Informal Entrepreneurship and Urban Space: A Case Study of Food Vendors in Bulawayo,Zimbabwe

Abstract

This research examines the spatial dynamics and practices of informal food vendors in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. Using Lefebvre’s spatial triad and de Certeau’s theory, the study reveals how vendors navigate and shape urban spaces. Through mixed-methods research, it highlights the vendors’ strategic use of space, adaptation to constraints and collective agency in challenging existing structures. The study recommends policies that recognise their contributions and support their livelihoods through formalisation and inclusion in urban planning. The findings contribute to understanding the role of informal economies in urban food systems and have implications for urban policy and planning.

Introduction

Urbanisation has been identified as one of the global megatrends (Buchecker and Frick, 2020; PWC, 2016) that significantly influence social change. UN DESA PD (2019) projects that slightly more than two-thirds of the global population will be urban dwellers by 2050. The global urban population has experienced a dramatic increase, rising from 33.6% in 1960 to 46.66% in 2000 and further to 56.9% in 2022. However, the trajectory of urbanisation is anticipated to vary across regions, with highly urbanised and industrialised areas experiencing diminished growth rates or even declines, as noted by the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat, 2022). It continues to point out that most of the urbanisation will be in Asia and Africa. Indeed, the rates of urbanisation in Africa give credence to this claim as ‘. . .Africa’s cities are the most rapidly growing cities in the world. . .’ (OECD/UN ECA/AfDB, 2022: 4). In addition, the number of African cities has more than doubled since 1990, with their combined population increasing by half a billion people (OECD/UN ECA/AfDB, 2022).

Urbanisation has long been linked to enhanced development outcomes (Ahimah-Agyakwah et al., 2022; Kuddus et al., 2020), primarily stemming from the economic advancement typically associated with activities conducted in urban settings. For instance, the World Bank (2019) highlights that most of the global economic activity, accounting for over 80% of GDP, is concentrated in urban areas. However, the urbanisation trajectory in Africa and some regions of the Global South have not always reflected this reality. Ahimah-Agyakwah et al. (2022: 2) put it succinctly when they pointed out that ‘urbani[s]ation in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is generally highlighted as a puzzle that deviates from the styli[s]ed facts in the literature’. This is because, generally, urbanisation in SSA is not accompanied by a commensurate expansion of urban economies (Blekking et al., 2017; Fox, 2012; Haysom, 2014). As a result, it is occurring concurrently with an increasing challenge of urban poverty (AfDB et al., 2016; Obeng-Odoom, 2017). Consequently, the rapid growth of urban populations in SSA, which often outpaces economic development, is straining cities’ resources, infrastructure and services. As a result, many cities are grappling with the emergence of informal settlements and slums. (Pieterse and Parnell, 2014) and to what is occasionally referred to as ‘pirate cities’ (Simone, 2006), as low-income residents depend on illicit or pirated activities and services. To this end, Danso-Wiredu and Poku (2022: 77) aver that, ‘[a]pproximately 70% of people in SSA find their jobs, livelihoods and accommodation in the informal sector. It is manifestly clear that ‘[m]any cities [in Africa] struggle to achieve the triple goal of economic productivity, social inclusivity and environmental sustainability’ (Sachs, et al., 2019).

Zimbabwe too has been experiencing considerable urbanisation with the 2022 national census results showing that the proportion of the urban population had increased to 38.6% in 2022 (Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZimStat), 2023) from the 2012 figure of 33% (ZimStat, 2013). The urbanisation path in Zimbabwe has followed the pattern described above, with a few deviations during its 44-year history as an independent state. This path will be sufficiently interrogated in the latter parts of the paper.

Considering the complexities surrounding urbanisation and its impact on economic development in SSA, it is imperative to delve into specific aspects of urban life that shape livelihoods and opportunities for marginalised communities. This imperative is further strengthened by the fact that ‘[a]s increasing numbers of Africans live in cities, their strategies for living and surviving challenge prevailing theories and models of urban development’ (Stark and Teppo, 2022: 1). Moreso, (Seto et al., 2013) argue that ‘[d]espite the importance of urbani[s]ation as a defining trend in the 21st century, we lack critical information and data about urban areas and urbani[s]ation processes’. Therefore, initiatives like the present article are a welcome addition to the body of knowledge as they can help by plugging the gaps through their nuanced and context-specific approach to studying urbanisation. This includes studying informal economies, access to basic services, housing conditions and socio-economic disparities.

The next question then is why food? The article focuses on food as Roberts, (2001: 7) observed that, ‘[m]ore than with any other of our biological needs, the choices we make around food affect the shape, style, pulse, smell, look, feel, health, economy, street life and infrastructure of the city’. This study aligns with Roberts’ assertion, highlighting the pivotal role of food in understanding urban life and society. It focuses on informal food vendors in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, whose contributions to local economies and food security often go unrecognised. By examining their space and place-making practices within the broader food system, including interactions with more powerful actors, this research aims to shed light on their marginalised status and inform more inclusive urban development strategies.

The article is guided by the following objectives:

1. What spatial strategies do informal food vendors in Bulawayo employ to establish and maintain their businesses in urban environments?

2. What are the implications of informal food vendors’ space-making practices on urban planning, governance and policymaking in Bulawayo?

The paper is structured as follows: after the introduction, a brief literature review is provided. This is followed by a concise description of the methodology. The study’s findings are then presented and discussed, leading to the conclusion.

A political economy analysis of the growth of the urban informal economy in Zimbabwe (1980–2023)

Within the context of Zimbabwe’s economic landscape from 1980 to 2023, this subsection conducts a political economy analysis focusing on the expansion of the urban informal economy. The brief exploration of Zimbabwe’s political economy is periodised following the decades since the attainment of independence. As such, there is a discussion on the period 1980–1989, 1990–2000, 2000–2010, 2011–2020 and 2021–2023.

During the first decade following independence in 1980, the urbanisation trajectory took a different course. It diverged in that it did not coincide with issues such as escalating poverty rates and significant service delivery challenges. The government implemented economic policies aimed at fostering economic growth, alleviating poverty and reducing inequalities. Transitional National Development Plan (1982–1985) and the First 5-Year Development Plan (1986–1990) were key components of a series of initiatives that drove the country’s economy to an average growth rate of 4% during this period (Mudimu, n.d.). Potts (2016) argues that this substantial economic growth translated into increased employment opportunities, thereby prompting migration into urban areas. The colonial planning system, rooted in the British metropolitan model, persisted in Zimbabwe even after a decade of independence. This system, prioritising planning, organisation, aesthetics and a rigid aversion to informality, remained largely unchanged despite shifts in urban governance (Matamanda, 2020; Nyarota, 2018).

During the second decade of independence, notable shifts occurred in urban governance and the government’s economic thrust with the adoption of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP). Many of these changes exacerbated poverty among citizens, prompting a response and pushback from the population (Bond and Manyanya, 2003; Mlambo, 2017). This resistance led to significant changes in urban food systems and governance in the early 2000s. Like other Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), ESAP promoted reduced government intervention in the economy and emphasised market forces (Wekwete, 2016). The reduced government funding for local authorities, a consequence of this approach, negatively impacted service delivery across various sectors (Wekwete, 2016). Consequently, ‘[e]conomic management abandoned any conventional developmental model such as modernisation or neoliberalism and had slid into crisis management. . . (Potts, 2016: 257)’.

Between 2000 and 2010, Zimbabwe underwent significant political and economic challenges, leading to profound shifts in its political economy, particularly concerning the economy and urban governance. The period from 2000 to 2010 was marked by severe economic downturns primarily attributed to land reform policies, hyperinflation and political instability. The land reform programme initiated in the early 2000s led to disruptions in the agricultural sector, once a cornerstone of Zimbabwe’s economy (Moyo, 2024). The government’s policies resulted in widespread land seizures, which negatively impacted agricultural productivity and food security. For example, the significant decline in maize production resulted in severe food insecurity for millions of Zimbabweans, with annual production shortfalls averaging 500,000 tonnes (Kapuya et al., 2013). The period 2001–2008 consequently saw the country heavily relying on food imports, spending approximately US$2.8 billion (Kapuya et al., 2013).

Zimbabwe also experienced hyperinflation during this period, reaching astronomical levels that eroded the value of the local currency. The country’s economic woes were exacerbated by currency instability, with the Zimbabwean dollar losing its value rapidly. This economic instability had cascading effects on various sectors, including urban governance and service delivery (Mlambo, 2017; Tawodzera et al., 2012). Local authorities faced immense difficulties in funding essential services such as water supply, sanitation and infrastructure maintenance (Marumahoko et al., 2020). The decline in government financial assistance, coupled with revenue challenges due to economic turmoil, hampered the ability of urban authorities to meet the growing demands of urban populations.

The economic hardships also contributed to social and political unrest in urban areas. High unemployment rates, limited access to basic services, and deteriorating living standards fuelled discontent among urban residents. Perhaps, the most important political development was the emergence of a labour-backed opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Some scholars attribute its emergence partly to the heavy-handedness with which the government dealt with discontent which occasionally erupted into protests and demonstrations against both economic hardships and perceived governance failures (Mlambo, 2017). After the rise of the MDC, many urban local authorities came under opposition control, creating a ‘vertically divided authority,’ as described by Resnick (2014). This refers to a scenario in which the central government overly involves itself in local government affairs, often for political reasons. During the period under examination, significant developments unfolded in urban governance. A notable trend was the escalation of land seizures in urban and peri-urban areas by ZANU-PF politicians, their associates, and their followers, leading to the informalisation of land management practices (Matamanda, 2020; Muchadenyika, 2015). It was also during this period that the government initiated a controversial programme ostensibly to rid urban areas of ‘dirt’, Operation Murambatsvina (OM). OM had a devastating impact on urban food systems, destroying crops, informal food vending kiosks, food processing facilities and infrastructure for mushroom cultivation and chicken rearing (Toriro, 2018). The consequences of the operation were extensive, leading to the loss of livelihoods and homes for hundreds of thousands of individuals (Potts, 2011; Tibaijuka, 2005).

From 2010 to 2020, Zimbabwe’s political economy was marked by a mix of progress and challenges. On the positive side, the creation of a unity government in 2009 brought some stability and economic reforms, leading to improved macroeconomic indicators such as GDP growth and inflation control (Kanyenze et al., 2017; Mlambo, 2017). However, this period also saw persistent challenges such as political polarisation, governance challenges and economic mismanagement.

The year 2017 marked the transition from the ‘First’ to the ‘Second’ Republic with the ousting of the then long-time leader Robert Mugabe through a military-assisted transition. Nonetheless, from 2017 to 2020, Zimbabwe’s political economy continued to be characterised by challenges in urban governance and the economy. Urban areas faced issues such as service delivery deficiencies, land grabbing and informalisation of land management, impacting residents and businesses (Mazhindu, 2020; Mbiba, 2017). Economic struggles persisted, marked by currency instability, high inflation and limited foreign investment, hindering sustainable growth and development. These factors contributed to a complex socio-economic landscape during this period.

Between 2021 and 2023, Zimbabwe continued to grapple with economic challenges and governance issues. The economy faced persistent inflationary pressures, currency instability and limited foreign investment, impacting various sectors and livelihoods. Urban governance remained a concern, with informalisation of land management and service delivery deficiencies persisting (Motsi et al., 2023).

Given Zimbabwe’s dynamic political economy from 1980 to 2023, studying the space-making practices of informal food vendors offers valuable insights. The political and economic shifts over these decades have deeply influenced urban landscapes and governance structures, shaping the informal economy’s growth and dynamics. From the early post-independence period characterised by economic growth initiatives and persistent colonial planning legacies to the tumultuous years of economic reforms and crises, including land reforms and hyperinflation, informal food vendors have navigated through various challenges and opportunities. The emergence of opposition influence in urban governance, coupled with ongoing economic challenges and governance issues, underscores the complex and evolving context in which informal food vendors operate. Understanding these historical and contemporary dynamics is essential for comprehensively analysing the spatial practices and socio-economic contexts of informal food vending within Zimbabwe’s urban areas. However, the empirical context on its own is not enough to frame a proper understanding of the practices of informal food vendors. As such there is a need for an analytical framework to provide structure and guidance in interpreting the empirical data gathered during the study.

Theoretical framework

Lefebvre’s spatial triad theory posits that urban spaces are socially constructed through interactions between representations of space, spatial practices and representational space (Lefebvre, 1991). In Bulawayo’s food system, these spatial dynamics play a crucial role in shaping food retailing and consumption patterns. Lefebvre’s concept of conceived space highlights how dominant ideologies and power relations influence the configuration of urban spaces, impacting food system participants. de Certeau’s (1999) theory of everyday practices complements this framework by focusing on how marginalised groups, through routine actions, navigate and reshape urban spaces despite systemic constraints. His ‘rhetoric of walking’ serves as a metaphor for everyday activities like food vending, illustrating how these practices challenge dominant spatial orders. Integrating Lefebvre’s triad with de Certeau’s tactics allows for a deeper exploration of power dynamics within Bulawayo’s food system, revealing how informal actors influence urban space and food accessibility. This framework informs the study’s methodology for examining food retail dynamics in Bulawayo.

Materials and methods

This section outlines the research design, data collection methods and analytical framework employed to explore the interaction between power structures, everyday practices and spatial configurations in Bulawayo’s urban food landscape, adopting a Critical Realism paradigm. A mixed-method approach was utilised, blending quantitative and qualitative methodologies, with an emphasis on qualitative data for deeper insights. This combined household surveys for quantitative analysis with a single-unit embedded case study for qualitative exploration (Yin, 2003). The primary focus was on the food retail sector of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, as part of a broader study on urban food systems, governance and food security. The study acknowledges that urban food systems are shaped by a range of factors, including laws, policies, institutional actions and external pressures (Haysom, 2014).

Population and sampling

The research targeted a diverse population, including local authorities, civil society organisations, community leaders, households in Ward 28, and local food retailers. A multi-stage sampling technique was employed, combining both probability and non-probability methods. Bulawayo and Ward 28 were selected purposively due to their elevated levels of food insecurity and underrepresentation in previous studies. A survey of 400 households, stratified into 10 groups using administrative records, was conducted. For qualitative data, theoretical saturation guided in-depth interviews, and maximum variation sampling was used for key informants (15) and food retailers. Focus group discussions involved purposively selected informal vendors and community members based on thematic relevance.

Profiling the study area

Bulawayo, founded in 1893, is Zimbabwe’s second-largest city and a historically significant industrial hub. Known as the ‘Manchester of Rhodesia’ (Ranger, 2006), Bulawayo’s strategic position as a railhead cemented its role as a key economic centre during the colonial and post-independence periods. However, the city has experienced economic decline, exacerbated by recurrent droughts (Madonko, 2016). Bulawayo, a city with a population of 665,952 and a poverty rate of 22.3% in 2017 (ZimStat, 2019), includes the low-income, rapidly growing Ward 28, known as Cowdray Park. This ward is ‘divided’ into ‘serviced’ and ‘partially serviced’ zones, located on the city’s northwestern outskirts. It has the third highest food poverty rate (9.4%) in Bulawayo (ZimStat, 2016).

Data collection, analysis and presentation

Data collection involved both primary and secondary methods. Secondary data from peer-reviewed journals, Civil Society Organisations’ reports and government documents provided contextual background. Primary data included key informant interviews, household surveys, in-depth interviews with food system actors, food pathway mapping and focus group discussions. Five food items – fresh vegetables, meat, maize, beans and wheat – were mapped in the broader study, with this article focusing on the first three. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics, while thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke) was applied to qualitative data to ensure the reliability and credibility of findings.

Presentation of findings

This section presents empirical data gathered to understand the space and place-making strategies of informal food vendors in Bulawayo. It begins by outlining the key demographic attributes of respondents. In the main, the section explores operational strategies and market dynamics shaping the informal food retail sector in Ward 28 in Bulawayo.

Demographic profile of participants

The demographic data presented here is extracted from the larger study and pertains directly to the ongoing discussion about the activities of informal food vendors. Four hundred households were initially selected for participation, with 398 ultimately agreeing to take part, yielding a response rate of 99.5%. Only two households declined to participate. Most of the sampled households agreed to participate partly because the questionnaires were directly administered by the research assistants and the prior communication of the study team’s presence through social media platforms managed by residents’ collectives.

Regarding gender distribution among respondents, 78% were females, while the remaining 22% were males. In terms of income sources, the top three sources were income generated from informal businesses (60%), followed by wage employment (20%), and remittances (17%). Additionally, 43% of respondents indicated that income from informal businesses constituted their household’s primary income source, followed by permanent wage employment at 29% and remittances at 13%.

The results regarding average monthly household income showed that 70% of participants reported earning US$100 or less per month. In addition, 20% indicated incomes ranging from US$101 to US$500, while the rest reported incomes between US$501 and US$1000 or opted not to disclose their income levels.

Operational strategies of informal food vendors

The food system was examined through the three food items mentioned in the foregoing. Informal trade of maize meal was found to be widespread in Ward 28. The informal maize vendors are found everywhere within the ward; practically every road, junction and business centre teem with retailers from the informal sector. During observations, the researcher noted that some vendors operated in open spaces without any form of shelter, while others utilised makeshift shelters constructed from plastic and other materials. In addition, some operated out of car trunks or from their homes.

These practices empower the urban poor to compete effectively against formal food retail activities, resulting in the emergence of previously inaccessible trading spaces. An example is provided by a BCC official in the Environmental Health section, who acknowledged in an interview the formal recognition of certain vending spaces due to their crucial role in the food system, particularly in the absence of formally registered enterprises.

This trend extends beyond food vendors and is also observable in the second-hand clothing trade. Although regulations ban the resale of imported second-hand clothes, local authorities, including the Bulawayo City Council, have yielded to public demand by allowing specific trading days – usually Saturdays, Sundays and public holidays – on which second-hand clothing vendors can operate, provided they pay council fees for each day they trade. This demonstrates that the urban poor are not always compliant with regulatory mandates but can influence changes in the regulatory landscape through resistance.

Regarding stock management, vendors mentioned that they do not keep large quantities of maize meal in stock due to the illegal nature of their entrepreneurial activities. They aim to maintain low stock levels to minimise losses in case of raids by law enforcement agents. Regarding packaging, informal vendors primarily sold mealie-meal in 5- and 10-kg packs, along with smaller portions in plastic bags, reflecting their attentiveness to the immediate needs of their customers. Focus Group Discussion participants from Ward 28 noted that people sometimes exhaust their funds mid-month or mid-week and therefore only need a small amount of maize meal for a few meals. The following excerpts provide further support for these points:

We don’t keep a lot of maize meal in stock because we know it’s risky. The authorities can raid us anytime, and we don’t want to lose everything. So, we keep low stock levels to minimise losses. (Informal food vendor, FGD participant)

During certain times of the month or week, people run out of money and can only afford a small amount of maize meal. We’ve seen this demand, so we provide smaller packs to accommodate their budgets. (Informal food vendor, FGD participant)

These quotations reflect the practical strategies employed by informal food vendors in Bulawayo to manage risks, respond to customer needs, and adapt their offerings based on customer purchasing behaviour.

The other food mapped is that of leafy vegetables and tomatoes. Findings reveal that the market for these, especially in Ward 28, is characterised by diversity. Within Ward 28, formal establishments such as Pick n Pay supermarket and Hamara Foods stand out.

These are complemented by smaller formal outlets, including superettes, small shops, and registered tuck-shops which generally do not carry tomatoes or leafy vegetables in their inventory. Their reasoning is the strong competition posed by street vendors prevalent throughout the ward, making it challenging for residents to choose them over nearby vendors. Moreover, these retailers mentioned the necessity of refrigeration for fresh produce storage, which they lack. The following statement attests to this.

We don’t stock tomatoes and leafy vegetables because of the strong competition from street traders. Residents prefer to buy fresh produce from nearby vendors rather than from us. (Small shop owner, Interview)

The presence of numerous informal vendors selling fresh produce was observed by the researcher during multiple drives across the research site.

These vendors affirmed that they indeed sell such produce obtained from various sources. Insights from vendor FGDs revealed that they primarily source their vegetables from the Central Business District (CBD), acquiring them from wholesalers, middlemen and nearby farms. Street vendors believe they hold an advantage over supermarkets and formal suppliers, citing reasons detailed below:

1. Customers prefer to physically examine items before purchasing; however, some formal shops choose to pre-wrap their produce.

2. They offer their products in smaller quantities, even single items, which benefits customers without refrigeration facilities.

3. They foster social connections with their clientele, leading to loyal patronage.

4. Their locations are strategically chosen for accessibility.

5. They offer competitive pricing.

6. They have the capacity to provide credit to their customers.

The analysis of meat distribution, particularly beef and chicken, revealed that processed beef carcasses are mainly transported to wholesalers and retailers, many of whom are in the CBD. These entities are central to the meat supply chain (BCC official). However, some butcheries in residential areas have an alternative sourcing method. They source their meat either directly from small-scale farmers in rural areas or via networks of intermediaries. This arrangement was noted during fieldwork, which identified eight standalone butcheries in Ward 28 and two more located within larger stores.

An interesting observation from the fieldwork was the disparity in meat access within Ward 28. The partially serviced area of this ward lacked butcheries, forcing residents to obtain meat from the CBD, the serviced section of the ward, or from unregistered vendors. This situation highlights the uneven distribution of meat supply facilities and the reliance on informal channels in less serviced areas.

Chicken is generally processed and sold in frozen portions of 1- and 2-kg packs with an extended shelf life. In contrast, chickens raised in backyard setups are often sold either live or dressed as whole frozen birds within the community. Vendor focus group discussions (FGDs) revealed that every part of the chicken is marketable – insides such as gizzards, intestines, livers and feet, necks and heads – leaving only feathers as waste.

Additionally, Ward 28 hosts a bustling informal meat market. Street vendors observed by the researcher sell a range of meats, including chicken and its parts, beef, tripe, casings, fish, goat and pork. However, these vendors refused to have their products photographed, concerned that the research team might be linked to local authorities. In the vendor FGD, participants averred that they hold a unique position in the business of meat trade due to the following reasons:

1. Offer prices that are more competitive than those found in formal establishments.

2. Maintain extended trading hours.

3. Do not impose minimum purchase quantities.

4. Occupy suitable vending spots, unlike some formal establishments that may be located further away.

5. Experience rapid turnover in sales, resulting in consistently fresher and more flavourful meat compared to registered retailers.

6. Offer ‘consume now, pay later’ buying options.

7. Have strong social connections within the local community.

Another avenue for selling meat is through online platforms. A participant in a community FGD for males mentioned that:

Our survival now depends on Zimbabweans living abroad. I primarily sell chickens, and a significant portion of my clients are diaspora members in South Africa, the UK, Australia, Namibia, Botswana, and various other countries. I advertise my products on WhatsApp and Facebook, and as a result, I receive messages asking for deliveries to specific addresses. My chickens sell out quickly due to the demand from these individuals.

The adoption of technology as a strategy to navigate restricted trading spaces was emphasised during an FGD with vendors. Participants reported leveraging virtual platforms to advertise their products, thereby mitigating the risk of arrest. One such platform is WhatsApp, which utilises the Status update feature for advertising. An informal vendor mentioned in the FGD that:

We’ve adopted strategies like using WhatsApp to showcase our merchandise, allowing us to continue our business operations safely and efficiently despite the challenges of closed trading spaces.

Informal food vendors have also adopted a strategy of operating outside the working hours of security personnel, specifically after 4 pm on weekdays, after 1 pm on Saturdays, and throughout Sundays and public holidays. This avoidance tactic allows vendors to evade direct confrontation with authorities and operate within an underground economy to sustain their livelihoods. This perspective is exemplified by a vendor’s statement in an interview:

One tactic we employ is trading after hours, especially after 4 pm on weekdays and after 1 pm on Saturdays. This way, we steer clear of run-ins with security and keep our businesses running smoothly within the informal economy.

This suggests that informal food vendors have developed a strategic approach to avoid conflicts with security personnel by operating their businesses outside of the standard working hours. By choosing to trade after 4 pm on weekdays, after 1 pm on Saturdays, and throughout Sundays and public holidays, they aim to minimise the risk of encountering authorities and disruptions to their operations. This approach reflects their preference for maintaining a sustainable and viable livelihood within the informal economy, where they can operate with greater freedom and autonomy.

The qualitative findings presented above are in sync with the quantitative ones. For instance, the findings from the household survey indicated that 136 households, representing 34%, engage in selling food items within their residential areas despite its illegality. During community FGDs and in-depth interviews with households, respondents highlighted various reasons for this practice. They mentioned the desire to diversify income streams and maximise profits by simultaneously engaging in multiple activities at home. For instance, individuals could set up a vending site on their residential property, as shown in the photo below (Figure 1), while also managing tasks like gardening, laundry, hair plaiting business and cooking.

Figure 1.

Vending site within a residential stand.

Despite the illegality of vending within residential areas, respondents expressed feeling less vulnerable to authorities’ actions compared to vending on the streets. They attributed this sense of security to ‘owning’ the space where they conducted their business within their residential plots. In addition, by operating from home, vendors minimised the risk of losing their entire stock, as they only displayed a limited selection while storing the rest securely at home. This contrasted with vending on the streets, particularly for those who operated farther away from their homes, where they had to carry most or all their merchandise with them.

The household survey highlighted the significance of the informal sector in food provision, with 56% of study participants stating that they obtain food from it. However, only 6% of respondents relied primarily on the informal sector for their food needs.

While the strategies and tactics discussed earlier highlight individual agency among informal food vendors, insights from Key Informant Interviews and FGDs suggest that collective agency was most prominent and visible in the retail segment of the food system.

Collective action and advocacy among vendors

The formation of collectives signifies the empowerment of disadvantaged urban residents involved in Bulawayo’s food retail sector. In an FGD with vendors, participants revealed the creation of collectives aimed at promoting their interests and protecting their rights as active economic contributors, particularly within the food sector. Notable among these collectives are the Bulawayo Vendors and Traders Association (BVTA) and the Vendors Initiative for Social and Economic Transformation (VISET). These groups have been instrumental in challenging established norms and practices within the broader economy, especially in the food retail segment. The following excerpt exemplifies the views expressed in the FGD:

Forming collectives like BVTA and VISET has been a game-changer for us. These collectives empower us to stand up for our rights and interests within the economy, especially in the food retail sector.

Furthermore, some mentioned that BVTA had created a mobile phone app named Sizimele, allowing them to engage in virtual trading. This illustrates how unregistered food retailers have surpassed the limitations of the existing legal framework, which primarily focuses on physical spaces. Nevertheless, the degree to which unregistered food vendors are embracing this strategy is still being determined, as its adoption is in its early stages.

The BVTA’s profile showcases numerous proactive measures taken collectively by informal vendors to assert their presence within the food system. Among these initiatives are rights literacy training sessions aimed at empowering members to assert their rights and demand accountability from authorities. An example of this was observed during a rights literacy training session attended by BVTA members from Ward 28, where they were educated on the relevant constitutional provisions pertaining to their trade.

BVTA, along with similar organisations, demonstrates collective agency through a multifaceted advocacy approach. These efforts have contributed to the opening of previously closed spaces. The Association’s representative pointed out in an interview that BVTA was participating in the Bulawayo Informal Sector Working Group seeking to establish proper structures for interacting with the local authority. He further indicated that the organisation was active in discussing the informal economy bill illustrating BVTA’s commitment to lobbying. Consequently, BVTA plays a role in reshaping the institutional framework of the informal economy. This restructuring involves dismantling barriers that impede the activities of unregistered vendors. The visible opening of once-restricted spaces is exemplified by BVTA’s inclusion in Bulawayo’s Informal Sector working group, positioning it effectively to influence local authority policies and practices.

Intersections between informal trade and politics

Informal food vendors indicated that they sometimes resort to bribery to ensure their survival. They organise into groups, collect funds from individual members, and then bribe security personnel, typically paying $1 per person. This practice allows them to trade without fear of arrest for a specific period, often a day or a work shift. Bribing security personnel is considered more cost-effective than paying a fine of ZWL500 (approximately $6 at the then-official exchange rate), which often involves additional penalties such as physical harassment, detention and confiscation of goods.

Interestingly, this strategy has gained political favour, with some vendors mentioning that they have sought protection from factions within the ruling ZANU-PF party, which they believe have demonstrated a willingness to support them. Although this collaboration is collective, the coordination process remains unclear. However, it is worth noting that vendors mentioned paying a fee of US$1 to certain members of the ruling party as a form of protection. This demonstrates the political savvy of informal vendors as they leverage the political environment to their advantage. Given that the local authority is run by the opposition, seeking ‘shelter’ from the ruling party empowers them to achieve their objective of uninterrupted trading.

In summary, this subsection has delved into the space and place-making strategies of informal food vendors in Bulawayo. It began by presenting key demographic attributes of respondents and then explored operational strategies and market dynamics in Ward 28. The data reveals that informal food vendors employ various tactics to navigate challenges, such as operating outside of security personnel’s working hours, utilising virtual platforms for advertising, and even seeking protection from political entities. These strategies underscore the adaptability and ingenuity of informal vendors in ensuring their survival and maintaining their livelihoods within the informal economy. The next section thus proceeds to discuss these findings.

Discussion of findings

The presentation of findings on the spatial strategies used by informal food vendors in Bulawayo, particularly in Ward 28, reveals several key insights into how these vendors navigate their environment and establish their presence in the food market. These strategies encompass physical locations, utilisation of technology, customisation of services and collective action, all of which contribute to their resilience and competitiveness within the broader food system.

Spatial strategies and place-making in informal food trade

Informal food vendors strategically choose their trading spaces based on proximity to their customers’ residences. This practice minimises the distance customers must travel to access food, especially for residents in underserved areas like the partially serviced region of Ward 28. By setting up in residential areas, vendors also reduce vulnerability to authorities compared to street vending, as they perceive a degree of ownership and control over their trading spaces within their homes or adjacent areas. Operating from streets, open spaces and vehicles further extends their reach and accessibility, allowing them to cater to customers’ needs beyond formal business hours. This tactic not only meets the convenience demands of their clientele but also challenges the dominance of formal food retailers by offering more flexible and responsive services. This corresponds to Lata’s (2018) idea of counter-space, where the urban marginalised redefine the ‘conceived space’, demonstrating why their actions are seen as hindrances curtailing development in the city. This concept echoes de Certeau’s (1984: ii) observation that ‘[e]veryday life invents itself by poaching in countless ways on the property of others’.

Use of technology, customisation of services to meet consumer needs and collective action and advocacy among vendors

Informal food vendors are adapting to modern technology by utilising virtual trading spaces. Platforms like WhatsApp and mobile applications such as Sizimele enable them to advertise products discreetly and efficiently, circumventing the limitations of physical trading spaces. This demonstrates their ability to transcend regulatory boundaries focused on physical locations and access wider markets, including diaspora communities. This observation corresponds with de Certeau’s (1984) observation that the elite power structure, symbolised by local authorities and formal business entities, has limitations in exerting power as it depends on strategies. In contrast, marginalised groups such as impoverished urban informal vendors can wield power tactically.

The subaltern players who participate in the food retail sector customise their services to match the needs and economic circumstances of their clients. This includes selling smaller quantities of basic commodities, offering credit facilities, negotiating prices and providing flexible trading hours. These tactics cater to the needs of customers with limited financial resources, lack of refrigeration facilities and busy schedules, creating a competitive advantage over formal retail outlets. These findings align with previous research. For example, Njaya (2014) observed that unregistered retailers of food attract clients from registered food establishments by negotiating prices. Peyton et al. (2015) found that spaza shop owners in Cape Town often offer credit to customers, with social networks playing a crucial role in accessing this credit. Strong social ties between vendors and consumers activate this facility, benefiting both parties by ensuring access to goods even when finances are limited. Scholars like Battersby (2012) and Crush and Frayne (2011) have also observed that bulk breaking, where products are purchased in bulk from wholesalers or supermarkets and then repackaged into smaller units, is a common practice among South African spaza shops.

By forming associations such as the BVTA, informal food vendors are empowering themselves to advocate for their rights, access training on legal literacy, and engage in collective action to influence policy and practice. Through collective agency, these vendors challenge the status quo, open closed trading spaces and participate in shaping the regulatory environment relating to the informal economy.

The spatial strategies employed by informal food vendors in Bulawayo reflect their agency, resilience and innovative approaches to navigating regulatory challenges and market dynamics. From establishing trading spaces in residential areas to embracing technology and advocating for their rights collectively, these vendors play a vital role in the food system, particularly in addressing food access issues for urban residents. Their strategies not only ensure survival but also contribute to redefining the urban food market and challenging conventional norms within the established space. Spatial practices, as articulated by Lefebvre (1991), encompass tangible aspects such as buildings and movement, which are observable in the operational strategies and market dynamics of informal food vendors in Bulawayo’s Ward 28. The physical manifestations of vendors’ activities, including their strategic positioning in various locations within the ward, utilisation of makeshift shelters and stock management practices, reflect how societal norms and economic imperatives influence spatial behaviours within the informal food retail sector.

Lefebvre’s (1991) concept of conceived space, influenced by dominant ideologies and power dynamics, is also relevant in examining the urban governance components that impact spatial behaviours and configurations within Bulawayo’s food system. The regulatory environment, enforcement practices and power relations between informal vendors, formal retailers, security personnel and political entities shape the conceived space and influence vendors’ strategies, such as operating outside standard working hours and seeking protection from authorities.

Representational space, as lived through images and symbols, captures the everyday experiences of food system participants and consumers. Based on the Bulawayo food system, representational space encompasses the perceptions, preferences and cultural values that inform food purchasing decisions, market interactions and spatial preferences. For instance, the preference for purchasing fresh produce from street vendors due to accessibility, social connections and competitive pricing reflects the interplay between representational space and spatial practices within the informal food retail sector.

Conclusion and recommendations

The way informal food vendors in Bulawayo occupy and shape urban space has profound implications for the city’s planning, governance and policy frameworks. These implications span from regulatory challenges to spatial integration and community empowerment.

Informal food vendors’ practices challenge traditional urban planning frameworks that often overlook or delegitimise informal trading activities. The establishment of trading spaces in residential areas, streets, open spaces and virtual platforms such as WhatsApp reflects a need for spatial inclusivity and recognition of diverse economic activities within urban spaces. This challenges urban planners to reconsider zoning regulations, allocation of trading spaces and infrastructure development to accommodate and support informal food retail activities. It also highlights the importance of participatory planning processes that involve informal vendors and their communities in decision-making regarding urban development.

The power dynamics between informal food vendors and formal authorities underscore governance issues related to regulation, enforcement and collaboration. Informal vendors navigate regulatory challenges, engage in informal negotiations with security personnel and at times resort to bribery to operate without undue interference. Governance frameworks need to address these dynamics by fostering transparent and fair regulatory practices, providing avenues for dialogue and cooperation between informal vendors, formal authorities, and community representatives. Collaborative governance models can help streamline licensing procedures, improve infrastructure for informal trading, and ensure the safety and hygiene standards of food products.

The practices of informal food vendors inform policymaking in areas such as economic development, social inclusion and food security. Policies need to recognise the contributions of informal vendors to the local economy, acknowledge their role in providing affordable food access, and support initiatives that enhance their livelihoods. Policy interventions may include formalising certain aspects of informal trading, providing training and capacity building for vendors, creating support mechanisms for micro-enterprises, and integrating informal food vendors into broader urban development strategies. In addition, policies should address issues of market competition, fair pricing practices and consumer protection within the informal food retail sector.