The Entrepreneurial Habitus of Zimbabweans in South Africa

Abstract

This article argues that individuals’ internalised frameworks, shaped by Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, play a crucial role in their ability to conceive entrepreneurial possibilities and to recognise opportunities. To explore this argument, interviews were conducted with Zimbabwean entrepreneurs residing in of Cape Town, South Africa. The participants exhibited diverse habituated experiences including culinary preferences, work backgrounds and family histories. The article contends that these habitual dispositions, whether conscious or unconscious, significantly influenced their decision to engage in entrepreneurship within the South African context.

Introduction

In recent years, concerns have arisen in South Africa regarding the perceived impact of migrants on local job opportunities, leading to a negative perception fueled by media reports and government statements (Crush and Ramachandran, 2017). Traditionally, scholars in anthropology and sociology have focused on understanding economic affairs in Africa by examining historical structural factors, individual agency, and choice in commercial entrepreneurial activities, both official and unofficial (Rogerson and Mushawemhuka, 2015). However, it has been argued that this dichotomy between structure and agency hampers theory development and calls for a more comprehensive understanding of African economic activities, particularly in the domain of entrepreneurship (Tatli et al., 2014).

To address these concerns, this study adopts a multi-layered approach that challenges the perception of migrants solely as job takers and underscores the unique nature of transnational entrepreneurship. By examining the involvement of Zimbabwean migrants in entrepreneurial activities in Cape Town, South Africa, this article sheds light on the distinctive aspects of their entrepreneurial endeavours. Furthermore, the article incorporates Bourdieu’s concept of habitus to gain a deeper understanding of how individuals’ internalised frameworks make entrepreneurial possibilities conceivable, as the habitus influences the process of recognising opportunities within the South African context.

Bourdieu (1977, 1990) suggests that each social group possesses a theory of its existence derived from everyday experiences known as the habitus. Habitual dispositions, shaped by past experiences, create a lasting system that influences perceptions and enables diverse tasks to be performed (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992). By employing habitus as a theoretical lens, this study recognises that entrepreneurship is deeply embedded in temporal and spatial dimensions. It seeks to establish connections between individual actions and their structural contexts, bridging the gaps between the past, present and future. Moreover, this perspective acknowledges the agency of individuals within their field of actions, allowing them to exert influence (Tatli et al., 2014).

The focus of this study on entrepreneurship of migrants in South Africa aims to redirect the attention of Zimbabwe migration literature. Rather than solely examining marginalisation, exclusion and distress experienced by displaced individuals, this study explores migrants’ agency in the host country and the cultural influences from their society of origin (Vanyoro, 2023). This approach aligns with the structuration theory, which highlights the interdependence and interconnectedness of structure and agency, revealing the existence of layered spaces that encompass both distress and entrepreneurship, and opportunities and exclusions (Elliott, 2020).

To substantiate the above arguments, this article follows a structured approach. First, it discusses the methodology employed to gather data, ensuring a rigorous and comprehensive research process. Second, it reviews the existing literature on transnational entrepreneurship in the field of anthropology, identifying key insights and gaps in knowledge. Subsequently, it analyses the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe, which led to the displacement of millions and explore how the unstable economic environment during the crisis facilitated the emergence of the informal sector and parallel black market, potentially acting as precursors to entrepreneurial ventures. Finally, it examines the various entrepreneurial endeavours undertaken by Zimbabwean migrants in Cape Town, South Africa. By exploring their motivations and the determinants that influenced the initiation of these ventures, this article elucidates the significance of habitus in shaping the entrepreneurial mind-set and opportunity recognition. Ultimately, this article aims to contribute to a deeper comprehension of the complex interplay between migration, entrepreneurship and cultural influences, shedding light on the transformative potential of migrants as active agents in the host country’s economic landscape.

Methodology

The methodology employed in this article follows an active practice of anthropology, emphasising social engagement rather than academic seclusion. The research project and its ethics were approved by the Humanities and Social Science Research Ethics Committee of the University of the Western Cape, under Ethics Reference Number: HS18/2/1. Pseudonyms have been used for all names mentioned in this article. Fieldwork was conducted from February to May 2018, encompassing various suburbs of Cape Town, including Bellville, Maitland, Plattekloof, Plattekloof Glen, Joe Slovo, Epping, Goodwood, Wynberg, Somerset West, Kuils River, Parow, Brooklyn, Kensington, Milnerton, Parklands, Brackenfell and Cape Town city centre.

The initial step involved interviewing a Zimbabwean diaspora community leader who initiated the Zimbabwe Excellence Awards in 2015 to celebrate Zimbabweans involved in entrepreneurship in the Western Cape. Subsequently, I was added to a group of Zimbabwean entrepreneurs on the Telegram social media platform, through which I contacted individuals to request interviews. In 2018, the excellence awards were in their fourth edition, and on 26 May 2018, I attended the event held at Belmont Square in Rondebosch. The awards encompassed categories such as female entrepreneur of the year, male entrepreneur of the year, upcoming young business person of the year, and business person of the year, among others.

In April 2018, the nominees for the 2018 excellence awards were announced on Facebook. The Facebook page provided the nominees’ names, a brief background of their entrepreneurial endeavours, as well as their contact details such as phone numbers, emails, or websites. I reached out to them through phone or email to request interviews for my study. In addition, I asked them to refer me to other entrepreneurs they were acquainted with. In total, I interviewed 28 individuals, including 17 who were nominated for the awards. To comprehensively understand the role of habitus in entrepreneurship, I employed a life histories approach, delving into participants’ backgrounds in Zimbabwe up until the day of the interview. Dhunpath (2000) suggests that the life histories approach offers an authentic means of understanding how practices reflect the intersection of institutional and individual experiences in the postmodern world. While utilising an interview guide, respondents were encouraged to freely discuss their life histories based on various themes, including demographic characteristics such as hometown, year of emigration and reasons for emigrating; experiences in South Africa; the how, when and why of their venture into entrepreneurship; challenges encountered in entrepreneurship; utilisation of social networks; and their future plans including the possibility of returning to Zimbabwe.

Conceptualising transnational entrepreneurship

The concept of transnationalism is characterised by ambiguity due to competing definitions that lack specificity in terms of temporal or spatial parameters (Portes and Martinez, 2021). Despite being more than two decades since the emergence of the concept, scholars continue to raise concerns about the limited theoretical framework supporting transnational migration studies (Dahiden, 2017). However, Portes et al. (2017) argue that transnationalism should be viewed as a mid-range concept rather than a theoretical perspective, intended to shed light on previously neglected aspects of reality and guide further investigations. Transnationalism refers to a condition where, despite considerable distances and the existence of international borders, ongoing connections persist between immigrants and their places of origin, resulting in the development of complex social networks that span national boundaries (Portes et al., 2017). In essence, transnationalism entails being embedded simultaneously in both the country of settlement and the country of origin.

This article acknowledges that contemporary migration research in the era of globalisation is inherently transnational in nature (Castles, 2007). Consequently, entrepreneurship by immigrant populations can be viewed as transnational. Transnational entrepreneurs are defined as individuals who migrate from one country to another while maintaining business-related links with both their former country of origin and their adopted countries and communities (Drori et al., 2009). Portes and Martinez (2021) define transnational entrepreneurs as self-employed migrants whose business activities require frequent international travel and whose firm’s success depends on their contacts and associates primarily in their country of origin. Chen and Tan (2009) note that transnational entrepreneurship may involve entrepreneurial activities that cross borders between the host country, the home country and a third location. Initially, sociologists and anthropologists were the main researchers focusing on transnational entrepreneurship, but disciplines such as sociology, economics, anthropology, management and economic geography have also examined it as a distinct characteristic of globalisation. All these approaches seek to understand ‘how, why, and when individuals and/or organizations establish new businesses in their adopted countries while maintaining business linkages with their countries of origin’ (Drori et al., 2006).

The existing literature on transnational entrepreneurship predominantly focuses on individuals from South America involved in transnational entrepreneurship in cities in the United States, with a limited number of studies conducted in Europe. Furthermore, the studies primarily examine individuals from emerging markets engaging in entrepreneurship in the global north. Portes and Martinez (2021) argue that studies on immigrant and ethnic minority businesses have mainly been conducted in the United States and the United Kingdom, where immigration has a long history and a substantial immigrant population exists. Drori et al. (2009) highlighted this gap and called for comparative studies on the nature and behaviour of transnational entrepreneurship in the global south or for studies exploring the involvement of individuals from the global north in entrepreneurship in the global south. It is this research gap that motivates this article to investigate the nature and behaviour of transnational entrepreneurship among Zimbabweans in South Africa (McGregor, 2010). Although studies examining transnational entrepreneurship in the global south have begun to emerge, they remain limited in scope, thus emphasising the importance of this study. Rogerson and Mushawemhuka (2015) argue that South Africa and Zimbabwe offer a valuable opportunity for empirical research and debates on south-to-south forms of transnational entrepreneurship.

The South Africa–Zimbabwe case holds theoretical and empirical significance for multiple reasons. First, it expands the understanding of transnational entrepreneurship beyond the prevalent focus on South American immigrants in the United States and Europe, providing insights into a distinct context in the global south. Second, it addresses a research gap by examining transnational entrepreneurship involving individuals from the global south, offering a comparative perspective on the nature and behaviour of entrepreneurial activities. Third, the case contributes to a more nuanced comprehension of the dynamics of transnationalism, as Zimbabwean entrepreneurs maintain business linkages between their home country and their adopted country, South Africa. Finally, the South Africa–Zimbabwe case offers valuable empirical evidence for understanding south-to-south forms of transnational entrepreneurship and enriches the scholarly discourse on migration, entrepreneurship and economic development in the global south.

Migration from Zimbabwe

Historically, Zimbabwe used to be a country characterised by both inward and outward migration. However, from the year 2000 onwards, it transitioned into a predominantly emigration-driven nation due to a crisis period marked by political violence and economic decline (Vanyoro, 2022). This period saw the emergence of political violence including the imprisonment of opposition supporters, repression of the electorate by security forces and ruling party militia, fatalities among opposition officials and supporters, numerous politically motivated beatings and the displacement of people, particularly in rural areas (Nyakabawu, 2020).

The economic decline was characterised by widespread unemployment, with a majority of the population living below the poverty line. Moreover, the country faced chronic shortages of fuel, electricity, water and basic commodities, resulting in empty supermarket shelves (Vanyoro, 2022). During this period, Zimbabwe’s gross domestic product (GDP) plummeted from an estimated US$9 billion in 1997 to approximately US$4 billion by 2008, while the country’s debt burden reached a staggering 120% of its GDP (Sachikonye, 2011).

The unstable economic climate during the crisis years gave rise to the rapid growth of the informal sector and a parallel black market, absorbing a significant number of young individuals as agents or brokers (Vanyoro, 2023). Anthropologist Jeremy Jones (2010) argues that the Zimbabwean economy came to be defined by the concept of kukiya kiya, signifying a survivalist approach where individuals engaged in entrepreneurial activities to sustain themselves. In this economy, transactions no longer adhered strictly to established norms, and activities previously associated with marginalised urban youths and part-time female workers became the primary means of livelihood for a significant proportion of the urban population. Jones (2010) further observes that the prevailing discourse of necessity served to justify a wide range of economic activities including illegal currency trading, prostitution, mugging, both legal and illegal commodity trading, business transactions, client relationships and informal mining. People were compelled to navigate the challenges they faced, relying on persistence and sometimes even force to secure their livelihoods.

During interviews, participants confirmed their involvement in survivalist activities, albeit not necessarily engaging in illicit transactions. They resorted to various means to generate income for their households. For instance, Kuda shared,

Before I came to South Africa, I used to ‘kiya kiya’. I searched for money everywhere in Zimbabwe. I engaged in multiple ventures, such as driving minibuses, diamond mining in Chiadzwa, selling petrol by the roadside, importing bales of clothes to sell, working as a bus assistant for transporters on the Harare-Johannesburg route, and trading goods in flea markets. I tried my hand at all these things. Although I had a background in mechanics, I had to set it aside due to the lack of financial opportunities. Eventually, I packed my bag, concealed my certificates in a book, went to Roadport Bus Terminus, boarded a bus, and made my way to South Africa.

Despite having a background in mechanics, Kuda had to set aside their profession due to the lack of financial opportunities and the challenging economic circumstances in the country. The interview excerpt demonstrates habituated practices that become transposed in the form of entrepreneurship in a migratory context. These activities, such as driving minibuses, diamond mining, selling petrol, importing clothes to sell, working as a bus assistant and trading goods in flea markets, showcase a diverse range of entrepreneurial endeavours. The decision to migrate to South Africa further exemplifies their entrepreneurial spirit and the transposition of their habituated practices. They packed their bag, concealed their certificates and embarked on a journey to seek new opportunities. This act of migrating can be seen as a strategic move to tap into a different market and potentially expand their entrepreneurial endeavours. Similarly, Tinoitei, who had previously worked for a rural municipality and owned a hardware shop selling motor spares, agricultural and construction equipment, found himself compelled to sell bread and school uniforms due to the prevailing circumstances.

During the crisis, Zimbabwe experienced hyperinflation, reaching astronomical levels of approximately 222 million percentage by September 2008. Oliver describes his experience of coping with inflation while engaging in survivalist activities in 2008. Oliver said,

Ndichiri kuZim, ndakatombokiya-kiya (whilst still in Zimbabwe, I tried to get by). I used to buy flour in Banket and would take it to Bulawayo to bake doughnuts while selling the other flour as well. I was doing that for a year; with my two friends. We used to get about two tons of flour, bake 500kgs. In a night, we would bake 250kgs. It got to a point where we would sell all doughnuts and the flour, and still go back with the whole profit and all it could buy was two tons of flour again. You would go home with nothing. Remember I am the first born as both of my parents are dead. I had to look for my brother who was at University of Zimbabwe, to pay for his fees, and a younger one who was at high school. You then realise that you spent a week moving up and down, but your blues are still waiting for you. I then decided to look for money in the vacuum. I then decided after the last batch to split the money with my two friends, got an emergency travel document and came to Mzansi (South Africa).

In the interview excerpt, the interviewee reflects on their experience during the period of kukiya kiya and hyperinflation in Zimbabwe from 2007 to 2008. Kukiya kiya, as described by anthropologist Jeremy Jones (2010), refers to a survivalist approach where individuals engage in various entrepreneurial activities to make a living in the challenging economic environment. Oliver describes his experiences in Zimbabwe where he employed various entrepreneurial strategies to make a living. The baking business demonstrates their resourcefulness and ability to identify market opportunities which will be demonstrated later as the habitus engendered some specific forms of action in enduring, transposable dispositions integrated with past experiences that function as matrices of perceptions and appreciations (Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992).

The individual’s personal circumstances, being the firstborn with both parents deceased and responsibilities to support their brother’s university fees and younger sibling in high school, further motivate their entrepreneurial pursuits. Despite their hard work and selling out all the doughnuts and flour, they found themselves with limited profit. Realising the limitations and constraints within their current context, he took the decision to migrate to South Africa (referred to as Mzansi) in search of better financial prospects. The hyperinflation in Zimbabwe trapped their earnings and he decided to take a risk and explore opportunities elsewhere.

The challenging political and economic circumstances compelled Zimbabwean citizens to leave their homeland (Nyakabawu, 2020). Dendere (2015) highlights that as a result of the political and economic crisis, individuals made difficult choices, with men leaving behind their families and young people abandoning their aspirations of becoming engineers and doctors, instead seeking employment as gardeners, cleaners and nurse aids in foreign nations. The presence of Zimbabweans as a significant migrant community in South Africa has been extensively documented, with literature emphasising the hardship, distress and marginalisation experienced by those displaced from Zimbabwe (Nyakabawu, 2020). However, there are still significant gaps that require further investigation, analysis and theoretical exploration. A review of existing research on Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa points out the lack of comprehensive studies on the various forms of transnational entrepreneurship that have emerged during the crisis.

Entrepreneurial ventures

Following the habitus theoretical premise, entrepreneurs are heavily influenced by the condition of their pre-existence when discovering certain opportunities. This was the case with Takunda who owns a peanut butter manufacturing company. He purchases raw peanuts, roasts and cleans them, and grinds them into peanut butter paste. The peanut butter comes in different flavours, including smoothie (made solely from ground nuts), crunchy (with added nuts), cinnamon raisin (blended with cinnamon raisins), chip chips, honey (with added honey), and seed and nut (mixing pumpkin seeds and other healthy seeds). Takunda’s peanut butter is 100% peanuts, setting it apart from the majority of peanut butter products in the South African market, as it contains no preservatives. His philosophy is simple: if it’s peanut butter, let it be just peanut butter.

When I asked Takunda what motivated him to start his business, he responded,

We were always looking for opportunities, and then we realised that the South African market doesn’t really offer variety. It’s designed in such a way that people are forced to eat whatever is available. Where we come from in Zimbabwe, if you don’t like a certain food, you can produce it yourself. If you don’t like the maize, you grow your own. That kind of thing. We noticed that there was no peanut butter in the market that we were accustomed to. I can’t call what’s sold in supermarkets peanut butter, no, no, no. Whatever is available in supermarkets, that’s not peanut butter for me. So, we decided to make peanut butter for ourselves, mainly for family consumption. Then we realised that our friends were also in the same predicament, that they also wanted better products. We started selling to our friends, especially people from church. Personally, I don’t like the backyard way of doing business. I always wanted to be professional. I wondered how these big organisations produce peanut butter. I went on the internet and researched how they mass-produce it. I realised it’s doable and organised. I decided to move away from the backyard mentality and join the mainstream because many people are in the same situation as us. That’s how we started the whole concept and idea of this business you see here.

The interview highlights the role of habitus in opportunity recognition, drawing on Takunda’s experiences in Zimbabwe, where they had the ability to produce their own food if they disliked certain options. He noticed a gap in the market for peanut butter that aligned with their accustomed taste. His habitus, shaped by their cultural background and preferences, influenced their perception of what qualifies as authentic peanut butter. At the time of the interview, Takunda’s peanut butter was available in major retail stores in South Africa, including Spar, Pick n’ Pay, Wellness and Know How, and Faithful to Nature. In 2017, Takunda received a national award for the Eskom Business Investment Competition. The Western Cape Provincial Government also recognised Takunda as the second-best emerging agro-processing business in the Western Cape Province.

What is evident from the above extract is that once Takunda became accustomed to a particular taste of peanut butter, there was no turning back. His use of the words ‘accustomed’ and ‘used to’ suggests that it is difficult to change one’s taste preferences. Bourdieu (1984) argues that the habitus, conditioned by a particular taste of food, generates and organises practices and representations, thereby influencing the start of the peanut butter business. Furthermore, it can be argued that the practices engendered by different habitus of peanut butter taste became a systematic configuration in identifying entrepreneurial opportunities in South Africa. Moreover, the practices stemming from different habitus related to peanut butter taste became a systematic framework for identifying entrepreneurial opportunities in South Africa. In a similar vein, Alexander and Honig (2016) argue that individuals are naturally inclined towards entrepreneurship when it aligns with their conditioned values, including their taste preferences. These preferences are developed through unique life experiences and shape people’s choices.

Takunda’s business has experienced growth, and he now procures raw materials from various locations worldwide, depending on seasonal and socio-economic conditions. At times, peanuts are sourced from Malawi, Mozambique and local suppliers. However, the Southern African region faced an unprecedented challenge in 2017 due to drought, resulting in scarce peanut supplies and necessitating imports from as far as India and Brazil. In 2018, the local peanut harvest in South Africa was fruitful, ensuring an adequate supply.

A similar case to the one mentioned above is that of Tinashe who runs a furniture moving company. In addition to local moves in Cape Town, he also conducts long-distance moves to cities such as Johannesburg, Durban and Mpumalanga. Tinashe also provides warehousing and storage facilities, along with five trucks capable of hauling 30 tonnes each. Despite being a qualified accountant, he focuses full-time on his business. When asked about how he started his trucking business, Tinashe said,

I used to work in Woodstock as an assistant accountant but left due to the frustration of being underpaid. I started doing face-to-face tutoring, mainly for high school and tertiary students. Coming from a family background involved in transport, I always wanted to follow the same path. While doing private tutoring, I started saving money and buying trucks.

Tinashe’s habitus, influenced by his family background in the transport industry, played a significant role in shaping his entrepreneurial aspirations. His strong desire to follow his family’s footsteps and engage in the transport business was deeply rooted in his upbringing and cultural heritage. This inherent inclination towards transport-related opportunities was a fundamental part of his identity. While Tinashe was initially involved in his tutoring business, he actively saved money with the specific intention of investing in trucks. This deliberate choice exemplifies how his habitus manifested itself in recognising the potential for a transport business as a viable and promising opportunity. Tinashe’s familiarity with the industry, passed down through generations in his family, guided his entrepreneurial mind-set and influenced his strategic investment decisions. The case of Tinashe highlights the enduring and generative nature of habitus in shaping one’s perception of entrepreneurial prospects. As Bourdieu (1990) argues, these ingrained dispositions generate practices that come naturally to individuals, making it instinctive for Tinashe to choose the specific type of business he ventured into. It exemplifies the adaptability of habitus, as Tinashe’s transport-related habitus transcended geographical boundaries and manifested itself in different contexts, even after migrating from Zimbabwe to South Africa (Maringira, 2014). The habitus reproduced the regularities inherent in the objective conditions while adapting to the demands imposed by objective potentialities in a given situation, shaped by cognitive and motivational structures that constitute habitus (Bourdieu, 1977).

To further understand the how habitus enables opportunity recognition, let us consider Jack, a 44-year-old chartered accountant who specialises in preparing annual statements, reviews, corporate and individual tax returns, and providing payroll services in South Africa. Prior to migrating to South Africa, Jack held various finance and treasurer positions in local government for different rural district municipalities in Zimbabwe. In this migratory context, Jack’s habitus regenerated and influenced his entrepreneurial pursuits. Drawing on his experience and connections in local government, Jack leveraged his expertise to secure an agreement with the Rural Districts Associations to audit their financial statements. His prior knowledge and understanding of financial management in rural district municipalities in Zimbabwe formed the foundation for his entrepreneurial activities. This showcases how habitus, as an individual’s unique prior knowledge, enables them to recognise specific opportunities. Furthermore, Jack recognised the need for financial management training in local government, as the Zimbabwean government was transitioning towards accrual-based international public sector accounting in both local government and the public service. This highlights how Jack’s habitus, shaped by his prior experience and understanding of financial management in Zimbabwe, propelled him to offer specialised services that catered to the changing needs and requirements of the local government sector in Zimbabwe.

In the context of entrepreneurship, habitus can be seen as a critical factor that shapes an individual’s entrepreneurial actions. It encompasses their unique prior knowledge, experiences and dispositions, which enable them to identify and seize opportunities. Building on Bourdieu’s perspective, Drori et al. (2006) argue that understanding entrepreneurial actions necessitates examining the socio-cultural and institutional backdrop that influences social reality. In Jack’s case, his habitus rooted in financial management in rural district municipalities in Zimbabwe played a crucial role in shaping his entrepreneurial pursuits in the South African context. His embodied deportment, encompassing the specific ways he walks, talks, thinks and feels in most contexts, is imbued with the dispositions Bourdieu refers to as ‘bodily’ or ‘corporeal hexis’. For Jack, financial management in rural municipalities has been his primary focus.

In a similar vein, another case that mirrors the aforementioned scenario involves Oliver. He had prior work experiences at both Amazon, an online commerce company, and Mukuru, a remittances company, both based in Cape Town. Drawing on his combined expertise from these domains, Oliver embarked on establishing his own online commerce site with a primary focus on meeting the specific needs of migrants. His venture aimed to offer a range of essential items such as groceries, building materials, and agricultural equipment tailored to their requirements.

During Oliver’s tenure at Mukuru, he keenly observed a recurring issue of funds allocated for groceries and building materials in Zimbabwe being misused. This observation, coupled with his deep understanding of the challenges faced by migrants, sparked his entrepreneurial vision. Leveraging his habitus, which encompassed knowledge and insights from both the online commerce and remittances problems, Oliver took the leap into creating his own online commerce platform. Oliver’s online commerce site allows individuals to conveniently purchase various goods specifically tailored for people in Zimbabwe. The product range includes household groceries, including meat and alcohol, as well as building equipment, agricultural and farming inputs, and generic medicine. Customers have the option to select their desired items, provide delivery details, and complete the payment process. Once the payment is verified, the goods are promptly delivered to the designated address in Zimbabwe. Notably, Oliver has established partnerships with prominent suppliers such as N-Richards for groceries and Metro-Pitch for hardware, ensuring a reliable and diverse range of high-quality products for his customers.

In Oliver’s case, his prior employment experiences at Amazon and Mukuru played a formative role in shaping his habitus and influencing his identification of potential opportunities. His familiarity with the online commerce industry and exposure to the remittances sector during his time at Mukuru provided valuable insights and knowledge. This accumulated expertise contributed to the formation of his habitus, enabling him to discern a specific opportunity within the market.

Transnational entrepreneurs like Oliver benefit from a dual habitus derived from their home and host countries. This dual habitus plays a crucial role in their ability to identify opportunities. Radogna (2019) argue that individuals operating within an internalised framework tend to perceive certain entrepreneurial possibilities as conceivable while others seem improbable. The dispositions and cultural schemas embedded in their habitus shape this limited range of acceptable options. By drawing upon his habitus, Oliver’s actions and entrepreneurial pursuits were guided by the cultural logics and understandings that made his venture thinkable, feasible and desirable. The habitus, intertwined within the process of capital accumulation, informed his decision-making and strategic choices as he built his online commerce site. His combined experiences, insights and cultural logics derived from his employment in different sectors formed the foundation for his entrepreneurial vision, allowing him to meet the specific needs of migrants and create a successful business in the online commerce space.

Harnessing his habitus, Oliver seized this opportunity by creating a user-friendly website catering specifically to the needs of migrants and their families in Zimbabwe, offering groceries, building materials and agricultural equipment. His profound understanding of the challenges and requirements of this particular group guided his strategic decision-making process. By leveraging his industry knowledge and attunement to customer demands, Oliver successfully devised a platform that effectively addressed these needs. Furthermore, Oliver’s habitus played a pivotal role in establishing partnerships with N-Richards and Metro-Pitch. His previous experiences and connections facilitated the development of crucial relationships with key suppliers in Zimbabwe, ensuring a reliable source of high-quality goods for his customers. These partnerships were instrumental in providing a wide range of products and maintaining a consistently high level of customer satisfaction.

Oliver’s business model stands at the core of remittances, setting itself apart from the traditional method known as Malayitshas. Malayitshas are small, often unregistered couriers who transport money and other goods from South Africa to households in Zimbabwe, utilising pick-up trucks or minibuses. The term ‘malayitsha’ originates from the isiNdebele language, signifying ‘the one who carries a heavy load’ (Nyamunda, 2014: 40). Oliver’s business redefines our comprehension of remittances. In addition to accepting payments in South African rand, the website also offers the convenience of viewing prices in British pounds, Botswana pula, Canadian dollars, Australian dollars and euros. This diverse currency selection acknowledges an essential aspect. While recognising that the majority of Zimbabwean migrants reside in South Africa, it also acknowledges that a significant number are dispersed across the globe. As highlighted by Crush et al. (2015: 264), ‘The Zimbabwean diaspora is now scattered in over 100 countries’. Oliver represents a class of migrant entrepreneurs who emerge to bridge the distinct and complementary needs of Zimbabwean migrants and the population in their home country.

von Bloh et al. (2021) argue that migrant entrepreneurship is opportunity driven and usually starts with what is commonly known as an ‘Aha’ moment than active search. Farai’s journey as a penetration analyst aligns with this trend. He said,

When I graduated, I worked for the software company for a year in the United States of America and it then decided to set up a satellite office in Africa. The company always had clients in Africa, assisting some governments with intelligence software but it never really had a supporting office. I was one of the people that was tasked to come down and set up an office. I was supposed to be in Africa for six months. While in Africa, I found love and decided not to go back, because I was back in Africa. I had worked here only a little. I haven’t done business in Africa. I grew up in a couple of countries as my father worked in Foreign Affairs. I didn’t spend a lot of time in Zimbabwe growing up. My parents used to move quite a lot. I did a little bit in the primary school in US, then UK, studied in Seychelles and Mauritius and then back into the US for university. I started picking up opportunities and realised that wait; the mount of knowledge and experience that I have I do not need to be employed. It was almost like an Aha moment; why am I employed, I can do all this by myself. I realised perhaps I needed to start something of my own

Although Farai’s assignment in Africa was initially planned for a 6-month duration, his time in Africa sparked a deep attachment to his continent of birth. It was during this period that Farai had his own ‘Aha’ moment, realising that his extensive knowledge and experience empowered him to pursue independent ventures rather than relying on traditional employment structures. These insights demonstrate how habitus tends to reproduce the social conditions of our own production in unpredictable ways, as argued by Bourdieu (1990). They also highlight the integration of habitus with the logics of flexible citizenship (Kim, 2019), which emphasise strategic manoeuvring and positioning. Flexible citizenship refers to the cultural norms associated with capitalist accumulation, travel and displacement, which prompt individuals to adapt opportunistically to changing political and economic circumstances (Kim, 2019). In Farai’s case, he drew on his work experience while invoking his African background through socialisation, allowing him to explore entrepreneurial opportunities in his home continent. In line with Bourdieu’s viewpoint, Farai’s socialised body was not simply an object but a repository of generative knowledge, driving him to establish a business in South Africa. Being socialised as an African, Farai consciously chose to remain in Africa after successfully setting up the satellite office.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this article sheds light on the emerging field of south-to-south forms of transnational entrepreneurship and highlights the entrepreneurial activities of Zimbabweans in Cape Town. Through the lens of habitus, we see that these entrepreneurs draw on their past experiences, including their taste of food, work and family history, to shape their present and future entrepreneurial endeavours. With the availability of technology and e-commerce platforms, ordinary Zimbabweans are taking advantage of new opportunities to start their own businesses. By exploring the intricate interplay between habitus and entrepreneurial pursuits, this article provides valuable insights into the multifaceted nature of entrepreneurial engagement. It illuminates how individuals actively utilise their accumulated knowledge, cultural capital and social dispositions to navigate and shape their entrepreneurial journeys. The habitus serves as a framework through which these entrepreneurs can effectively adapt, innovate and respond to the challenges and opportunities that arise in their respective contexts. This research contributes to our understanding of the dynamic and evolving nature of transnational entrepreneurship and the role of habitus in shaping entrepreneurial conduct highlighting the interconnectedness between personal experiences and entrepreneurial outcomes. By delving into the intricate relationship between habitus and entrepreneurship, we gain insights into the mechanisms through which individuals mobilise their past experiences to inform and propel their entrepreneurial pursuits. Ultimately, this research enhances our knowledge of the complex and dynamic nature of transnational entrepreneurship, opening avenues for further exploration and advancement in the field.