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Abstract

Urban areas, particularly those inhabited by marginalized populations, face many challenges in promoting sustainable livelihoods and enhancing well-being. These challenges are further exacerbated by the direct and indirect consequences of climate change, amplifying pre-existing socioeconomic vulnerability and entrenching inequalities. A comprehensive understanding of the intricate relationships between urban poverty, climate-induced vulnerabilities, and adaptive capacities is critical for addressing these compounded difficulties. This qualitative case study interrogates the intersection of climate change and urban poverty in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, by examining how climate impact exacerbates the precarious conditions of disadvantaged urban dwellers. Utilizing a multi-methodological approach, this study explored the specific barriers faced by these populations, elucidated how climate change intensifies these struggles, and analyzed the adaptive strategies employed by individuals and communities in response to escalating environmental stressors. Furthermore, this study assesses the efficacy of existing institutional and community-based mechanisms that aim to mitigate the climate-related vulnerabilities of the urban poor. These findings underscore that residents of economically marginalized urban areas are subject to a constellation of vulnerabilities, including overcrowded informality, inadequate and deteriorating infrastructure, limited access to essential services, and poor health and nutritional outcomes. These factors collectively heighten the exposure of poor urban populations to climate risks such as heat waves, flooding, and water scarcity. In response, households engage in adaptive strategies such as migration and income diversification, yet these short-term solutions frequently fail to address the deeper structural drivers of vulnerability. This study argues for an integrated framework of climate adaptation and poverty reduction that simultaneously addresses the economic and spatial inequities faced by marginalized urban populations. Effective interventions must incorporate a forward-looking perspective that addresses the current and anticipated climate risks by improving housing conditions, infrastructure, and access to basic services. Focusing on the nexus between urban poverty, climate change, and resilience, this study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of urban adaptation and advocates for policies that foster long-term, inclusive, and sustainable urban development.

Keywords

Climate change urban poor institutions vulnerability resilience

Introduction

Globally, there is a growing recognition of the pressing challenges of climate change. The repercussions of climate change present a formidable danger to urban areas (Abdukadir, 2017; Douglas et al., 2008; IPCC, 2001). The imperative to cultivate sustainable, resilient, and inclusive cities necessitates a dedicated focus on addressing climate-related challenges (Dodman et al., 2019; United Nations, 2015). The effects of climate change have already been observed in urban areas, and estimates show that these effects will only worsen. Cities in the Global South are particularly susceptible to extreme weather events such as floods, droughts, high temperatures, heavy rainfall, and storms, owing to climate variability and change. Although the Least Developed Countries, as defined by the United Nations, contribute only 3.2% of global greenhouse gas emissions, the urban areas within these countries face distinct vulnerabilities. These cities are exposed to risks, such as poverty, inadequate infrastructure, and environmental degradation (Hlahla and Hill, 2018; Satterthwaite, 2011).

Owing to the high population density, complex structures, infrastructure, and economic activities in urban areas, as well as the dependence on external resources, such as food, water, fuel, and raw materials, urban settings are particularly vulnerable to climate-related hazards (UN-Habitat, 2016). Africa is experiencing rapid urbanization, making it the fastest urbanizing region globally (UN-Habitat, 2016). Urban centers in Africa currently face a range of challenges, including widespread urban poverty, insufficient infrastructure, fragile institutional frameworks, and extensive ecosystem degradation, all of which collectively diminish their ability to withstand climate-related risks. Scientific evidence points to a warming trend observed in Africa over the past 50–100 years, resulting in climate change manifestations such as extreme temperatures, droughts, heavy rainfall, floods, and rising sea levels. Projections indicate that Africa will experience further warming, thereby amplifying the repercussions of climate change (Dodman et al., 2019; Moser and Ekstrom, 2010; Parry et al., 2009). Anticipated disruptions to urban systems are poised to affect a substantial portion of Africa’s urban population, with a particular emphasis on impoverished residents residing in slums and informal settlements. These urban areas are located in high-risk climate zones and lack the crucial infrastructure and services required to withstand the negative impacts of climate change. Consequently, these challenges are especially pronounced (UN-Habitat, 2016). In Zimbabwe, extensive literature has highlighted the repercussions of a changing climate and its potentially significant implications for livelihoods and poverty. The effects of climate change are observable through rising temperatures, unpredictable rainfall patterns, flooding, biodiversity loss, and periods of drought (Elisha, 2017; Chanza, 2018; Tirivangasi et al., 2023). Currently, Zimbabwe faces challenges exacerbated by the heightened effects of climate change.

Individuals in poor and economically disadvantaged nations are exposed to and susceptible to climate-related shocks (Chanza, 2018; Dodman et al., 2019; Nyathi and Mlambo, 2024). These include natural calamities that devastate assets and livelihoods, the heightened prevalence of waterborne diseases and pests during extreme weather conditions such as heat waves, floods, droughts, crop failures due to decreased rainfall, and surges in food prices after extreme weather events (Hlahla and Hill, 2018). Such shocks affect individuals who are not economically disadvantaged, potentially pushing them into poverty (Naazie et al., 2024). For instance, the destruction of a small business due to a flood, loss of livestock from a drought, or illness in a child from contaminated water can lead to financial setbacks and prolonged health issues, wiping out years of hard work and asset accumulation (Naazie et al., 2024).

The existing literature lacks sufficient focus on direct actions geared toward climate risk and adaptation in Bulawayo. Instead, efforts have primarily focused on enhancing overall service delivery in the city, rather than specifically targeting climate adaptation. It is imperative to conduct fresh assessments to recognize risk patterns and develop new strategies to facilitate adaptation processes. The sustainability of eradicating urban poverty faces the threat of climate change. Understanding public perceptions of climate-related hazards is crucial for effectively managing climate risks (Nyathi et al., 2024). In hazard-prone areas, some residents may lack awareness of the risks they face, whereas others, despite being informed, may not take the necessary precautions. The perception of risk plays a crucial role in shaping coping strategies, behaviors, and livelihood choices, highlighting its importance in assessing vulnerability (Seager, 2008). Therefore, studies on adaptation should not only assess the vulnerability of different groups, but also explore public perceptions of climate risks. There is a significant knowledge gap regarding how urban poor perceive climate change, its potential impact on their well-being, and their ability to adapt. This is essential for a comprehensive understanding of urban vulnerability to climate risks, aiding adaptation strategies, and enhancing the resilience of impoverished urban communities.

Despite the evident vulnerability of urban areas in Africa, there is a significant absence of comprehensive studies that seek to comprehend the nature of climate change vulnerability in these regions, adaptation strategies adopted by low-income households, and the effectiveness of institutional support for adaptation (Ansah et al., 2024; Douglas et al., 2008; Hlahla and Hill, 2018). Given this research gap, this study aims to investigate the following questions: What are the primary challenges faced by impoverished urban residents in Bulawayo and how does climate change worsen these challenges? What adaptation methods are currently being employed by individuals and communities to mitigate these difficulties? To what extent do institutional frameworks in Bulawayo influence the livelihood practices of the urban poor and how well do they address the underlying causes of vulnerability or the conditions that make impoverished populations vulnerable to climate-related pressures? The remainder of this chapter is structured as follows. It begins with an exploration of the study’s theoretical framework, followed by a delineation of the study location and rationale behind the methodology employed. Subsequently, the study findings are presented and discussed, leading to conclusions and recommendations.

Theoretical framework

This study was guided by Agrawal’s (2008) adaptation, institutions, and livelihood (AIL) framework, which has gained popularity among researchers examining climate change and the vulnerability of impoverished populations in urban areas (Uphoff and Louise, 2006). This framework emphasizes the interplay of three key elements commonly observed in urban land and resource systems facing climate change pressures: adaptation, institutions, and livelihood (Yomo et al., 2020). There are five common methods for adapting to climate change: mobility, storage, diversification, communal pooling, and market exchange (Agarwal, 2008; Folke et al., 2005). The ability to utilize the natural resources, technology, and financial resources necessary for these adaptation strategies, thereby ensuring and stabilizing livelihoods, was influenced by local formal institutions in three distinct ways (Agarwal, 2008). Formal institutions, including government and civil society, play a role in structuring exposure to climate change-related risks within rural communities. For instance, they may facilitate more equitable access to resources such as irrigation water (Agrawal and Perrin, 2009). In addition, institutions influence how communities respond to climate change by establishing incentive systems for individual and collective adaptation. This can be achieved by developing a physical and social infrastructure that enables market access, secure land tenure, and availability of financial resources (Folke et al., 2005). Finally, institutions act as facilitators for securing external resources from central governments or non-governmental organizations (Yomo et al., 2020). The study formally analyzed adaptation initiatives in informal settlements and the involvement of local institutions in climate change adaptation, utilizing the Adaptation, Institutions, and Livelihoods (AIL) framework proposed by Agrawal (2008), which was tailored to focus on local institutions (Figure 1). This framework categorizes institutions as public, private, or civil, and leverages social network analysis to establish a connection framework that highlights the significance of their collaborations in facilitating climate change adaptation and their impact on resource accessibility for diverse vulnerable social groups (Agrawal, 2008; Douglas et al., 2008; Folke et al., 2005; Halstead and John, 1989). This framework examines the effects of climate change influenced by various socio-ecological contexts (risk institutions), adaptation strategies, and household livelihood outcomes.

Figure 1.

The Adaptation, Institutions and Livelihoods (AIL) framework.

Although numerous studies have been conducted on climate change and societal responses to climate risk institutions’ critical role in adaptation endeavors, existing research tends to focus on specific case studies of localized adaptation or national-level policies concerning adaptation. Comparative studies on adaptation strategies that provide generalizable insights into the functions of different types of institutions illustrate how institutions link local responses to external interventions and investigate institutional dynamics at the local level across diverse institutions. These comparative analyses are crucial to a thorough understanding of the adaptation process.

Study setting, methods and materials

Makokoba Township (see Figure 2) has been the focus of significant scholarship in African urban and environmental history. Ranger’s (2010) Bulawayo Burning explores the political and cultural vibrancy of Makokoba, framing it as a site of African agency, urban resistance, and environmental transformation. Literary scholar Annie Gagiano (2005) and others have examined Yvonne Vera’s (1998) Butterfly Burning, which captures the emotional and gendered geographies of the suburb. These works provide the historical and cultural background for this study. Makokoba Township is the oldest high-density suburb in Bulawayo and was established in 1894 as the city’s first township designated for Black African residents. Townships have 36,756 individuals residing in 6126 households (ZIMSTAT, 2012). The area is densely populated and population growth has not been accompanied by a corresponding increase in housing and access to essential services (Ndlovu et al., 2019). Many individuals living in townships experience poverty because of limited job prospects. Several of these residents were formerly employed by organizations such as Kango, Radar, Dunlop, National Railways of Zimbabwe, the Cold Storage Commission, Monarch, and National Blankets.

Figure 2.

Map showing Makokoba high-density suburb.

The decline and closure of numerous industries in Bulawayo have significantly plunged most households into severe poverty (Ndlovu et al., 2019). Informal trading serves as the primary source of income for impoverished households (Hulme et al., 2001). Waste recycling also empowers unemployed women to support their families and make ends meet, thus providing them with income. Women view recycling as a valuable opportunity for self-empowerment, engaging in waste collection and selling waste to sustain themselves financially. In Makokoba suburbs, many households are headed by children who have had to forego their childhood to care for their siblings. Many of these children resorted to activities such as pickpocketing and begging for survival. However, involvement in recycling has offered some of these children an alternative; through waste collection and selling, they have transitioned to earning money and supporting themselves. Some women have also established cooperatives and earned up to US$500 through a waste-to-wealth project. The neighborhood falls within Ward 7 and is estimated to accommodate approximately 17,910 residents residing in approximately 4802 households, as reported in the 2012 population census.

Situated close to the city center, this neighborhood is preferred by many, particularly those with lower incomes, as it reduces transportation costs for commuting. The Mzilikazi Clinic, which is the sole municipal clinic in the area, provides medical services. Similar to other local authorities in Zimbabwe, the Bulawayo City Council encounters challenges in managing solid waste. Issues such as illegal dumping, squatting, and overcrowding are common in Makokoba and contribute to the high prevalence of diarrheal illnesses. Mudzengerere and Chigwenya (2012) noted that solid waste collection in Bulawayo was irregular, with specific areas experiencing up to 1 month without service. The data collection methodology involved interviews to gather life histories of extremely impoverished households. Thirty individuals were chosen for face-to-face life history interviews based on recommendations from local community leaders, who identified households deemed most suitable for the study. The interviewees were selected from socially vulnerable groups (such as the elderly, widows/divorcees, and individuals with chronic illnesses/disabilities) as well as professionally vulnerable groups (such as domestic workers and beggars). These life-history interviews were complemented by input from eight key informants, three focus group discussions, and an examination of relevant gray literature. The focus group discussions comprised an average of 10 participants deliberately chosen for their substantial knowledge of the topic (Yin, 2018). Data collection took place between February and March 2022, with household interviewees and key informants recruited through informal channels facilitated by the local leadership. Data analysis was conducted using a content analysis approach (Creswell, 2014; Simons, 2009).

Results and discussion

Perceptions and impact of climate change in urban settings

One of our key goals was to explore participants’ perspectives regarding climate change. Addressing climate change requires active involvement from society to mitigate its effects and to adapt to them. As urban populations continue to grow, residents and city decision-makers must work toward reducing their emissions and environmental impacts on regional and global climates, while coping with the immediate and potential long-term consequences of climate change (Moser, 2006). Participants were keenly interested in climate change, particularly among urban dwellers. Traditionally, climate change has been deemed crucial for rural communities that rely on rainfed agriculture. Through individual interviews and group discussions, it became evident that participants understood climate change well. The insights revealed that social and print media significantly educate urban residents about climate change and its variations. In an in-depth interview, the participant stated,

Climate change denotes changes in the rainfall patterns and temperatures. We are experiencing that in urban areas. We have experienced a frequency of droughts, very unusually high temperatures and in some instances very low temperatures. At one point, we experienced some frost that damaged the vegetables we grow in our backyards. To me, these are manifestations of climate change.

It emanated from the probes that some participants relied on friends and relatives to get information on climate change. The findings of the study also indicated that gender had a bearing on the perceptions of participants regarding climate change and variability. Specifically, female participants showed signs of being more worried about the phenomenon and its impact than their male counterparts. Younger participants appeared to have a higher knowledge of climate change than older participants. In one in-depth interview, a young participant stated the following:

Climate change must be understood as a global challenge threatening to reverse development progress, especially in less-resourced countries. We are miserable that we emit less than industrialised countries that destroy the ozone, but we are the most affected by climate change.

The findings of this research are consistent with the arguments of multiple scholars who contend that perceptions of climate change are specific to each context, differ depending on location, and are influenced by a wide range of variables (Babugura, 2010; Wolf and Moser, 2011). Babugura (2010) indicated that attempting to generalize perceptions and communication regarding climate change across an entire population is highly challenging. Previous research conducted in South Africa has highlighted certain key variables such as gender, age, and education as significant indicators of awareness and response to climate change (Babugura, 2010; Mandleni and Anim, 2011). Socioeconomic status, education, and urban or rural residence have also been identified as important elements that shape how individuals perceive climate change (Babugura, 2010; Crona et al., 2013; Rao et al., 2017).

Further probes indicated that participants had already experienced the impact of climate change in the study area. It has emerged that droughts, floods, and heat waves have created far-reaching food security challenges for poor households. Anecdotes revealed that poor households that depended on urban agriculture felt the brunt of food insecurity and reduced incomes due to the perpetual harvest failures experienced in the last two decades. Discussions also indicated that households dependent on rural-urban links for food were also facing food insecurity, given the collapse of rain-fed agriculture in most dryland areas. Participants also insinuated that household food insecurity was the most vulnerable, especially for children. It emanated from the deliberations that apart from food insecurity, climate change was also creating water challenges for the residents in the area. This was copiously captured by one key informant who postulated the following:

The situation in Makokoba is sad. Most of the households you see in this community are poor, food insecure and struggling to get clean water to drink. You will not believe we go without water for weeks in this area. I am sure you have heard stories of waterborne diseases like cholera and diarrhoea in this area. That is the story of Makokoba.

The discussions further highlight that intense rainfall linked to extreme weather patterns causes damage to roads, sanitation facilities, and electricity poles. Several scholars support these findings by suggesting that extreme weather events, such as droughts, storms, and floods, pose challenges to food availability in sub-Saharan cities, particularly in impoverished urban communities (Ansah et al., 2024; Chaudhry, 2023; Hlahla and Hill, 2018; Nyathi and Mlambo, 2024). Climate change and variability adversely affect the urban poor through issues such as food insecurity, inadequate sanitation, water scarcity, and forced migration (Ansah et al., 2024; Chaudhry, 2023; Hossain and Raman, 2018; Joshua et al., 2014; UN, 2020). These findings also align with the arguments of Douglas et al. (2008), who asserted that the urban poor experience disruptions in their livelihoods due to ongoing climate-related stressors.

Driving forces of vulnerability in Makokoba

Our second research objective was to explore participants’ viewpoints on the elements leading to climate change susceptibility. Climate change significantly affects people’s livelihoods, health, food security, and water access, diminishing the capacity of economically disadvantaged individuals to adequately plan for, handle, and bounce back from various environmental and non-environmental challenges. The participants highlighted that Makokoba residents exhibited varying levels of vulnerability to climate change. Specifically, the mediating factors of climatic and non-climatic factors (see Figure 3) on vulnerability at the household level include family status, uneven social capital, and access to remittances. The study participants indicated five dimensions of vulnerability to climate change: political, environmental, economic, physical, and social factors. Concerning political vulnerability, it emerged that many participants felt that, in the past decades, they had not been getting effective political representation from their leadership. Households in Makokoba, Bulawayo (as indicated in Figure 3), face multiple vulnerabilities owing to both climatic and non-climatic factors. Politically, they suffer from poor representation, ineffective leadership, and exclusion from the policy processes. Environmentally, decaying infrastructure, poor drainage, and collapsed sewage systems have increased the exposure to hazards. Physically, this area is characterized by deteriorating roads and housing. Socially and economically, high poverty levels, unemployment, low purchasing power, and gender inequality increase household vulnerability. These interlinked factors reduce community resilience, making it difficult for households to cope with shocks such as climate-related disasters and economic downturns. One participant indicated the following:

Makokoba is the oldest township in Bulawayo, and our biggest challenge is the lack of effective political leadership. We have been voting since independence, which has not assisted us in any way. This township is the most neglected in Bulawayo in terms of development. We are marginalised at both local and central government levels. Our people continue to vote for useless representatives and expect improved service delivery.

Figure 3.

Climatic and non-climatic vulnerability factors.

Environmental and physical vulnerabilities are alarming in the study area. It emanated from conversations that Makokoba, one of the oldest townships in Bulawayo, had been neglected by local authorities, as seen by its decaying public infrastructure. Study participants stated that townships are known for their poor drainage systems and collapsed sewage systems, which have affected residents living with sewage for several decades. Thematic analysis indicated that poor roads, dilapidated houses, and electricity challenges increased residents’ vulnerability to climate change and variability. This was amply captured in a focus group discussion, in which one participant posited the following:

I am sure you saw our situation when you were coming here. Apart from overcrowding, this area is not serviced at all. Roads have potholes, the sewage system has collapsed, and street lights were last serviced several decades ago. We have serious water challenges as well. To me, these factors make this community vulnerable to climate change.

The participants also highlighted the social and economic aspects of their vulnerability. Individual and group discussions revealed that unemployment and resulting household poverty exacerbated the challenges faced by households in the area. Conversations indicated that most households experienced poverty, which hindered their ability to meet their basic livelihood needs. Factors such as the closure of industries due to the macroeconomic environment and issues with erratic water supply in the city were identified as discouraging factors for potential investors in Bulawayo. Gender-related concerns were also raised during engagement with the participants. One focus group discussion noted that water scarcity and food insecurity contributed to the feminization of poverty. Specifically, participants mentioned that water scarcity led some women to engage in transactional sex in exchange for water. This was captured by one participant who noted that

Poverty is one of the main challenges here in Makokoba. The situation of shortage of water and food insecurity has pushed some women to venture into transactional sexual activities to secure water and food for their households. It is sad as it renders them vulnerable to sexually transmitted infections, including HIV.

In Bulawayo, the lasting effects of economic structural adjustment programs since the 1990s, combined with the recent economic crisis in Zimbabwe and its particularly harsh impact on Bulawayo, have left residents with limited resources to sustain their livelihoods (Nyathi and Mlambo, 2024). A small percentage of the population is engaged in formal employment, while the majority relies on informal vending as their primary source of income. However, this livelihood option faces challenges such as viability concerns and municipal regulations restricting vending in certain areas. The research findings are corroborated by Bicknell et al. (2009), who proposed that the primary factors heightening the vulnerability of impoverished urban households to climate change include urbanization patterns, deficiencies in local governance, and urban expansion into high-risk areas. As outlined by Hossain (2014), the vulnerability of urban communities to climate change stems from the dynamic interaction between external hazards or shocks and internal attributes of the population. A comprehensive understanding of climate change vulnerabilities and variations within impoverished urban settings necessitates the consideration of factors, such as living conditions and access to critical services, which significantly shape their susceptibility and exposure to climate-related hazards and natural disasters (Hossain, 2014; Hossain and Raman, 2018; Ansah et al., 2024).

Adaptive capacity and household responses to climate change in an urban setting

One of the research questions aimed to unravel the household responses and adaptive capacities to climate change in the study area. Participants indicated that different households adopted different adaptation strategies to address climate change and variability challenges. The options pursued by different households were primarily influenced by factors such as gender, access to remittances, educational level, and ownership of the house. The discussions revealed that migration was one of the most popular livelihood choices for adaptation. It emanated from discussions that migration to South Africa, Botswana, and lately the United Kingdom, was the most popular adaptation strategy. This was captured through one key informant, who posited the following:

Things are difficult of late. Our kids are failing to secure employment and are forced by the situation to cross borders. Almost all the households in Makokoba have a relative in South Africa, Botswana or the UK. Through nurse aid, a commendable number of people left for greener pastures abroad.

Discussions in one focus group indicated that left-behind household members received remittances from those in the diaspora for their upkeep. However, most households that receive remittances use it to address immediate household needs, such as buying food, with limited investment in assets. Only a few well-to-do people have secured property using remittances. Poor households also mentioned livelihood diversification as an adaptation strategy for survival. This emanates from the interrogation that households pursue a variety of livelihood portfolios intended to increase income. One female heading to a household alluded that she used to pursue vending for survival, and the livelihood option enabled her to pay fees, buy food, and meet some household demands. However, late vending is no longer a reliable source of income for some males to join the historically female-dominated sector. She opined that

Vending is one of the primary sources of income here in Makokoba. Unfortunately, it has challenges during the rainy season, and we no longer make much out of it. So, the best thing is to have more than one income stream. Apart from vending, I now bake cakes and also do wedding decorations. If you go around this place, that is what people are now doing. You cannot depend on one income.

The participants also discussed strategies for dealing with household food, water, and health issues. Impoverished households utilized local knowledge, herbs, and traditional medicines to address some of their health concerns. In terms of food, most households mentioned that they skipped meals as a means of coping with challenges. Some even mentioned that they were compelled to eat only once a day because of their circumstances. Those engaged in urban agriculture mentioned the cultivation of drought-resistant and heat-tolerant crop varieties. In addition, one focus group discussion mentioned that some households purchased water from individuals with boreholes, particularly Richmond and Saurcetowns. This was amply captured by a female participant who posited the following:

People go without food and water for some days in this community. What complicates our situation is that urban agriculture, where we used to get a few bags of maize, is no longer sustainable because of climate change. We used to harvest enough for our household consumption and dispose of the surplus. However, of late, it is impossible. Those dependent on their rural links for food are also in trouble, given harvest failures in most parts of Matabeleland. For some of us, we now depend on buying water from those with boreholes. The ones that were drilled around were overwhelmed by the demand from the households. The situation is further complicated by vandalism of the public boreholes.

The findings also revealed that the participants relied on strong community bonds to address their social and economic challenges. In particular, the conversations underscored that participants partake in communal pooling, which encompasses the shared ownership of assets and resources, distribution of wealth, labor, or earnings from particular endeavors among households, as well as the organization and utilization of resources collectively held for times of scarcity. This practice helps mitigate the risks faced by households. However, the study findings indicated that only a few participants took practical steps to address climate change. This lack of action can be attributed to the barriers identified by the participants, such as lack of skills or knowledge regarding appropriate measures to be taken. This suggests that, even when individuals are willing to act, a significant knowledge gap hinders them from effectively mitigating climate change. Our investigation revealed that households’ ability to adapt to climate change is influenced by limited resources, a lack of community cooperation, and inadequate support from the government and local authorities. Participants believed that climate change adaptation should primarily be the responsibility of the local authorities and the Government of Zimbabwe.

Our findings align with those of Cochrane and Costolanski (2013), who observed a decrease in the nutritional quality of food consumed by urban populations in Addis Ababa, Brazil. Other studies also support our conclusions, showing that urban households in various regions resort to digging wells (Bambrick et al., 2015), storing water in containers for future use (Hlahla and Hill, 2018), and desalinating water to improve access to freshwater (Dossou and Glehouenou-Dossou, 2007). In addition, our findings are consistent with those of Simatele and Simatele (2015), who argued that impoverished urban households rely on indigenous knowledge and traditional medicine to address the impacts of climate-related shocks.

The role local authority in building citizen resilience against climate change

Complex and evolving connections and interactions distinguish the composition and functioning of urban systems among diverse stakeholders, institutions, sectors, infrastructure, norms, networks, and processes that operate across various spatial and temporal dimensions (Elum et al., 2017; Grothmann and Patt, 2005). Consequently, fostering urban resilience requires establishing institutional frameworks that transcend spatial, temporal, and sectoral constraints (Ansah et al., 2024). These institutional frameworks should adopt an adaptive management approach that encourages stakeholder cooperation, involving them in continuous processes and feedback mechanisms to facilitate learning and adjustment (Adegebo, 2022; Crowe et al., 2016). We posed questions to participants to determine the efforts made by the local authorities and other stakeholders in Makokoba to improve their resilience to climate change and variability. The objective was to identify immediate and long-term initiatives designed to bolster resilience to climate change. Participants indicated that local authorities have not made significant efforts to enhance citizens’ resilience to climate change. The discussion revealed that one of the primary strategies employed by local authorities to address water challenges in the area is the implementation of water rationing. Some participants mentioned that the council and other stakeholders also installed boreholes to improve access to safe drinking water in the region. However, these boreholes face vandalism issues, posing a challenge for some households in obtaining safe drinking water without piped water. One participant stated the following:

We have not seen much from the council on mitigating climate change, except a few awareness campaigns and water rationing. Moreover, I do not think that water rationing is a solution in the long run. There is a need to construct more dams given that the city’s population has been increasing since independence. I also worry about our safety in using borehole water in an urban area. We have a polluted river on your way to town in this area, which might affect the safety of underground water. So, we need piped water, not these piecemeal approaches by the local authority. If the council and its partners are genuine about fighting climate change, we should be recycling water by now to reduce the demand for underground and surface water. Such a move will also reduce the pollution faced by farmers in the Umguza district.

One key informant from the local authority indicated that some development stakeholders were doing cash and food transfers as part of resilience building in the community. These cash and food programs target vulnerable households with terminally ill individuals, those living with disabilities, orphans, and child-headed households. It emanated from the anecdotes that the cash transfer initiative did not improve the purchasing power parity of poor urban households and that food handouts did not improve the food situation of poor households. These initiatives were considered erratic, uncoordinated, and targeted. This was successfully captured by a key informant interviewee:

Makokoba is a target of several governmental and non-governmental organisations. So many initiatives are under implementation as we chat, but what I have realised is that few of them have assisted the urban poor in dealing with climate change challenges. The money received by the cash transfer beneficiaries is insignificant, and those benefiting from food hand-outs are still complaining about the inadequacy of the parcels they get to sustain their household food requirements. The council focuses on water rationing. Waste management is poor. Roads are damaged, and it is not promising that this council will address that in this generation of ours.

Further engagements with some local authorities indicated that the Bulawayo City Council was facing similar challenges faced by other local authorities in the country, with far-reaching implications on its ability to render services to residents in an effective manner. It emanated that limited central government funding, especially for climate and disaster responses, compromised its capacity to enhance the resilience of residents to climate change and variability. One key informant hinted at this point:

As Council we need more capacity development and funding especially from government. That’s the only way we can be in a position to deliver services, reduce poverty and enhancing resilience of households to climate change and its impact.

The study participants also noted that despite the council’s policy on urban agriculture, individuals involved in such activities did not receive support in the form of agricultural inputs or specific training related to climate change. In addition, participants mentioned that Agritex extension services were skewed towards rural farmers, providing little to no assistance to urban farmers. These findings contrast with observations from other countries where cash transfers have enhanced household resilience to climate change impacts such as food insecurity and decreased purchasing power (Holmes and Bhuvanendra, 2013). Our findings align with the viewpoints of specific scholars, such as Abutaleb et al. (2018), Bailey (2013), and Ndlovu et al. (2019), who propose that a lack of clarity in local government climate change policies and stakeholder efforts, coupled with undefined implementation strategies and inadequate enforcement measures, reduces their efficacy. Notably, current adaptation policies and research primarily focus on rural contexts, leaving urban areas undersupported (Joshua et al., 2014). Owing to a lack of awareness and focus, climate change implications are not adequately included in urban planning procedures (Cobbinah, 2021; Mensah et al., 2021). The effectiveness of institutions tasked with advancing urban climate adaptation is impeded by weak coordination and limited resources (Cobbinah et al., 2019; Filho et al., 2018; Mensah et al., 2021). This lack of collaboration among institutions often results in conflicting responsibilities, undermining their collective capacity to bolster urban resilience (Cobbinah, 2021; Poku-Boansi et al., 2020; Nyathi et al., 2024; Nyathi and Mlambo, 2024).

Conclusion and recommendations

This study aimed to investigate the primary challenges faced by impoverished urban residents in Makokoba Township, and how these challenges are exacerbated by climate change. In addition, we examined the adaptation strategies used by individuals and communities in response to these challenges. Our study also evaluated the efficiency of institutional frameworks that aid the livelihood strategies of underprivileged urban populations and their capacity to address the fundamental reasons for susceptibility to climate-induced pressures. These findings indicate that the impacts of climate change in the study region are progressively apparent, necessitating urgent action. Despite households embracing diverse adaptation tactics, the persistent presence of adaptation disparity highlights the crucial need for collective initiatives to cultivate genuinely resilient urban communities. The stark reality is that impoverished urban households have limited resources to confront the challenges posed by climate change, let alone to adjust to. Their daily lives are characterized by ongoing hardships, leaving them ill-prepared to address climate change and its uncertainties. Power, resources, and opportunities in the urban environment are predominantly concentrated among small elite groups. The daily difficulties faced by the urban poor are becoming increasingly frequent and severe. Given the inherent insecurity of their urban livelihoods, they are ill equipped to handle these changes. However, viewing the situation through a climate change lens also reinforces the existing notion that urban poverty is both driven and experienced at the household level and that the current emphasis on adaptation, institutions, and livelihood frameworks is the most suitable approach for understanding the vulnerability of the urban poor to climate change. Although adaptation policies and programs are in place, the effectiveness of building urban resilience is hindered by constraints, such as inadequate funding, weak institutions, limited evidence-based planning, and a lack of institutional collaboration. It is imperative to implement comprehensive strategies for the urban poor to enhance their resilience to climate variability and promote a more sustainable, equitable, and adaptable urban environment. Strengthening institutions, developing effective policies that prioritize the needs of the underprivileged, improving monitoring systems, and promoting synergy between research and policy development are crucial steps for addressing the challenges of climate vulnerability in urban areas.

Footnotes

Authors’ note

Stanley Maphosa is now affiliated with Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation, University of Johannesburg, Gauteng, South Africa.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Douglas Nyathi

Author biographies

Dr. Douglas Nyathi is a public policy expert and researcher specialising in climate change adaptation, sustainable livelihoods, and community development. He holds a Ph.D. in public policy and has extensive experience working with civil society, government, and academic institutions across Southern Africa. His work focuses on integrating indigenous knowledge, eco-tourism, and resilience-building strategies in dryland communities.

Prof. Joram Ndlovu is an associate professor in the School of Social Sciences at the University of KwaZulu‑Natal, with expertise in eco-tourism, climate resilience, and indigenous knowledge systems. He leads research on sustainable livelihoods and destination branding in Southern Africa. He has supervised over 20 postgraduate students.

Dr. Stanley Maphosa is a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute for Pan-African Thought and Conversation at the University of Johannesburg, Gauteng, South Africa. He is a distinguished leader in social justice, advocacy, child protection, climate change, and the prevention of gun violence. He currently serves as the Executive Director of Gun Free South Africa and CEO of S3R Consulting. In addition, he is actively engaged with several organizations, including Devoted Citizen, We Will Speak Out South Africa, and the Shekinah Legacy Foundation. With more than 22 years of experience, Dr. Maphosa is a passionate advocate for youth empowerment, mental health, and progressive policy reform across the African continent.

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Urban Climate Change and the Realities of the Poor: Perceptions,Risks and Responses in Bulawayo,Zimbabwe

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Theoretical framework

Study setting, methods and materials

Results and discussion

Perceptions and impact of climate change in urban settings

Driving forces of vulnerability in Makokoba

Adaptive capacity and household responses to climate change in an urban setting

The role local authority in building citizen resilience against climate change

Conclusion and recommendations

Footnotes

Authors’ note

Funding

ORCID iD

Author biographies

References