voicu 2019). Present-day Romania is facing a growing secularization and an increasing religious individualization coupled with a critique against institutionalized forms of religion.

Recent critiques of religious institutions and an increase in religious radicalization (Verseck 2021) parallel trends noted in various global regions. Both trends are supported by significant segments of society and are prominently expressed in mass and social media. The critique addresses alleged corruption and transparency issues (Morariu 2023; Nedea 2023a, 2023b), while parts of the clergy and believers develop a besieged city syndrome, fostering a dichotomy of us versus them, expressing concern over perceived threats, and emphasizing the necessity to reinforce Orthodoxy (Pârvu 2008, 2013; Petru Vodă and Paltin Monasteries 2013).

Added to this is the new phenomenon of migration. It is only in the last few years that Romania has become a destination country for international labor migration. Many migrants, especially from Asian countries like Türkiye, Syria, Vietnam, Nepal, Morocco, China, Israel, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh settled here to benefit from the good work conditions. With them, religious plurality becomes a fact.

In addition, the popular forms of religion themselves undergo change (Patru 2022). There is a growing presence of other religions, spiritualities, and their derived practices on bookstore shelves, on posters and media posts inviting people to meditation or other practices from a different religious background. Consequently, non-Christian spiritual and religious content has various opportunities to engage the minds and sensibilities of contemporary Romanians. Books, computer games, after-school programs, and independent courses also expose them to such content, either by providing general knowledge about other religions (e.g., Studyinno 2024) or by providing stress-reduction tools, the latter being devoid of any religious content (e.g., Fram School 2024; Wings 2024; Young Minds 2024).

When it comes to RE, this is organized by the Ministry of Education in collaboration with the recognized religious denominations. Shortly after the fall of the Iron Curtain, religion was reintroduced as a subject of study at all levels of pre-university school, and about 73 percent of the pupils currently attend it as an optional subject, with one class per week. Students who decide not to attend it simply have one hour less in their school schedule. Every religious denomination organizes her own confessional RE in schools (Law 489 2006, art. 32, alin. (1), art. 33, alin. (2), art. 34, alin. (1), art. 39, alin. (1). (4)) and controls the teaching personnel, which needs the blessing of the Church for teaching (Law 489 2006, art. 32, alin. (2)-(3), art. 35, alin. (1)). While fostering intercultural and interreligious/interconfessional understanding and respect for “those of other faiths and beliefs,” recognizing one’s own religious identity, and reflecting on humanity’s cultural and historical evolution (Ministerul Educației, Cercetării și Tineretului 2008) belong to the basic principles of RE as agreed upon by the Ministry of Education and the Romanian-Orthodox Patriarchate, the syllabus for Orthodox RE primarily focuses on teaching the Christian-Orthodox faith, except for the brief units on “World Religions” in every high school year (9th–12th form; Ministerul Educației 2021, 2022, 2023, 2024), to which most teachers devote just one hour per year.

The Presence of Yoga in Romania: A Short History

The exploration of yoga practices among Romanians has been thoroughly examined in a multitude of articles and book chapters authored by Bordaș (2020a, 2020b, 2020c). Notably, Gabriel Andreescu has focused on the period during and after communism through works such as “Reprimarea ișcării yoga în anii 80” (Andreescu 2008, translated as The Repression of the Yoga Movement in the 1980s), “MISA. Radiografia unei represiuni” (Andreescu 2013 translated as A Radiography of Repression ), and “Miracolul de la Cluj şi M.I.S.A. PĂRUT” (Andreescu 2019, translated as The Miracle of Cluj and “M.I.S.A. PĂRUT”). Additionally, Doina Jela, Călin Strat, and Mihai Albu contributed with “Afacerea meditația transcendentală” (2004, translated as The Transcendental Meditation Business), the “Human Rights Without Frontiers International” through a report by Fautré (2013) and Atudorei and Swenninger (2018) through a comprehensive analysis regarding the case of Gregorian Bivolaru.

Prior to the twentieth century, yoga was practiced sporadically and garnered minimal interest and attention until the interwar period (Bordaș 2020b:52). Despite significant efforts in translating Sanskrit texts and the “Thirukkuṛaḷ” from classical Tamil (Bordaş 2020a:1326), almost no interest was shown until the twentieth century.

It was Mircea Eliade who emerged in the mid-twentieth century as the pivotal figure in the scholarly investigation of yoga through his thesis on the techniques and system of Patañjali in 1933. His writings, such as the PhD thesis (Eliade 1994) and “Yoga. Nemurire și libertate” (Eliade 1993, translated as Yoga: Immortality and Freedom), had little impact (with few exceptions; see Bordaș 2020b:62) on the Romanian perspective on yoga before the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989.

Concerning the practice of yoga, the Theosophical Society contributed substantially in the twentieth century to the dissemination of yoga practices among Romanians, both nationally and abroad. Initially acquired through self-directed study utilizing foreign manuals, the practice was cultivated through personal exploration and committed practice and, ultimately, through the translation and publication of pertinent works in Romanian (Bordaș 2020c:5). There are also few cases of Indian practitioners contributing to yoga instruction. For example, one “Dr. King,” a physician during warfare turned into a “Hindu fakir” (Bordaș 2020c:5), introduced one of Romanian yoga pioneers, Ion D. Vulcănescu, to Hatha Yoga (Dragomir 2021).

Perceptions and methodologies exhibited considerable variation, ranging from the therapeutic and gymnastic, such as Lizica Codreanu-Fontenoy’s first European School of Hatha Yoga in Europe (according to Marcu 2017:146–47), to the medical advantages (highlighted in Benetato 1938) and extending to a psychosomatic spiritual-ascetic practice. This latter one also marked the emergence of a philosophical discourse on yoga (Bordaș 2020a:1333–34).

The milieu of twentieth-century Romania changed drastically following the establishment of the communist regime on December 30, 1947; practitioners faced persecution (Andreescu 2008:9–10), and Romanian Indologists encountered censorship. Furthermore, the publications of their works (including Eliade’s) emerged subsequent to 1989. Yoga survived under two secularized forms: first, the conventional portrayal of the contortionist fakir, and second, a transition toward gymnastics or therapeutic practices.

After Stalin’s demise, the political landscape shifted, leading communist Romania to slowly distance itself from the Moscow regime. This period saw the emergence of yoga classes, organized courses, and even conferences during a 1964 to 1982 “gap” (Andreescu 2008:9ff). Following 1982, yoga faced prohibition once more. Notably, this phase of relaxing adhered to the Marxist-Leninist critique of religious practices, requiring that the materials designated for publishing “purify” yoga of any link to mysticism or religion. For example, the Foreword of “Yoga - Izvor de Sănătate” (Tufoi 1979, translated as Yoga - A Source of Health) refuted any mystical or religious connotations, deeming yoga “in accordance with Hindu philosophy, to which there is no miracle, but everything results from the laws of nature” (Tufoi 1979:6).

Yoga was rendered illegal again in 1982 and deemed a fraudulent endeavor initiated by Western perpetrators (Andreescu 2008:14). The allegation presented by the Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1982 (apud Jela, Strat, and Albu 2004:5–7) suggests the emergence of a new proposition for the domination of humanity via religion, highlighting the messianic function of socialism in its struggle against the “mystical gendarmes.”

During the 1970s, Mario Sorin Vasilescu and Gregorian Bivolaru were the two most notable yoga figures. Vasilescu’s creative approach resulted in a mainland form of Purna Yoga—every act of life becomes a yogic exercise—proposing a new “therapeutic science of the ego and its identification and dissolution” (Bordaș 2020a:1343). Bivolaru’s movement, “Mișcarea de Integrare Spirituală în Absolut” (MISA, translated as Movement for the Spiritual Integration into the Absolute), founded in 1989, sparked debates shortly after communism fell.

Bivolaru’s methodology suggested an esoteric practice characterized by a progressive viewpoint (encompassing sexuality) “packaged in a multicolored wrapper made up of decontextualized elements extracted from very diverse sources” (Bordaș 2020a:1343). Due to his “tantric” approach to yoga, he faced further condemnations from the Securitate, leading to accusations of mysticism and obscenity and, after 1989, of sexual assault and human trafficking (Andreescu 2008:26; Atudorei and Swenninger 2018:20; Fautré 2013:5–7).

From the Plurality of Forms Encountered to the Orthodox Negative Reactions: Yoga Today

Following 1989, a series of transformations occurred through depoliticization and the democratization of public space, affecting both practices and population mobilization. In contrast, yoga, along with other acknowledged and legitimate spiritual and religious practices, has achieved a level of acceptance, and works and translations by both Indologists and yoga pioneers in Romania have been published.

The practice has attained significant prominence and sophistication, leading to the establishment of numerous centers and collectives that offer tailored programs and even provide customized programs for children. It is important to observe that a considerable proportion of individuals who have adopted yoga as a physical activity or as a method for relaxation engage in this practice without perceiving it as conflicting with Christianity and devoid of any religious component, with many practitioners maintaining a strong commitment to their faith (Sirbu 2020).

Nevertheless, the Orthodox perspective interpreted the situation differently. In 2015, the Orthodox Church of Greece reacted to the UN’s proposal to designate June 21 as International Yoga Day by asserting that yoga represents “a fundamental chapter of Hindu religion” and is thus deemed incompatible with Orthodoxy. In 2020, during the pandemic, the Church of Greece maintained the same position when yoga exercises were regarded as a beneficial response to the trauma linked to the virus.

The Church’s stance was examined and critiqued for its stiff and absolute approach (Papanikolaou 2020; Tsilis 2020). Metropolitan Tsilis (2020) reflects in a blog post on his experiences in Calcutta’s orphanages, where children practicing yoga articulate their Indian identity while fully embracing Orthodox faith. Papanikolaou (2020) denounced the Church’s decision as unjustified and irresponsible for neglecting the recognized psychosomatic advantages of yoga in treating PTSD and criticized the concept “that only that which emerges purely within Orthodoxy is acceptable.”

The Romanian Orthodox Church reiterated the 2020 reaffirmation of the Greek Church’s 2015 decision (The Statement of Greek Orthodox Church 2020) through a press release, agreeing with and reinforcing the Greek Church’s position. However, there is no definitive decision articulating a specific prohibition, rendering assumptions such as Atudorei and Swenninger’s (2018:38) claim that yoga is considered a mortal sin questionable. Karl-Erik Nylund (referenced in Atudorei and Swenninger 2018:22; Popescu 2016:33) argues that the Orthodox Church was quite active in the suppression of new religious and spiritual movements, including the hostility toward yoga.

Before the statements of 2015 and 2020, the vilification of yoga and its connection to demonic experiences arose from the extensive circulation of works such as Dionysios Farasiotis’s “The Gurus, The Young Man and Elder Paisios” (Farasiotis 2000, Romanian translation 2004, English translation 2008). Furthermore, the Orthodox discourse persists in asserting the incompatibility of yoga practice with Orthodoxy, seeing it as imbued with philosophical and theological conceptions foreign to Christianity (Brangk 2014; Gavrilă 2018; Pestroiu 2010). But what accounts for such a perspective?

The theological academic field did not pay significant attention to this subject. There are sporadic references, but they offer little substance. The references typically provide basic overviews and categorizations within Hinduism, often relying on clichés such as the fakirs (Sârbu 2022:283–84), or revisiting ongoing debates, for example, the alleged miraculous abilities of yoga practitioners, ultimately dismissed as forms of deception (Achimescu 2001:201). Nevertheless, there are instances in which the subject is approached with fascination. For example, David (1994:101) expresses particular interest in the concept of soul migration from the navel to the brain and to the spiritual realm through “astanga-Yoga.”

Currently, numerous Orthodox websites, predominantly pietistic in nature, critique yoga and caution against the potential risks of engaging with the beliefs of other faiths, suggesting that such interactions may jeopardize individual salvation (see Ionițe 2019; Kenneth 2022; Olaru and Damian n.d.; Totorcea 2024). By employing accessible language and straightforward argumentation, these platforms exert significant influence over large groups of Orthodox practitioners, contributing to a pronounced anti-yoga stance. This contrasts with the general attitude of the more secularized population, which does not draw on such sources for information or guidance.

It is important to consider the recent influx of immigrants from various Asian countries, including India. This wave of immigration, driven primarily by economic rather than political factors, has led to the formation of new diasporic communities (Bordaș 2020a:1349; Marinescu 2014:226–27). According to figures provided upon request by the General Inspectorate for Immigration, the number of Indian immigrants has steadily increased, rising from 4,041 out of a total of 59,848 Asian migrants in 2021 to 11,587 out of 135,492 Asian migrants at March 31, 2025. This might have facilitated increased interaction with Indian religious expressions and practices. Nonetheless, it remains too recent to have produced a significant social impact.

Research Questions

Having taken stock of how yoga and Hinduism have been approached in Romania, we now move to examine how these evolving attitudes are reflected in the views of students and instructors in Orthodox religion classes.

Attitudes are understood as socially shaped orientations toward issues or groups that are composed of both cognitive and affective elements, with positive or negative valences indicating approval or disapproval (Eagly and Chaiken 1993). Specifically, this study explores the following research questions:

1. What are the attitudes of high school students who attend Orthodox religion classes toward yoga and Hinduism?

2. What are the attitudes of Orthodox religion teachers toward yoga and Hinduism?

3. Are there any relationships between the attitudes of students and teachers toward yoga and Hinduism?

Research Design

To address these questions, we employed a mixed method research design. We collected data from high school students through an anonymous survey and from their teachers via semi-structured interviews. Our goal was to ensure a sample diverse in terms of geographical distribution and school types.

We contacted teachers and inspectors of religion across all counties in Romania and also reached out to a national representative at the Ministry of Education to help facilitate access to schools. In addition, we relied on personal connections to expand our outreach and ensure participation from a wide range of schools. This approach resulted in a diverse sample of students and teachers, covering various regions of the country and different school types.

Students received a link and filled in the questionnaire online, during the Religion class. They were informed about the purpose of the study and assured of the anonymity of their responses. To collect teachers’ answers, we used semi-structured written interviews. They were also informed about the purpose of the study and the anonymity of their answers. The exact wording of the text provided in the beginning of the questionnaire and the interview is included in Supplemental Appendix 1.

Students’ data were collected throughout the 2023/2024 academic year. Teachers’ answers were collected between July and September 2024.

Data and Analysis

Students’ Attitudes toward Yoga and Hinduism

A total of 1,524 students completed the questionnaire. For our analysis, we included only 1,436 participants who did not report belonging to a confession other than Christian Orthodox, since only they attend Orthodox religion classes. Of these, 41 percent were male and 59 percent female. Regarding grade level, 31 percent were in 9th and 23 percent each in 10th, 11th, and 12th. 52 percent of them live in urban areas, 43 percent in rural areas, and 3 percent have moved from urban to rural areas, with the remaining respondents selecting other options. They came from all macro-regions of Romania, ensuring a diverse territorial representation. In the Romanian context, macro-regions are large geographical divisions grouping several development regions. Specifically, 14.07 percent of participants were from Macroregion 1 (including the Northwest and Center regions), 47.70 percent from Macroregion 2 (including the Northeast and Southeast regions), 19.78 percent from Macroregion 3 (including the South Muntenia region and Bucharest-Ilfov areas), and 18.04 percent from Macroregion 4 (including the Southwest Oltenia and the West regions).

To address the first research question, we explored students’ attitudes toward yoga and Hinduism, the sources shaping these attitudes, and their openness to learning more about these traditions or engaging with yoga-related practices. Additionally, we examined the relationship between views on yoga as a religious practice and attitudes toward Hinduism to better understand how these perspectives may be interconnected. Supplemental Appendix 2 provides the complete wording of the questions we employed in these analyses.

In surveying students’ attitudes toward Hinduism, we use the terms “Oriental” or “Eastern Religions.” While the readers of this article might find the terminology quite biased and ambiguous, we decided to keep this umbrella term because, while acknowledging the problematic nature of the concept, its continued prevalence in everyday discourse makes it useful for investigating students’ and teachers’ views. The student questionnaire included the commonly used term “Oriental religions,” with an explanation of the term in brackets, referencing Hinduism, Buddhism, and Daoism. In the interviews addressed to the teachers, we did not use the term at all, but some of the participants referred to it on their own.

Supplemental Table 1 presents students’ answers to the question: When you hear the term yoga, what is the first thing that comes to mind? Only 3.90 percent of the students believe that yoga has a religious character, while 3.97 percent claim to lack information about yoga. Most of the respondents perceive yoga as secular: 62.5 percent identify it with a form of meditation, focused on concentration and breathing, 26.11 percent see it as a set of physical exercises, and 2.58 percent as a worldview. This suggests that yoga has been incorporated into everyday life practices and has lost much of its sacred or spiritual significance for many.

These understandings appear to be based on direct experiences with yoga for only 18.17 percent of the respondents, while over 80 percent claim that they have never practiced yoga.

Because yoga practices originate from Hindu traditions, any analysis of attitudes toward yoga, especially when practiced by Westerners in either religious or secularized forms, naturally invites considerations of attitudes toward Hinduism. To assess students’ attitudes toward Hinduism and other Eastern religions, they were presented with a series of statements about these traditions (e.g., Hinduism, Buddhism, Daoism) and asked to select all the statements they believed to be accurate. The statements were systematically constructed to reflect both positively and negatively valenced orientations toward these religions, capturing both cognitive and affective dimensions of these attitudes. Supplemental Table 3 presents the results.

A first set consists of statements with a positive valence. Nearly half of the respondents (47.49%) believe that Oriental religions are highly spiritual, while 16.02 percent find the sacred texts of Eastern religions particularly interesting and profound. Another positively valenced view is that Oriental religions are appreciated for their effects, such as enhancing calming or paranormal abilities (16.85%). This suggests that respondents value these religions not only for their intrinsic qualities, but rather for the practical benefits they offer. In other words, the focus appears to lean more toward achieving personal well-being than pursuing explicitly religious or spiritual goals.

Another set of statements reflects negatively valenced attitudes toward Oriental religions. One group of these statements asserts that Oriental religions are fundamentally incorrect and that any form of spirituality of Eastern origin should be avoided. They reflect a clear rejection of Oriental religious practices and beliefs. However, they are endorsed by only 7.24 percent of respondents for the first statement and 6.27 percent for the second, suggesting that such explicitly negative views are relatively uncommon among respondents. While this does not necessarily imply positive or even neutral perceptions, it indicates that strong rejection of Oriental religions is limited within the sample.

Another negatively valenced statement focuses on the social impact, claiming that Oriental religions encourage passivity and promote submission and oppression. As in the case of the previous ones, this view receives very limited support, with only 4.32 percent of respondents endorsing it. Two additional negatively valenced statements pertain to the incompatibility of Oriental religions with Christianity and their characterization as polytheistic and idolatrous. These statements are negative in relation to Christianity and may reflect the uncritical adoption of apologetic language common in monotheistic traditions. These views receive moderate but comparatively stronger support, with 17.76 percent and 11 percent of respondents endorsing them, respectively.

Views that Oriental religions are incompatible with Christianity and are polytheistic and idolatrous appear more prevalent than those that regard them as erroneous or state that they should be avoided. These views may be influenced by an apologetic discourse that students have encountered and internalized, whether through formal instruction or broader cultural exposure. Although it cannot be established whether such positions were explicitly discussed in religion classes, their relatively widespread presence among students’ answers may reflect the broader presence of a restrictive and defensively apologetic discourse promoted within Orthodox Christianity, circulating in society at large and possibly within the classroom itself.

Given that yoga is rooted in Hinduism, it is important to examine the relationship between viewing yoga as a religious practice and attitudes toward Hinduism. To explore this connection, we conducted a cross-tabulation analysis comparing views on Hinduism among those who regard yoga as a religious activity. The results of this analysis are presented in Supplemental Table 4.

Among the 56 respondents who identified yoga as a religious practice, 50 percent believe that Oriental religions are highly spiritual, 26.8 percent consider them fundamentally wrong, 12.5 percent find them very appealing to contemporary Europeans, 10.71 percent think that any form of Oriental spirituality should be avoided, 8.93 percent view Oriental religions as incompatible with Christianity, and another 8.93 percent find them fascinating. This suggests that perceiving yoga as religious practice is not a definitive factor shaping attitudes toward Eastern religions.

Unsurprisingly, given the small number of practitioners of Eastern religions in Romania, students’ views on Eastern religions do not appear to come from personal encounters with followers of these religions. Asked whether they had met someone practicing an Eastern religion only 6 percent answered affirmatively. The majority of respondents who reported such encounters describe them in positive terms, highlighting the kindness, politeness, and calm attitude of the individuals they met. A significant number of others simply note that they appeared as ordinary people. Among those who had not met any practitioners, a few expressed a desire to do so.

In response to a multiple-choice question concerning which religion they would like to learn more about, 17.27 percent of respondents indicated Hinduism and 25.70 percent indicated Buddhism. When asked about what they want to learn about the so-called Oriental religions, a large share of students indicated that they do not know what they want to learn about these religions (26.95%). An equally large proportion of students stated that they do not want to learn anything about them (28.27%). Among the remaining respondents, 13.16 percent expressed an indiscriminate interest in all or as many aspects as possible related to these religions, while 2.79 percent wished to learn the basic notions in order to gain an overall impression. Additionally, 11.77 percent showed interest in specific aspects such as the spread and history of these religions, the ideas and philosophical beliefs they promote, their traditions and practices, as well as issues such as meditation, fighting techniques, and relaxation methods. Notably, none of these include any reference to the word “yoga.” A further 11.28 percent of responses were too varied or idiosyncratic to be grouped into a single category, reflecting a wide range of individual perspectives and interests. Altogether, the two latter categories account for 23.05 percent of the students who expressed a specific preference on what they would like to learn about Oriental religions. Hinduism was mentioned by 0.2 percent of respondents, while Buddhism is mentioned more frequently, at 0.98 percent. Only 0.28 percent reported that they already possess knowledge of these religions, with just one respondent indicating that this knowledge comes from RE classes.

In general, these answers suggest that Oriental religions remain largely unfamiliar to the student body, with many students either uncertain about or reluctant to engage with the subject. Overall, the findings show that nearly three-quarters (71.73%) of the students are interested to learn more about Oriental religions. While 27 percent are unsure about what they want to learn, and 16 percent are interested in everything or in the basics, about one quarter (23.05%) of the students have specific views and desires, linked either in cognitive or practical aspects of the religions.

To conclude, students’ openness to learning about other Oriental religions is coupled with a limited level of knowledge about them. To a considerable extent, students acknowledge the need for better understanding, which suggests a potential receptiveness to learning more both about the core teachings of contents of other faiths such as Hinduism and about related practices they may encounter in society.

Teacher’s Attitudes toward Hinduism and Yoga

A total of 55 teachers completed the interview. Of these, 53 percent were male and 47 percent were female. The participants represented a diverse age distribution: 9 percent were between 20 and 30 years old, 18 percent between 30 and 40, 40 percent between 40 and 50, and 33 percent were over 50 years old. Regarding their workplace, 76 percent were employed in schools located in urban areas. Most of the teachers (78%) were teaching in lower secondary schools, while the remaining 22 percent taught in various types of high schools. In terms of teaching experience, 7 percent had less than 2 years of tenure, 21 percent had between 2 and 10 years, 26 percent between 11 and 20 years, 37 percent between 21 and 30 years, and 9 percent had more than 30 years of experience. Regarding the geographical distribution of the schools where they teach, 36.36 percent were from Macroregion 1, 16.36 percent from Macroregion 2, another 16.36 percent from Macroregion 3, and 29.09 percent from Macroregion 4. Information was missing for one respondent.

To address the second research question, we examined teachers’ attitudes toward yoga and Hinduism. We drew on responses to three open-ended questions, all concerning teachers’ views on which religions should be addressed in RE classes, which are of most interest to students, and which topics from these religions should be covered. To further assess teachers’ openness toward including non-Christian religions in the curriculum, we examined responses to three additional questions regarding the relevance and necessity of addressing such content in the classroom. Finally, a specific question on what information about Hinduism students should retain after finishing school was included to further explore teachers’ attitudes toward this specific tradition and the extent to which elements such as yoga were mentioned in their responses. The exact wording of the questions is provided in Supplemental Appendix 2.

The responses were examined using qualitative thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2021), with initial coding conducted by one author and the codebook subsequently refined and agreed upon collaboratively by all authors. For transparency and to clarify the analytical procedure of the thematic analysis, Supplemental Appendix 4 provides an excerpt of the codebook. It includes categories, themes, sub-themes, their descriptions, and illustrative examples.

First, mentions of Hinduism and other Oriental religions were counted in response to general questions about which religions should be addressed in Religion classes and which ones students show interest in. This provided initial insight into both teachers’ and students’ areas of interest. Asked “Which religion do you believe should be studied more extensively?” nine teachers explicitly mentioned Hinduism and five mentioned “Oriental” or “Asiatic” religions. Similarly, when asked “Which religions would they (the students) seem interested in?” nine answers mentioned Hinduism and three “Oriental” or “Asiatic” religions. These suggest that part of teachers’ beliefs regarding the relevance of including Hinduism and other Oriental religions among Religion class topics stems from their perception of students’ interest in these subjects.

The question “What themes do you think should be explored more extensively when addressing the respective religion(s)?” provided additional insights into teachers’ reasoning for prioritizing certain subjects. Among the 14 educators who identified Hinduism or Eastern religions as deserving more extensive exploration in RE classes, the topics of interest included doctrine (such as reincarnation, soteriology, and anthropology), rituals and practices (with 2 respondents explicitly mentioning yoga), and social aspects (including religious freedom and individual freedom in general, attitudes toward violence, and the status of women in society). One educator expressed uncertainty, while another made no topic suggestion.

Mentions of Hinduism and other Oriental religions as topics requiring further attention in RE classes emerged against a general backdrop of openness toward the necessity and appropriateness of including the study of diverse religions in the curriculum. However, mentions of Oriental religions are relatively limited, with less than a quarter of the teachers (21.82%) referring to them. In general, however, a significant proportion of the teachers acknowledge both students’ interest in such topics and the importance of teaching about other faiths. Specifically, when asked “Do you believe the students would be interested in learning about other religions during the religion class?,” half of the respondents (50.90%) agreed. Similarly, in response to the question, “Do you consider it necessary to include content on the history and doctrine of religions other than Christianity?” 60 percent expressed agreement.

However, in response to the question “Do you believe it is appropriate to provide information about different religions to pupils during RE courses, dedicating a portion of the class time for this purpose?,” only 23 teachers (41.81%) indicated that they were open to doing so. This finding suggests that while many educators recognize students’ curiosity about other faiths and the general need to address such topics, a significant proportion believe that Religion classes are not the appropriate contexts for fulfilling these needs and interests. It is unclear, however, whether this is due to their attitudes toward other religions or more practical reasons, such as the fact that the curriculum is already dense and educators feel there is not enough time or space to include additional content, given the number of units they have to cover.

Regarding Hinduism, responses to the question “What information about Hinduism do you think your students should retain after finishing school/high school?” indicated three general attitudes toward the inclusion and framing of topics related to Hinduism. Although the question focused on content, responses revealed broader positions on whether and how Hinduism should be addressed in Religion classes. One group of respondents expressed reluctance or outright refusal to engage with the topic of Hinduism during Religion classes. Another group exhibited openness, although to varying degrees and depending on how the topic would be introduced, often emphasizing the need to discuss it in comparison with Christianity or in a way that reinforces Christian values. Finally, a third group indicated uncertainty or offered no clear opinion on the matter.

The first group comprises various forms of reluctance and refusal to engage with the topic of Hinduism. Out of the 55 participants, 14 voiced disapproval of discussing Hinduism in the classroom, either stating it should not be studied at all or that students should not retain any information about it. This group clearly opposed its inclusion in the curriculum. The reluctance to engage with the topic is further suggested by two responses that reveal prejudices in assessing Hinduism. One participant referred to the “wicked nature of the deities,” while another took a superior stance, mentioning the underdevelopment of Hindu countries and claiming that “all Hindu countries possess an atomic bomb.” This view reflects an unfounded concern about violence and conflict, with no further explanation provided for such generalizations.

The group of teachers who expressed openness in answering the question responded in two distinct ways. Some provided a straightforward list of elements they considered valuable for students to remember, without offering further comments or evaluation. There were 25 such responses, highlighting fundamental aspects of Hinduism, related to its historical, ethical-moral, and doctrinal dimensions, such as karma, dharma, samsara, and moksha, as well as its myths and mystical elements, including the pursuit of union with the Absolute and various spiritual practices.

Others used the question as an opportunity to critically assess certain aspects of Hinduism from a Christian perspective or to assert the superiority of Christian beliefs. Rather than identifying elements for students to retain in a neutral or informative way, these responses reflected theological critique. They focused on themes related to the spiritual dimensions of Hinduism, the concept of reincarnation, and practices such as meditation and yoga.

Concerning the spiritual dimensions of Hinduism, one respondent explicitly dismissed them as not even comparable to the Orthodox Christian mystical tradition, which is presented as the uniquely authentic path to mystical experience. According to this respondent, although Hindu spirituality may have some appeal, it remains fundamentally “alien to Eastern Christian mysticism.” This remark offers little beyond asserting the foreign nature of Hindu spirituality; however, its wording appears intended to discourage any comparison or connection with Orthodox Christianity and its practices.

Among those who answered the question by criticizing Hinduism, three respondents specifically focused on reincarnation. For these educators, the concept of reincarnation provided an opportunity to reject not only this particular belief but, in some cases, broader aspects of Hindu spirituality. Their responses were primarily critiques, deeply rooted in Christian doctrine and teaching, and offered little in the way of impartial assessment. In all cases, rather than evaluating reincarnation or Hinduism more broadly on its own terms, these responses used the topic as a means of expressing their attitude toward reincarnation; interestingly, one participant relied on reaffirming Christian doctrine for her exposition, presenting Christianity as the definitive standard by which Hindu beliefs are to be judged, asserting that “Christ, through His bodily Resurrection, proves the falsity of this belief.”

This pattern continues when addressing the category of Hindu practices, where responses again frame the discussion in relation to Christian, specifically Orthodox, tradition. Two types of practices are mentioned: meditation (by two respondents) and yoga (only one participant). Both references to meditation appeal to comparisons with the Orthodox hesychast prayer. One respondent firmly denies any connection between the two, stating that “the examples would be telling in this regard” without actually offering any. The other acknowledges that meditation may provide a sense of mental calm but ultimately criticizes it for lacking the presence of a “personal God” and the invocation of the “Jesus Prayer.” In both cases, Hindu practices are not evaluated on their own terms but are instead measured against Orthodox Christian standards, leading to their dismissal as spiritually inferior.

It is noteworthy that both respondents rely on a comparison with a specific practice, namely the “Jesus Prayer” or hesychast prayer that was neither referenced nor prompted in the survey guide. This suggests a strong need to draw a clear boundary between Orthodox Christian practices and those that may appear similar in other religious traditions. The fact that both educators refer to this specific practice may also indicate prior exposure to comparisons between Orthodox and non-Christian forms of meditation, reinforcing their perceived need to differentiate and defend the uniqueness of Orthodox spirituality.

Concerning yoga, responses to the questions “What information about Hinduism do you believe your students should retain after completing school/high school?” and “What information about Buddhism do you believe your students should retain after completing school/high school?” elicited two subthemes: 1. yoga as a religious practice and 2. yoga as a potential threat for Orthodox students. Regarding subtheme 1, the responses of RE teachers to inquiries about integrating Hindu and Buddhist topics underscore the strong connection between these religions and the practice of yoga. One respondent emphasized that yoga is not a sport as frequently portrayed by the media or instructors but is rather grounded in “a religious tradition and its associated ideology.”

This links to subtheme 2, which reflects concerns that yoga may pose a risk to Orthodox students by potentially denaturing their religious identity. RE teachers stressed the mirage-like character of yoga practices and the importance of understanding “what lies behind its practices as well.” Although often presented as a neutral physical activity, yoga embodies religious meanings and philosophical ideas that are considered incompatible with Orthodox teachings and may subtly influence students through practices that appear harmless but carry broader ideological content. The focus is on preserving Orthodox identity, given that yoga is inextricably linked to other religious traditions and may subtly influence students through practices that appear harmless but carry broader ideological content.

To conclude, while many teachers acknowledged both students’ interest and the general importance of including non-Christian religions in the curriculum, fewer were willing to allocate significant class time to these topics. Hinduism was viewed with mixed feelings; some teachers were reluctant or opposed to addressing it, others showed openness but often framed their views through a Christian perspective, and some remained uncertain. Yoga, in particular, stood out as a controversial topic: it was considered a dangerous or threatening practice. Overall, these responses reveal a complex mix of openness and hesitation among teachers when it comes to teaching about Hinduism and related practices, shaped by a blend of pedagogical, theological, and cultural concerns. Moreover, it is evident that many teachers tend to express critiques of Hinduism and yoga without offering thorough reasoning, with such criticism frequently evolving into apologetic narratives aimed at defending Christian viewpoints rather than engaging in objective assessment.

Relationships between Students’ and Teachers’ Attitudes toward Yoga and Hinduism

In the previous sections we analyzed students’ and teachers’ attitudes toward yoga and Hinduism separately. To address the third research question we put the responses of teachers and students into dialogue and identified both convergences and divergences in their understandings and attitudes toward Hinduism and yoga. Although the two groups were surveyed using different methods and we cannot determine in all cases whether the teachers are the instructors of the surveyed students, both samples are large and geographically diverse enough to be considered broadly representative. Therefore, analyzing them together provides useful insights into how teacher attitudes may influence student views.

A first commonality is that in both groups—teachers and students—there are large shares of people who show openness toward Hinduism, other Eastern religions, and yoga as a related practice, and who express interest in either learning or teaching more about them. Some are particularly interested in specific elements such as rituals, philosophy, or spiritual practices. However, this openness tends to be more pronounced among students. Many students show generally positive attitudes toward Hinduism and genuine curiosity, even if they are not always sure what they want to learn about this religion. This indicates a clear interest that RE could better address by offering more structured and informed content on these topics.

Moreover, in both groups, respondents acknowledge the religious dimension of yoga, although this appears more pregnant in the case of teachers. Related to this, mentions of the incompatibility between yoga (and, by extension, Hindu practices) and Christianity are also present across both groups. Furthermore, both teachers and students exhibit a limited and often inconsistent knowledge base, with many responses reflecting gaps in information and underdeveloped lines of reasoning. These observations suggest a shared need for more structured and comprehensive educational formation concerning non-Christian religions and practices.

However, the differences between the two groups’ takes on Hinduism and yoga are more pronounced than the similarities. Notably, the majority of students tend to view yoga primarily as a secular practice focused on meditation, physical exercise, and breathing techniques largely detached from its original religious or spiritual roots. In contrast, several teachers emphasize yoga’s inherently religious nature.

The same pattern of difference applies to their attitudes toward Hinduism and Oriental religions. Many students tend to view them positively, often in contrast to the more cautious or critical stance of their teachers. However, students’ appreciation is frequently based on the perceived practical benefits for personal well-being, rather than on a deeper religious or spiritual engagement. For teachers, by contrast, the religious and doctrinal aspects remain central to their understanding and evaluation.

While most teachers tend to hold negative views of other Eastern religions and often adopt an apologetic stance, explicitly negative attitudes toward Oriental religions are relatively uncommon among students. However, a moderate number of students still express concerns regarding the perceived incompatibility of these religions with Christianity. Although this overlap in perspectives does not constitute definitive evidence that students’ views are directly shaped by RE classes, the similarity in discourse strongly suggests that traditional Christian apologetic narratives prevalent in these classes may influence students’ attitudes.

The openness toward Oriental religions notably differs between students and teachers. While students demonstrate curiosity and a willingness to learn more about these religions, this interest often remains vague and undefined, likely influenced by their limited direct experience with these religions. In contrast, many teachers appear reluctant to engage with these topics in the classroom, potentially missing the opportunity to guide students’ curiosity in a more informed and critical manner.

Data analysis also suggests that RE teachers often exhibit a limited and insufficiently nuanced understanding of Hinduism, other Eastern religions, and associated practices such as yoga. This is evidenced by responses that frequently oscillate between confusion, misinformation, and reliance on stereotypical representations. Rather than providing clear explanations, teachers tend to reject these topics based on vague or abstract ideas without justification. This suggests superficial engagement and possible gaps in their training, leading to an apologetic stance that discourages deeper understanding. While we lack conclusive evidence on the origins of these views—whether rooted in personal biases, education, or independent documentation—they seem to closely align with the narratives promoted by the flourishing Orthodox media websites and informal faith-based platforms previously identified in our theoretical documentation as influential. Both reflect a similar mix of preconceptions, resistance to other religions, and portrayals of religious others as potential threats.

This perspective extends beyond mere critique of Hinduism and yoga, reflecting an Orthodox Christian-centered evaluation. The Orthodox worldview fundamentally shapes this stance, emphasizing Orthodox mysticism as the authentic spiritual path, positioning Orthodoxy as the primary standard for judging other faiths, and highlighting perceived incompatibilities between Orthodox practices and those of other religions. Together, these elements form an apologetic discourse that not only critiques other religions but also seeks to defend Orthodoxy and assert its superiority.

This apologetic stance is also present in students’ answers, albeit to a notably lesser degree. Although this does not constitute conclusive evidence, it suggests that an apologetic framework for addressing other religions in relation to Orthodoxy may be present within the educational context and, more broadly, in Romanian society. The presence of similar discursive patterns in both teachers’ and students’ answers points toward the possible transmission of such attitudes through schooling, reinforcing existing cultural narratives and shaping the ways students approach religious differences.

Unlike the students’ responses, which reflect a range of attitudes from acceptance to rejection and criticism, the educators’ answers show no appreciative references to Hinduism. This perspective is understandable considering that, as they are teaching with the blessing of the Church, instructors approach the subject from a believer’s standpoint. Consequently, their responses demonstrate limited appreciation for Hinduism. Moreover, their critical evaluations appear to emphasize the need to assert the superiority of Orthodoxy, whether by presenting it as the exclusive focus of RE or through direct comparison with other faiths.

On the other hand, students do not appear inclined to engage with Eastern religions as active practitioners. Rather, their interest appears to be primarily focused on the practical aspects of these traditions, particularly techniques that promote well-being. This suggests a more observational and informational engagement rather than a spiritual or religious commitment. In contrast, teachers tend to adopt an apologetic discourse that emphasizes defending Orthodoxy and asserting its superiority. Unlike the teachers, students do not seem invested in evaluating which religion is superior or more appealing; instead, they approach these practices from a largely secular perspective centered on personal well-being.

Overall, the findings indicate a clear need for enhanced training and the provision of comprehensive, accurate educational materials related to Asian religions and their associated practices for both students and teachers. Such efforts would address existing gaps in knowledge, reduce reliance on stereotypes or superficial understandings, and promote a more informed and nuanced engagement with these religious traditions within the educational context.

Conclusions and Discussions

In this study we have examined attitudes toward yoga and Eastern religions among Romanian students and RE teachers, contributing to the academic understanding of how non-Christian traditions, particularly Hinduism and yoga, are addressed within Romanian Religious Education. While providing theoretical insights into the historical trajectory of yoga in Romania, the study primarily focuses on current attitudes within Religious Education (RE), revealing a significant gap between students’ and teachers’ perspectives. Despite their limited knowledge, students present interest in yoga and Eastern religions. In contrast, RE teachers often align with narratives found in Orthodox media and informal faith-based platforms. Many educators struggle to distinguish between spiritual and secular practices, yoga included. This contrast highlights not only differing levels of openness—students showing more receptiveness, teachers adhering to a doctrinal position—but also the broader tension between emerging pluralistic tendencies in Romanian society and the normative framework promoted by the Orthodox Church.

While we cannot pinpoint the origins of teachers’ critical attitudes, they closely mirror narratives promoted by Orthodox media and informal faith-based platforms, which often blend preconceptions, resistance to other religions, and portrayals of religious others as potential threats. Such sources propagate theological exclusivism, which “appears to more consistently promote prejudice” (Kollar and Fleischmann 2022). This highlights the importance of providing educators with appropriate training, particularly as research indicates that “education negatively affects exclusivist religious viewpoints” (Schwadel 2011), while interfaith contact correlates directly with the readiness of people to value religious pluralism positively (Brown and Brown 2011). However, the issue is complex, as any changes in RE must receive approval from the Romanian Orthodox Church, and the press release of the Church against yoga casts doubt on the likelihood of successfully implementing training initiatives of this kind for educators. Despite some educators’ openness and recent developments, there remains a significant risk that prejudices toward yoga and Hinduism could extend into broader forms of intolerance.

One limitation of this study is the use of different methodologies to collect data from students and teachers. Additionally, since we cannot determine in all cases whether the participants were drawn from the same schools, it is not possible to directly link their responses. However, given the diversity of the sample, we consider them broadly representative of the Romanian school environment and suitable for a comparative analysis.

In this evolving context, further studies should explore the extent to which Religious Education in Romania is open to presenting other religious traditions, particularly in a way that supports critical thinking and inclusivity. This matters because negative attitudes toward yoga and Hinduism could easily spread into wider intolerance, especially as Romanian society becomes more diverse. Understanding this better could help promote respect and harmony in schools and beyond.

Supplemental Material

sj-pdf-1-rrr-10.1177_0034673X251401169 – Supplemental material for Yoga, Hinduism, and the Orthodox Christian Culture: Attitudes in Religious Education in Romania

Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-rrr-10.1177_0034673X251401169 for Yoga, Hinduism, and the Orthodox Christian Culture: Attitudes in Religious Education in Romania by Alina Pătru, Oana Lup and Vlad A. Ștefănoaia in Review of Religious Research