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Abstract

Caste-based oppression, prevalent in Indian society, is a form of discrimination where the lower castes are treated as untouchables and the upper castes are favored. With the large-scale immigration of South Asians to the U.S., the caste system is interjected into the country, with over half of the Indian population identifying as an upper caste. This study determined the association between casteist and colorist beliefs and strived to understand the differences between casteist and colorist beliefs based on gender. The participants (n = 102) were upper caste South Asian college students in the U.S. Analyses indicated a positive correlation between casteist and colorist beliefs; as caste institutional beliefs increased, color mobility beliefs decreased. Students who believed that a person could get good opportunities regardless of their skin color were less likely to support that institutions should teach about caste beliefs. This paper highlights the cultural intersectionality of caste and color, underscoring the urgency for the inclusion of caste in psychological discourses and as a component of cultural competency. The paper calls attention to the upper-caste South Asian mental health practitioners’ responsibility to take active steps to address caste-based discrimination in their own therapeutic practices.

Keywords

caste color oppression discrimination gender

Introduction

Systemic violence in India is entrenched in caste oppression, which continues to systemically gatekeep and oppress different caste communities in India (Nikalje, 2022). The caste system divides people into upper castes (who have a higher social status) and lower castes (who have a lower social status). Lower caste communities are treated as outcasts (Ambedkar, 2014). Members belonging to the lower caste community are made to do manual scavenging, such as cleaning excreta from septic tanks without adequate protection by the upper castes (Kumar & Deepalatha, 2022). With the large-scale immigration of South Asians into the U.S., caste-based discrimination has been brought into the country, with more than half of the Indian population identifying as upper caste (Badrinathan et al., 2021). Given the consequential damage caste oppression has caused, it is imperative to understand how caste discrimination is produced and sustained in upper caste communities across countries.

Caste Oppression in India

Caste oppression, a prominent feature of Hinduism, emerges from the 3,000-year-old caste system and is the world’s longest-standing social hierarchy. This caste-based classification is a determinant of people’s access to privilege, status, and power in society. The different structural and fundamental pillars of India have caste hierarchy embedded in them as a core component. This hegemonic caste division, through the dominant upper caste communities, silences opposition to its own system (Ahammed, 2019). This crackdown is done through the drowning of anti-caste voices, research performed exclusively by the upper caste, and Dalit non-representation in the society (through media, arts, and academic spaces). This leads to the sustained continuation of caste oppression in the country, perpetuated by the upper caste communities. Caste oppression has significant negative effects on the lives of lower caste individuals and leads to intergenerational trauma, learned helplessness, and a deep-seated humiliation of the lower caste individuals’ cultural practices as well as identities (Ahammed, 2019).

There exists domination by the upper caste educational scholars in scholarly research and other academic areas. The representation of Dalits and other lower caste members in research work and institutions is below 1% (Paliwal, 2023). There has been a lack of pedagogical research done on the effects of caste-based trauma in the lower caste communities (Ahammed, 2019). Even if trauma topics are studied, they are not made a part of the regular learning institutional spaces. Instead, these studies are grouped in a classification called lower caste (Dalit) studies. Even though caste oppression and its trauma have been perpetuated by the upper caste community, caste as a conversation is kept from the general pedagogical narrative (Ahammed, 2019).

Recently, research on caste has been generated by the upper caste community members. However, instead of studying casteist behavior, including its sustainability and replicability within their own upper caste communities, upper caste researchers study the effects of casteism on the lower caste communities (Ahammed, 2019), thereby erasing accountability on their part as upper caste scholars. Ergo, without adequate scientific literature, the effects of caste oppression in the community go undiscussed, and as a result, casteism committed by upper caste communities goes unchallenged and unacknowledged (2019).

Caste Oppression in the United States of America

Caste-based oppression and discrimination have been brought into the United States of America through the large-scale immigration of South Asians to the country. This community of upper caste Indians continues to be the second-largest group of immigrants in the United States (Hoffman & Batalova, 2022). However, Dalits or lower caste individuals form an overwhelming minority of the Indian population in the U.S. (Martin et al., 2019). In a corporate organization setting, 67% of lower caste communities in the U.S. experienced work discrimination based on caste segregation (Zwick-Maitreyi et al., 2018). In the U.S., during the Coronavirus pandemic of 2020, caste-based discrimination in technological corporation giants such as Apple, Microsoft, and Google were unearthed through a workplace discrimination report filed with the state of California by a lower caste Dalit employee. After the filing of the report, thirty Dalit women working as employees for the corporate conglomerates voiced out the caste based discriminatory practices against them, such as regular salary sanctions and caste-based belittling (Krishnamurthi & Krishnaswami, 2021).

Caste-based discrimination is experienced in a variety of workplace and educational settings in the United States. A national report by Zwick-Maitreyi et al. (2018) surveyed 1,500 South Asians regarding caste-based discrimination. The findings of the study suggested the existence of caste-based discrimination, stereotyping, and gatekeeping in different sectors of the United States. A quarter (25%) of the total participants identified as belonging to a lower caste community. These participants reported caste-based violence against them, with a substantial majority reporting facing workplace discrimination because of their lower caste identity. Many of them also outlined caste-based discrimination against them in schools and universities (2018). Casteism has crossed into the educational settings of the U.S., where divisions based on caste have been found in K-12 schools, where one in every three Dalit students is discriminated against by other upper-caste students (2018). Caste-based jokes and curses have become the norm in schools and universities with a higher South Asian Indian population. Hence, even the language that students use is casteist in nature (2018).

There exists no specific parliamentary law or policy yet in the Constitution of the U.S. to safeguard the lower caste population from vicious caste discrimination (Martin et al., 2019). However, this has changed with the recent introduction of a bill in California’s Senate against caste-based discrimination by State Senator Aisha Wahab, where caste has been added to California’s anti-discrimination laws (Mansoor, 2023). A massive backlash from the South Asian diaspora in response to the bill (2023) has made it imperative to highlight casteism on a global platform. This intense counter-reaction against the caste bill in the U.S. is one of the ways through which the upper caste South Asian diaspora has tried to further establish caste discrimination and caste-based segregation. This discriminatory cultural norm is a by-product of South Asian immigration, which affects the lower caste South Asian population in different geographical locations.

The Relation Between Casteism and Colorism

To understand caste-based oppression, it is important to study casteism through the intersectionality of skin color. Colorism and casteism are linked together through the mutual discrediting of belonging to a lower caste community and having a darker skin complexion (Ayyar & Khandare, 2013), where caste belongingness and dark skin are seen as insignias of contamination and filthiness (Dhillon, 2019). This association of caste and skin color exists due to the overlapping element of destitution and inferior status, where jobs like manual laboring outside in the heat, and lack of proper physical care can lead to the darkening of the skin (Mishra, 2015). Often, it is the lower caste communities that are socially coerced to do these manual jobs that transcend generations. Hence, since lower caste communities are made to work outside, which leads to skin darkening, socially, darker skin has been associated with lower caste belongingness (Mishra, 2015). Thus, skin color is often perceived as one of the caste markers (Yendge, 2016).

The prejudice against darker skin while exhibiting a positive preference for lighter skin is colorism, where there are distinctions in behaviors toward people due to differences in their skin color (Data, 2019). Colorism is an integral part of societal beauty standards and desirability, while overarching into the socio-economic and political interactions of society. Due to colorism, darker skin is socially disadvantaged, othered, and gatekept from taking up prominent spaces in society, while lighter skin is preferred and welcomed in these spaces (Data, 2019; Dhillon, 2019).

There are numerous theories regarding the association between caste and color, where the analysis of historical and religious reasons in this interaction can further the research perspective on caste discrimination and colorism (Jayawardene, 2016). One such theory credits the source of caste designations and color to the ancient Hindu scripture of “Rigveda” (Sharma, 2005). A different theory holds the notion that the Aryan invaders of the northern steppes established the caste and color system (Dhillon, 2019; Shevde, 2008). However, prominent Dalit scholar and the creator of the Indian constitution—Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, opposed the theory of caste segregation solely produced by Aryan settlement. Instead, he rooted the paradigm of casteism in the religious foundations of Hinduism instead of being based on non-religious racial differences (Jayawardene, 2016).

Even today, an upper-caste individual is more socially desirable than a lower caste person (Kumar & Deepalatha, 2022; Mishra, 2015). In same-caste romantic relationships, partners with a whiter skin tone are deemed more acceptable than those with darker tones (Mishra, 2015). A person’s social status and attractiveness are often marked by their skin color, which is seen as a direct translation of their caste location (lower caste belongingness) in society (Mishra, 2015). Even though casteism and colorism exist on a continuum and are dynamic in nature, association with the upper caste community takes precedence over the skin color of a person. Hence, even if a lower caste person has lighter skin, their association with the lower caste community would always be viewed as the most salient part of their identity than their skin color. Ergo, the darker skin tone of an upper caste may be more socially acceptable than a lower caste member’s lighter skin (Mishra, 2015; Vijaya & Bhullar, 2022).

A similar relation between casteism and colorism is also shared within the black diaspora, where stigma linked with the darkness of skin tone was one of the prominent features of slavery in the U.S. A study done by Moore et al. (2020) points out the advantages that light-skinned African Americans had during and even after slavery due to their resemblance, with their light skin and straight hair, to European ancestry. Whiteness presided over resource distribution, which resulted in light-skinned African Americans having more educational opportunities and increased job prospects than dark-skinned African Americans (Moore et al., 2020). Light-skinned African American women were seen as more attractive (Keigan et al., 2024), which led to an increase in highly educated African American men marrying light-skinned African American women. This resulted in a cycle of poverty, lower socio-economic status, and less educated spouses for the dark skinned African American women (Moore et al., 2020). This skin tone stratification was negatively impacted by popular media, which often showed light-skinned African American women as the most desirable Black women (Keigan et al., 2024).

There exist similarities between Hinduism’s justification of casteism and the portrayal of whiteness as holy and blackness as unholy among other religions practiced within the U.S. For example, even though the Bible describes Jesus as a Middle Eastern man from Nazareth, as colonization took place, the understanding of holiness was interchanged with whiteness, and soon the image of Jesus was turned into that of a European born, with light skin and blue eyed. The light-skinned Jesus became the norm, and the distance between whiteness and holiness narrowed (University of South Carolina, 2020). The difference between Hinduism and casteism and Christianity with relation to racism/colorism, however, is that while Hindu scriptures validate caste-based differences through the different the caste categories, the bible does not validate racism or colorism (see, e.g., McCaulley, 2022).

Caste in South Asia

The caste system has emerged from the Hindu religion in India (Dattatreya, 2023); however, today, casteism has become a global issue because it exists outside of India in other South Asian countries. Caste-based discrimination has been found to exist in countries such as Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. Caste discrimination is no longer limited to the Hindu population; there have been instances of casteism and caste-based oppression found in religious communities such as Islam and Christianity (Goghari & Kulsi, 2023). Often, a more prominent marker of caste than skin color is the last names/family names of people. The surnames have become markers of caste location and hence carry the weight of caste discrimination and social ostracization with them. To combat caste-based social isolation, many lower castes attempt to “pass” off as an upper caste. This phenomenon of caste “passing” is when a lower caste person tries to pass off as an upper caste person through many different ways. One of the ways includes changing the last name/family name to a more culturally appropriate upper caste surname. This gives lower caste individuals social mobility and safeguards them from casteism and caste-based violence meted out by the upper caste communities (Parmar, 2020).

The Relation Between Caste, Color, and Gender

The societal coercion to adhere to beauty standards is experienced by both women and men; however, it is often the women who are targeted by the continuous coercions of these societal standards. These standards often cause women to negatively evaluate their physical appearance more frequently than men (Strahan et al., 2006). Beauty standards in the South Asian context are conceptualized with fairer/lighter skin color (Bakhshi & Baker, 2011). Colorism often affects the social acceptability of women and how they perceive themselves (Bakhshi & Baker, 2011; Mishra, 2015). In a study done by Mishra (2015), in the South Asian Indian population, more women wanted to have a whiter skin tone when compared with men. Conversely, more men than women wanted to be in a relationship with a white-skinned partner. Seventy-four percent of the total number of participants that were surveyed believed that light-skinned people were socially more acceptable (Mishra, 2015). Often, light-skinned people have a higher status than dark-skinned people in society (Vijaya & Bhullar, 2022). In Indian society, light-skinned Indian women are the first choice for marriage, while darker-skinned, lower-caste (Dalit) women are the last in the marriage market (Dhillon, 2019). Darker-skinned brides are socially viewed as having a lesser value than fairer-skinned brides who can equalize for their husband’s lacking through their own skin color (Dhillon, 2019). This leads to the reaffirming of the relationship between colorism and gender, where women are perceived differently than men through their skin color.

In the Indian culture, there exists more pressure on women than men to have fairer skin since a lighter skin tone is an important trademark of physical beauty (Mishra & Jayakar, 2019; Raj et al., 2022). These are the reasons why women tend to buy more skin-lightening products than men (Raj et al., 2022). Although women and men are viewed differently in society based on the color of their skin, with women being judged more harshly, their preference for skin color is not different than that of men (Gupta et al., 2021). In a study by Gupta et al. (2021), it was found that men and women of a lighter skin tone showed a preference for fairer skin, while those who had a darker complexion were inclined toward darker skin tones (Gupta et al., 2021). However, a study by Ramasubramanian and Jain (2009) found gender differences in the perception of colorism, with more men than women placing a greater preference on social attractiveness and wanting a light skin colored partner. The findings of the study by Utley and Darity (2016) corroborate the above study results of Ramasubramanian and Jain (2009), where gender differences in perception of skin color have been found, thus, suggesting that more women than men are self-conscious of their skin color as it affects their physical attractiveness while more men than women are conscious of having a light skin colored marriage partner (Utley & Darity, 2016). This points to there being a difference in preference for skin color between women and men.

Although the skin color of a person, their financial standing, and gender are important, in a country divided by caste segregation, the caste location of a person holds more superiority than the other factors. Thus, it becomes imperative to understand caste through the lens of intersectionality with caste, color, and gender (Nikalje, 2022; Zwick-Maitreyi et al., 2018).

Gaps in Literature and Purpose of Study

Caste discrimination and its continuation through the upper caste communities have been ignored in mainstream academic spaces. Research on caste has mainly focused on the inflicted (lower caste communities) rather than on the inflictors (upper caste communities). As a result, accountability for casteist practices has not been taken by the upper caste communities. Thus, the existence of a research bias, through constant fixation on the lower caste communities and lack of accountability by upper caste scholars, results in segregation in caste discussions, where caste conversations are not included within the upper caste spheres.

More importantly, caste oppression is closely linked with skin color and gender. As mentioned by Mishra (2015), a significant factor between gender and colorism in the Indian subcontinent is caste. Although there are studies that address the intersectionality between caste and color, and caste and gender, these have mainly been done by studying the effects of this intersectional discrimination in the lower caste communities. However, the link between caste oppression through color and gender, with a focus on how upper caste communities support and encourage casteist and colorist beliefs, has rarely been established in academic literature. Thus, there exists a chasm between caste discrimination, which has emerged as a global phenomenon of oppression, and its ties with skin color discrimination among the Indian upper caste women and men. Research on the gender differences in casteist and colorist beliefs/ attitudes in upper caste communities would facilitate understanding of caste discrimination through an intersectional lens, while aiding the notion that there are historical gendered segregations in perceptions affecting these beliefs.

Therefore, this research study aimed to answer the following two research questions: (1) Are there gender differences in casteist and colorist beliefs? and (2) Is there an association between casteist and colorist beliefs in upper caste (UC) South Asian women and men?

Method

Participants

Convenience sampling was used to recruit participants. Participation criteria included being 18 years old or above, being a university student, and being of an Upper Caste South Asian Indian ethnicity. Participants were Upper Caste South Asian students, recruited from the South Asian student groups at a university located in the northeast part of the United States. The total number of participants that participated in the study amounted to 102 (52% men, 48% women, 0% non-binary). The mean age of the participants was 23.78, and 83.3% of the respondents were upper caste. Amongst the participants, around 34.3% had finished a bachelor’s as their highest educational degree, and 81.4% of the participants were international students. About 60% of the total respondents indicated their skin color palette as ranging between 1 and 3 (which falls between the lighter skin tone range).

Regarding the highest education received (M = 2.4, SD = 0.9), 16% of the participants reported completing their high school, 40% reported a bachelor’s degree as their highest education level received, 33% of participants reported having completed their master’s degree, 9% reported completing their PhD, and 1.8% reported completing their post-doc. Regarding immigration status (M = 1.4, SD = 1.3), around 86% were international students, 4% were permanent residents, 5% were U.S.-born citizens, while 5% of participants reported being on their H1B visa. Around 14% of the participants reported their duration of residence in the U.S. as 1 year, 18% reported it as 2 years, and the rest of the participants reported it as more than 2 years.

Measures

Casteist Beliefs

To measure casteist beliefs, the Caste Belief Scale (CBS) developed by Nikalje (2022), was employed as a measure. The CBS is a 15-item scale measuring interpersonal (e.g., “Lower caste people are too sensitive”) and institutional (e.g., “Casteism was only a problem in the past”) casteist beliefs. While the interpersonal subscale measures the prejudice that upper-caste people have against lower-caste people, the institutional subscale measures the prevalence of caste oppression in the U.S. The test is scored on a six-point Likert scale with 1—being strongly disagree and 6—being strongly agree. There are five reverse scored items such as—“Casteism is a problem even for Indian Americans,” “caste gives certain groups advantages even in the U.S.,” “caste privilege exists,” “it is important for schools in the U.S. to teach about the history and impact of caste in South Asia,” and “because of caste discrimination, it is important to add caste as a protected class like race, gender etc. in the U.S.” In this test, both the scales on the Caste Belief Scale were summed, and their mean was scored separately (Nikalje, 2022).

The development of CBS took place in two phases: exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), which established sufficient construct validity of the test. In the first phase, the test had a Cronbach’s alpha of .91. Institutional and interpersonal beliefs had alpha reliabilities of .94 and .87, respectively. In the second phase, the alpha reliability of interpersonal beliefs changed to .82. Hence, the scale has a strong reliability (Nikalje, 2022). The 15 items explained 60% of the variance, while the confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) indicated a fitting correlational model (Nikalje, 2022).

Colorist Beliefs

To measure colorist beliefs, the In-Group Colorism Scale (ICS) developed by Harvey et al. (2014) was used. This scale is a self-report inventory that consists of 20 items measuring the way skin color difference affects the five subscales of—self-concept (e.g., “my skin tone is an important component of who I am”) affiliation (e.g., “most of my friends tend to be the same skin tone”), attraction (e.g., “I prefer a romantic partner who has the same skin tone as me”), impression formation (e.g., “you can tell a lot about a person by their skin tone”), and upward mobility (e.g., “if you want to get ahead, you have to be the right skin tone” (Harvey et al., 2014, 2017). The subscale of self-concept measures the way people evaluate themselves based on their own skin tone. The subscale of impression formation measures the characteristics that are formed of people based on their skin color. The subscale of attraction measures attractiveness based on the skin tone of people, while the affiliation subscale measures the influence of skin tone in friendship-building and social interactions. Finally, the subscale of upward mobility measures the impact of skin color on societal accomplishments (Harvey et al., 2017).

This test is scored on a seven-point Likert scale with 1—strongly disagree and 7—strongly agree. The In-Group Colorism Scale (ICS) is scored by summing the 20 items and then taking an average of them, where higher scores endorse higher ratings of colorism with higher meaning attached to skin color differences (Harvey et al., 2017). The development of the In-Group Colorism Scale (ICS) took place in two phases: exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), which established good structural validity and inter item reliability of the test. Harvey et al. (2017) reported that the test established high reliability (α = .91) with high alpha reliabilities on the five factors—Self-concept (α = .85), impression formation (α = .77), affiliation (α = .82), attractiveness (α = .81), and upward mobility (α = .91; Harvey et al., 2017). Each subscale has four items in it: items 1 to 4 in Self-concept, items 5 to 8 in impression formation, items 9 to 12 in affiliation, items 13 to 16 in attraction, and items 17 to 20 in upward mobility.

Procedures

Participants were recruited in the U.S. from a northeastern university. Data were collected from the South Asian ethnic community of students who belonged to different South Asian student associations. To counter socially desirable responses and ensure confidentiality, students participated in the research study anonymously.

Surveys used in this study were entered into Qualtrics, and the study link was sent to potential participants. First, participants were directed to the study’s informed consent form. Only after clicking the next button on the consent form were the participants directed to a survey asking for their demographic details, such as caste (upper or lower caste), and age. Although everyone was allowed to participate in the study, only the data responses of the participants who were 18 years or older were included and analyzed in the study. This was followed by a secondary survey, which asked participants questions about their gender (women, men, nonbinary), self-reported skin tone, time spent studying in the U.S., their immigration status, and level of education. No identifiable information was collected. After this, the participants were directed to questions measuring their casteist and colorist beliefs through the Caste Belief Scale (CBS) (Nikalje, 2022) and the In-Group Colorism Scale (Harvey et al., 2014).

Data Analysis

To answer the first research question—are there gender differences in casteist and colorist beliefs—a one-way MANOVA (Multivariate analysis of variance) was used to compare the two outcome variables—casteist and colorist beliefs across the predictor variable—gender (women and men). Along with this, there were two dependent variables based on the “Caste Belief Scale”—internalized and institutional. On the “In-Group Colorism Scale,” there were five dependent variables: self-concept, affiliation, attraction, impression formation, and upward mobility. Since there was only one IV and seven DVs, using a one-way MANOVA was deemed to be appropriate here.

To answer the second research question—if there is an association between casteist and colorist beliefs in upper caste South Asian women and men—a Pearson’s product-moment bivariate correlation analysis was used to measure the relation between the seven continuous variables across the measures of “Caste Belief Scale” and “In-Group Colorism Scale.” In the Caste Belief Scale (CBS) there were five reverse scored items such as—“Casteism is a problem even for Indian Americans,” “caste gives certain groups advantages even in the U.S.,” “caste privilege exists,” “it is important for schools in the U.S. to teach about the history and impact of caste in South Asia,” and “because of caste discrimination, it is important to add caste as a protected class like race, gender, etc. in the U.S.” These five questions were reverse coded into SPSS to match the other 10 questions from the CBS scale.

This study conceptualized gender into three different categories: women, men, and non-binary. However, the responses adhered to the gender binary; the non-binary category was removed from the analyses due to no participant selecting this category.

Results

A one-way MANOVA was conducted to determine whether there was a difference between men and women on casteist beliefs (caste institutional, caste personal) and color beliefs (color self-concept, color impression formation, color affiliation, color attraction, color upward mobility. Using Pillai’s trace, non-significant differences were found in casteist beliefs and color beliefs based on gender.

To examine the relation between casteist beliefs and colorist beliefs, Pearson’s product-moment bivariate correlation analysis was used. Caste interpersonal beliefs (M = 15.6, SD = 7.3) and caste institutional beliefs (M = 30.0, SD = 9.1) showed a statistically significant, moderately positive correlation with each other (r = .41, p < .001, 95% CI [.24, .60]. Caste interpersonal beliefs and color self-concept beliefs (M = 14.3, SD = 6.7). showed a significant moderately positive correlation with each other (r = .35, p < .001, 95% CI [.15, .51]. There was also a significant moderate positive correlation between caste interpersonal beliefs and color impression formation beliefs (M = 10.1, SD = 5.4), r = .48, p < .001, 95% CI [.30, .62]. There was a moderate positive correlation between caste interpersonal beliefs and color affiliation beliefs (M = 9.1, SD = 5.1), r = .45, p < .001, 95% CI [.27, .60], along with a significant moderate positive correlation between caste interpersonal beliefs and color attractiveness (M = 11.1, SD = 6.8), r(93) = .48, p < .001, 95% CI [.31, .62]. There was a significant moderate negative correlation between caste institutional beliefs and color mobility (M = 10.0, SD = 6.4), r (93) = −.40, p < .001, 95% CI [−.52, −.20]

For statements such as “casteism was only a problem in the past” (M = 2.62, SD = 1.69), there were strong disagreements (strongly disagree, somewhat disagree, slightly disagree) (% = 72.5). Similarly, for statements such as “caste discrimination does not exist in the US” (M = 3.09, SD = 1.596), there was a strong disagreement (% = 64.7). However, for the statement “it is not casteism but classism that is a problem” (M = 4.60, SD = 1.40), an overwhelming 78.3% of the respondents agreed with the statement by checking one of the three categories of strongly agree, somewhat agree, and slightly agree. Similarly, for statements such as “caste privilege exists” (M = 2.71, SD = 1.73), 72.6% of people disagreed with the statement.

Discussion

In this research paper, we aimed to study casteism and colorism in upper caste men and women student population. This aim was achieved by measuring the association between casteist and colorist beliefs through Pearson’s product-moment bivariate correlational analysis and understanding gender differences in casteist and colorist beliefs through a MANOVA analysis.

In this study, casteist beliefs and colorists beliefs were positively correlated with each other, where an increase in one variable led to an increase in the other. However, this was not true for caste institutional and color mobility, which showed a significant moderate negative correlation. This meant that as caste institutional beliefs increased, color mobility beliefs decreased. People who agreed with statements such as “it is not casteism but classism that is the problem” were less likely to agree that skin color could be a barrier to seeking opportunities. Hence, people who believed that regardless of skin color a person could get good opportunities were less likely to support that institutions should teach about caste beliefs. Over 60% of the sample population indicated having a lighter skin tone; thus, it is possible that this group of people might not have faced skin-based/color-based discrimination. It is also possible that the remaining group of participants who indicated their skin color as darker might be experiencing internalized colorism and using intentional denial as a coping mechanism.

Participants who scored higher on the caste institutional beliefs also scored higher on caste interpersonal beliefs. Thus, people who did not support the idea of casteism being the problem instead of classism were more likely to present with negative opinions of people from the lower caste community.

Casteism is often conflated with classism, which leads to an erasure of accountability and caste-based responsibility on the part of upper caste communities. This study shows that beliefs such as accepting classism as the problem instead of casteism lead to the failure to address structural casteism. Thus, conflating casteism with classism and focusing on class-based or economic solutions, without highlighting caste-based discrimination, leads to a concealing of caste-based discrimination, erases caste-based accountability amongst the upper caste communities, and continues the cycle of blaming the lower caste individual for being stuck in caste-based hierarchies. Hence, someone can be both of a higher class (a good socio-economic standing) and a lower caste and would still be discriminated against and looked at more unfavorably than someone of a lower class but upper caste. For example, in a viral Twitter tweet in 2018, Indian film director Vivek Agnihotri sparked an online debate when he commented that a lower caste was seated in the business class of an aircraft while he (an upper caste) was seated in the economy section. He cited this as the inversion of the caste pyramid, where the upper caste is the dominant caste and occupies a position at the top of the pyramid (Agnihotri, 2018). This difference in class and caste is highlighted in the responses where the current research study’s respondents supported and agreed with the statement that it is not casteism but rather classism, even when they agreed with the statement that casteism exists in the U.S. and acknowledged that casteism is not a problem of the past. Such inconsistencies in responses show a greater push to not acknowledge casteist practices publicly and instead rely on other measures of discrimination such as classism to cover up for caste-based discrimination. This study shows that beliefs such as denial of the existence of caste-based privilege in the U.S. lead to the exclusion of caste conversations in upper caste communities and dominant research, as well as popular narratives.

This paper also highlights the urgency of spreading awareness regarding caste-based violence amongst people. News of caste-based violence is rarely discussed in the dominant media of the country. However, there is an urgent need for caste-based violence to be stopped and for accountability to be taken by the upper caste members of the community. The erasure of human rights and an increase in the dehumanization of lower caste people have contributed to brutal violence and inhuman treatment of the lower caste population by the upper caste members. In 2018, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC, 2018) reported caste-based violence and instances of atrocities carried out by upper caste members against the lower caste member population. In one incident, a Dalit man was ambushed by a group of upper castes for riding a horse (which is the traditional rite for a groom in a Hindu wedding), which was seen as an upper caste symbology (BBC, 2018). The upper caste group took offence that a Dalit man was riding a horse and thus trying to emulate behaviors that were above his caste identity. In another instance, the BBC reported that two Dalits (members of the lower caste population) were attacked and murdered for sitting cross-legged in the temple. The attack happened because the upper caste group saw the sitting position as inherently belonging to and being a symbol of upper-caste-ness. The portrayal of that symbol by a lower caste member was insulting and disrespectful to them (BBC, 2018).

More recently, in 2025, the Indian-led newspaper Mooknayak reported a caste-based violent attack on a Dalit priest and his family by a mob of upper-caste villagers. The attack took place as the priest and his family were engaged in worship in the temple. The upper caste crowd attacked the family, hurled casteist abuses, and destroyed the temple, with a belief that a Dalit man does not have the right to conduct worship in a Hindu temple (Pillai, 2025). In another incident, as reported by Zwick-Maitreyi et al. (2018), a lower-caste parent’s child used to play/study together with an upper-caste Hindu child after school. However, once the parents of the upper-caste child realized that the family was lower-caste, news of their identity spread to other upper caste Hindu parents. Soon, the lower caste parents and their child were ostracized from the upper caste Hindu community (2018). Such instances make it imperative for caste awareness to be included in the training of school personnel working in early education settings. Beliefs that caste should not be taught in schools or universities have an impact on caste awareness in the country. This lack of awareness would have an effect on the policy decisions that are made; for example, this could lead to the gradual erasure of affirmative actions. Even more importantly, the lack of caste awareness in schools and universities would perpetuate the casteist dogma and increase caste-based hate. To begin to hold the upper caste member community accountable, it is first important that the youth in these communities are made aware of caste-based education. Caste unawareness may also sustain upper-caste privilege without addressing casteist discriminatory practices.

Thus, the positionality of the South Asian community and their relation to power is tied to their topographical location and other environmental factors. Instances of racist and colorist attitudes and beliefs against South Asian community members exist in the U.S. These discriminatory practices often target the South Asian community’s language, clothing, accents, or their ethnic food. Hence, this leads to social ostracization of South Asian community members from society (Unni et al., 2022). However, there also exist intra-community discriminatory practices within the South Asian community in the form of casteism that should be addressed and abolished. Thus, while addressing inter-racial and inter-ethnic bigotry, it is important to call out intra-community and inter-caste discrimination, which often goes unnoticed under the bigger veil of Asian discrimination.

Clinical significance

With the massive immigration of South Asians into the U.S., the population demographic of the country has undergone a change over the last few decades. Change has been warranted in different sectors of the U.S. society to accommodate the cultural and international presence. Within the field of psychology, it has become imperative for psychologists and counselors to be culturally competent and have cultural awareness. It is important for mental health practitioners to be aware of and understand the cultural processes of different communities.

Implication for Therapists

Power hierarchies in society often get translated into power dynamics within the therapeutic system, especially when the client and therapist belong to different identity groups. In the field of psychology and counseling, there are cultural competency courses and certifications that make it mandatory for therapists to be culturally competent and able to deal with the racial, gender, and class power dynamics that exist in society. However, caste-power dynamics are not included in these discussions. Caste location affects the therapeutic relationship between the client and therapist. Thus, caste education needs to be included in future continuing education trainings to reduce psychological harm done by therapists toward their patients by not understanding or being aware of caste realities.

Implications for South Asian Therapists

The psychological harm done by South Asian therapists is more due to their personal identity and proximity to the patient’s South Asian culture. If a therapist belongs to an upper caste community, as opposed to their client, the power relationship between the client and the therapist will be even more uneven, with the therapist having a dual power position (as a therapist and as an upper caste individual). This would affect the therapeutic rapport building, especially if the therapist is not caste sensitive and does not acknowledge and validate their client’s experiences of caste-based discrimination. Therapists who belong to a higher caste and have a lighter skin tone may have low awareness and recognition regarding racial issues. Thus, caste and color intersect in this way, where therapists who believe that caste privilege does not exist, and that discrimination is based on class instead of caste, may not understand or even deny the existence of skin color and caste hierarchy. This could lead to casteist microaggressions within the therapeutic relationship, where therapists could reinforce harmful stereotypes. Upper caste therapists, with a lack of caste awareness, could normalize their upper caste norms and assume that their upper caste reality is the norm for everyone. As a result, this could lead to potential re-traumatization for clients and lower the therapist’s competency that is necessary in offering a healing space for their clients. Thus, the praxis of self-reflexivity and self-evaluation, which forms the cornerstone of effective mental health practice, is an important tool that should be used by upper caste therapists as they enter into sessions with lower-caste clients. Self-aware upper-caste therapists can also engage in advocacy work within the guild of psychology and within their upper caste community circles.

Implications for Research

Therapists who are of a South Asian ethnicity but are upper castes have a different power-based intersectionality: In the U.S., they are a marginalized and racialized community (with less social power); however, in India, they are the dominant group (exercising power in society). Thus, it is important to understand how geographical locations can affect the revoking and reinstating of privilege. This would also affect research generated by therapists. While South Asian therapists may not want to indulge in advocacy roles due to the precariousness of their identity in the U/S., in India, they will be able to assume the role of a social activist and advocate for social rights because they would have more power in Indian society than in the U.S. This would also highlight the upper-caste South Asian therapist’s responsibility in the country to take active steps to address the caste-based discrimination in their own therapeutic sessions.

Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research

One of the limitations of this study is that the sample size is not representative of the different South Asian identities that exist in the U.S. Future studies can focus on assessing casteist and colorist beliefs across the South Asian upper caste non-student population, including the workforce population. This would give us a better idea of how casteism is sustained in the workplace. More importantly, future studies can focus on expanding the sample size to make it more representative of the population. Additionally, assessing casteist and colorist beliefs across the different ethnic groups and regional identities would make the sample more representative of the population. It would be interesting to study how those who believe in the caste system perceive their benefits from a colorist society in the U.S. as a mixed methods study to understand their reasons after having them complete Caste Belief Scale and/or In-Group Colorism Scale.

Conclusion

In sum, the study examined the casteist and colorist beliefs in upper caste South Asian students in the U.S. The study centered around caste beliefs and colorist beliefs in caste-dominant communities to understand how these beliefs are still sustained in dominant narratives. The study used the Caste Belief Scale as well as the In-Group Colorism Scale to measure casteist and colorist beliefs. The study introduced a novel area of research in cultural psychology through the measurement and association of casteist and colorist beliefs in caste-dominant communities.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Saanya Verdia

Senel Poyrazli

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