Abstract
This study examines the evolution of intergenerational solidarity in African societies, highlighting the impact of colonisation, modernity and globalisation on traditional kinship structures. It explores how Western rationality, individualism and economic pragmatism have weakened caregiving roles and disrupted intergenerational relationships. Using the
Keywords
Introduction
In conceptualising ‘intergenerational solidarity’ in African contexts, scholars refer to the cooperative, mutually supportive relationships between generations, grounded in values such as ubuntu, gratitude, reciprocity and respect (Aboderin, 2004; Oduaran and Oduaran, 2004). It encompasses informal yet deeply rooted practices of resource sharing, caring and knowledge transmission, involving all generations in a communal project of cultural reproduction and social cohesion, vital for the continuity of social and cultural life.
Before the Enlightenment movement (17th–19th centuries), African societies were deeply rooted in kinship-based structures, traditional governance and communal living. The values of intergenerational solidarity, where elders impart wisdom to younger generations while receiving care and respect, were central to the social fabric. However, European colonisation (1450–1960), shaped increasingly by Enlightenment values from the 17th to 19th centuries, disrupted these systems and imposed new social and cultural norms, ultimately weakening long-standing intergenerational ties and imposing Western values. Reflecting on the topic ‘Reinforcing Intergenerational Solidarity in African Societies: A Social Work Perspective on Tradition, Disruption, and Renewal’, which is derived from the 2025 World Social Workday theme, ‘Strengthening Intergenerational Solidarity for Enduring Wellbeing’, I undertake a critical examination of modern social structures through the lens of Horkheimer and Adorno’s (1947) Dialectic of Enlightenment. Social work practice is inherently interdisciplinary, drawing on knowledge from a wide range of social sciences and humanities, including philosophy, history, sociology and anthropology. This article examines intergenerational solidarity in African societies through these lenses, offering a critical theoretical foundation that informs social work practice. By integrating these broader perspectives, the article aims to provide a deeper understanding of the societal forces at play. It also reflects emerging community adaptations, ranging from shifts in cultural practices, such as
Aim
The article sought to critically examine the evolution of intergenerational solidarity in African societies, exploring how colonisation, modernity and globalisation have disrupted traditional kinship structures and to propose strategies for reinforcing intergenerational bonds through social work practice.
Objectives
The article has four overarching objectives. First, it critically examines the historical foundations of intergenerational solidarity in African societies, focusing on kinship structures, indigenous governance and communal living. Second, it analyses the impact of colonisation, modernisation and globalisation on intergenerational relationships, emphasising disruptions caused by Western rationality, individualism and the commodification of care. Third, it evaluates the effects of contemporary socio-cultural and technological shifts, including the influence of Western media, the intergenerational digital divide and policy changes, on intergenerational bonds in African societies. Finally, the article proposes contextually relevant social work interventions and policy recommendations that integrate indigenous knowledge systems, restore the role of elders in governance and enhance social work education to strengthen intergenerational solidarity.
Methodology
The study employs a qualitative research approach, specifically utilising Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) in conjunction with documentary analysis, to investigate the evolution of intergenerational solidarity in African societies. A core aspect of the methodology is the selection of texts, as it directly influences the credibility and trustworthiness of the study.
The texts selected for analysis were drawn from both primary and secondary sources, with a particular focus on works by key African scholars and critical theorists. The criteria for selecting texts were guided by their relevance to the themes of intergenerational solidarity, African kinship systems and the impact of colonialism and modernisation on these structures. Specifically, I prioritised works that critically engage with African social organisation, African philosophy and historical accounts of African societies, with a particular focus on the period before and after European colonisation.
The inclusion of these texts was based on several factors:
Concerning non-African scholars such as Morris and McCaskie, I acknowledge that both authors may be critiqued for their Western epistemological positions, particularly Morris’s background in intelligence services and his outsider status as a British historian. Morris’s work, while valuable, is recognised for its limitations in fully representing indigenous African perspectives, particularly regarding the Zulu nation. As noted by Knight (2002), his research was conducted from a distance, relying on secondary sources rather than direct engagement with the communities he studied.
To address these limitations, I intentionally include critical perspectives on Morris’s work, balancing it with writings from key African scholars who have directly engaged with African traditions and history. For instance, Mbiti (1990), Mazrui (1967) and other scholars such as Idowu (1973) and Gyekye (1987) are integral to this study because they offer deep insights into African worldviews and the role of elders in traditional governance. These scholars, whose works are grounded in African experiences and thought, provide a counter-narrative to colonial interpretations and enrich the understanding of intergenerational solidarity.
In addition to the selection of texts, it is important to acknowledge my positionality as a researcher in this study. As a scholar engaged in decolonial social work, I am aware of the complexities of drawing from both Western and African sources. While the inclusion of scholars like Morris and McCaskie is acknowledged as problematic from a decolonial perspective, their works are used with the critical lens necessary to highlight the limitations of Western academic approaches to African societies. My position as an African scholar in the social work field guides this engagement, as I aim to challenge dominant narratives and foreground indigenous knowledge systems in social work practice.
By using a reflective approach, I ensure that the study is not only grounded in African perspectives but also critically examines the power dynamics at play in the selection and interpretation of sources. This reflexivity is crucial in ensuring that the study does not inadvertently perpetuate colonial epistemologies but instead uses them as a tool for critique and transformation.
Ethical approval and informed consent statements
There are no human participants in this article, and informed consent is not required.
Findings
In presenting the findings, I structure the discussion around the three key themes identified in the methodology: (1) the disruptions caused by modernisation, (2) the commodification of care and (3) the shifts in governance and social cohesion. These themes were drawn from the analysis of primary and secondary texts, and the recurring patterns observed within the texts are discussed in detail to provide a comprehensive understanding of the transformations in intergenerational solidarity in African societies.
Disruptions caused by modernisation
‘Disruptions caused by modernity’ as a theme revolves around the impact of modernisation on intergenerational solidarity. As highlighted in the methodology, modernisation is often associated with the decline of traditional communal structures and the weakening of kinship ties. The findings reveal a clear trend where Western rationality, individualism and the adoption of capitalist ideologies have led to a decline in the central role of elders in African governance and social systems. This is consistent with the works of scholars such as Horkheimer and Adorno (1947), who argue that modernity, in prioritising efficiency and productivity, erodes relational values that were once central to African societies. The findings indicate that as younger generations become more influenced by modern educational systems and economic systems, their relationship with older generations has shifted from one of mutual respect and dependence to one of transactional relationships, driven largely by economic considerations.
The commodification of care
The second pattern addresses the commodification of care, a theme central to the critique of modernisation in the methodology. The findings highlight how the shift towards a market-driven approach to care has undermined the traditional systems of caregiving in African societies, particularly those provided by elders within extended families. The analysis of the texts reveals that, as state welfare systems and formal care institutions have emerged, the role of elders in caregiving has been increasingly marginalised. This has led to a reduced sense of community responsibility and has weakened the social fabric that traditionally linked generations. In addition, the shift to commodified care models, driven by economic considerations, has resulted in a perception of care as a service rather than a communal responsibility. This is particularly evident in urban areas where the elderly, once key figures in maintaining family and community cohesion, are now increasingly being relegated to hopeless dependents on state benefits rather than recognised as integral members of the social system.
Shifts in governance and social cohesion
The third thematic pattern centres on the shifts in governance and social cohesion that have accompanied the disruptions caused by modernisation and the commodification of care. The findings suggest that the adoption of Western governance models and the erosion of traditional African leadership structures have contributed to the weakening of intergenerational solidarity. The texts examined indicate that in pre-colonial African societies, governance was inherently intergenerational, with elders playing pivotal roles in decision-making and the preservation of social cohesion. However, post-colonial governance structures, which were often imposed by colonial powers, have marginalised these traditional forms of leadership in favour of more individualistic and bureaucratic systems. As a result, intergenerational dialogue has decreased, and older generations, particularly elders, are often excluded from political and social decision-making processes. This shift has led to a fragmentation of social cohesion, as younger generations no longer rely on the wisdom of elders in the same way, and the role of elders in maintaining cultural values and social norms has been diminished. Nonetheless, societies have adapted as well, given the rise of grandparent-headed households resulting from migration, unemployment and the scourge of the AIDS pandemic. Consequently, older adults take primary responsibility for raising grandchildren (Baykara-Krumme and Fokkema, 2019; Cruz-Saco, 2010). In addition, younger people increasingly assist older adults with digital access and navigation of state systems, creating new forms of reciprocal intergenerational support.
These findings reflect the recurring patterns identified in the methodology and analysis sections. They contribute to a nuanced understanding of the evolution of intergenerational solidarity in African societies. The disruptions caused by modernisation, the commodification of care and the shifts in governance have all played significant roles in transforming how intergenerational relationships are understood and practised. These findings are crucial for understanding the current state of intergenerational solidarity in African societies and have implications for social work practice, particularly in how social workers can advocate for the integration of indigenous knowledge systems and promote policies that strengthen intergenerational bonds.
Interpretive analysis and discussion
In this section, the article moves beyond the presentation of findings to offer a broader interpretation of the identified patterns through the lenses of theory, history and philosophy. It contextualises the findings within the historical evolution of African social organisation, examining how pre-colonial kinship systems, governance structures and communal practices shaped intergenerational solidarity. I further draw on critical theoretical perspectives, particularly the work of Horkheimer, Adorno and other decolonial scholars, to illuminate how modernisation, Enlightenment rationality and coloniality have disrupted these foundations. Through this analytical framing, the patterns identified in the findings are interpreted in relation to the wider socio-political forces that have influenced African societies over time. This interpretive analysis also links the observed disruptions to contemporary issues such as the commodification of care, the cultural industry and digital socialisation. Finally, this section lays the conceptual groundwork for understanding the implications of these dynamics for social work practice, particularly in relation to strengthening intergenerational solidarity in African contexts.
The social organisation of pre-colonial African societies
Mbiti (1990) explores how African societies were and largely remain fundamentally communal, with kinship systems at the heart of their social organisation. This type of organisation is salient for existential purposes. In this regard, Mbiti (1990) identifies the extended family as the core unit of African life, where identity, responsibilities and obligations are shared across generations. Regarding obligations, the role of elders was always critical in the transmission of wisdom and in guiding younger generations, reinforcing intergenerational solidarity (1969). In corroboration, Mazrui (1967), emphasises the importance of communal living and collective decision-making as central principles, ensuring that no individual exists in isolation but rather as part of a larger social web. He further emphasised communal living, as rooted in kinship ties and shared cultural practices, highlighting the significance of these communal bonds in shaping individual identity and promoting social cohesion (Mazrui, 1967).
Another important dimension to African social organisation is spirituality which is taken as integral to kinship structures, where ancestors and God play an active role in family affairs. Mbiti (1990) contends that African spirituality is communal, where the sacred and secular are intertwined underscoring spiritual practices and rituals in daily life. This reflects the very essence of
Furthermore, concerning decision-making, Chiefdoms, Queendoms and Kingdoms’ centralised governance systems recognised the wisdom of elders and assigned leadership roles that facilitated intergenerational cohesion. Obbo (1997) and Mwamzandi (2013) posit that in African traditional leadership, elders were revered for their wisdom, knowledge and experience. These qualities were vitally important for intergenerational relationships in so far as the transmission of knowledge, values and traditions to younger generations was concerned (Mwamzandi, 2013; Obbo, 1997). Beyond that, the elders were involved in decision-making processes, providing guidance and wisdom to ensure the well-being and prosperity of their communities. Some examples in this regard include the role-played by elders, including the Queen Mother, in the Zulu Kingdom in succession planning and transitioning (Shamase, 2014). The same is true for the Asante King (Asantehene) with a council of elders composed of chiefs and prominent members of the union who assist the King (Aderinto, 2017). On the other hand, there are societies like the Igbo of Nigeria and the Maasai of East Africa (Kenya and Tanzania), where, instead of centralising governance, decision-making was distributed among elders and community members (Nwabara, 1977; Ruotsalainen, 2007). This approach fosters intergenerational dialogue and consensus needed to strengthen society. It is a system that promotes mutual dependency across generations. From a sustainability perspective, this approach also fostered resilience and community well-being.
Drawing from Oduor (2022) and Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s (2013) conceptualisation of the relationship between leadership and eldership, embracing the traditional African concept of eldership has always helped to mitigate leadership ineptitude, thereby enabling more effective and wise leadership.
Disruptions caused by enlightenment
In the previous section, I reflected on how African society, although not homogeneous, was socially and politically organised with intergenerational strong bonds. This was an existential manoeuvre for the traditional societies of Africa. It was a conscious effort to adapt, evolve and respond to internal and external influences, to preserve their cultural identity, values and way of life. However, the dawn of the 15th century brought a tidal wave of external influences that would subsequently prove increasingly difficult to resist, as successive waves of change crashed upon the shores of traditional African societies.
Pereira (2010) contends that the first wave of African colonisation began in the 15th century (1450–1521) with the arrival of European powers, but it intensified significantly during the 19th century with the scramble for Africa (1880s–1914). In corroboration, Pakenham (1991) gives a historical account of the European powers’ race to conquer and divide Africa during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It is this movement of European colonisation, especially from the late 19th century, influenced by Enlightenment ideals emphasising reason, individualism and Western modernity, that African societies experienced significant disruptions whose legacy lingers to date. Davidson (1992) reflects on the legacy of colonisation and its profound effects on African societies. He argues that the impact of colonisation has contributed to the persistent challenges African nations face, including weak governance, sociopolitical instability and underdevelopment (Davidson, 1992).
This turn of events destabilised and, in some instances, obliterated traditional systems including traditional governance, economies and social structures. Mindful that nature does not allow a vacuum, and as a strategic move to consolidate their hegemony, the coloniser imposed Western values through institutions such as the church and missionary schools, among others. These institutions deliberately devalued African traditions, replacing intergenerational learning with formalised education disconnected from indigenous knowledge (Gegemnado, 2024; Jensz, 2012; Kanu, 2011). In this way, colonial policies facilitated political, economic and social exploitation, fragmenting families and communities. Seen as a dark continent, Western rationality framed African societies as ‘backward’, fostering dependency on European powers and weakening traditional intergenerational ties (Pakenham, 1991).
In his seminal work, Kant (1784) explores the concept of the Enlightenment, as humanity’s emergence from a state of immaturity and dependence on external authorities. He argued that individuals must think for themselves, use reason to guide their understanding of the world and challenge traditional authority and superstition through courage, freedom and intellectual curiosity. Similarly, Gay (1966) posited that enlightenment was a moment that galvanised humanity towards a shared commitment to reason, science and intellectual curiosity. Russell (1945) explores the intellectual and cultural developments of the 17th and 18th centuries, including the rise of scientific rationalism, the emergence of modern philosophy and the impact on politics and society. Building on the foundational work of Immanuel Kant, Porter (2001) and Outram (2019) delineate the core principles of the Enlightenment, including reason and rationalism, individualism and human rights, secularism and scepticism of religious authority, progress and optimism, political and social reform, empiricism and scientific inquiry, economic liberalism and universalism and cosmopolitanism.
Nonetheless, it is important to acknowledge the deeply racialised foundations of the Enlightenment thought, particularly in the work of Immanuel Kant. As Mignolo (2011) argues, Kant’s philosophical project was accompanied by an explicit racial hierarchy that positioned Europeans as the apex of human development while relegating Africans and other non-European peoples to the lowest ranks of rational capacity. This racial thinking was not peripheral but central to the Enlightenment’s civilisational discourse, providing ideological justification for colonial conquest and the subordination of African societies. Colonial administrations drew on these racial hierarchies to construct an inferiorised and servile labouring class, disrupting kinship systems through forced labour, displacement and the weakening of communal authority structures. The resulting fragmentation of families, erosion of communal caregiving practices and breakdown of intergenerational interconnectedness were direct outcomes of a racialised colonial order grounded in the Enlightenment notions of Western superiority.
Tensions of enlightenment
I draw this sub-theme from the seminal work of Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, the German philosophers who, after having studied and understood the thesis of enlightenment, critically reflected on its impact, culminating in what they termed ‘Dialectic of Enlightenment’. Horkheimer and Adorno (1947) argue that the Enlightenment’s emphasis on reason, progress and individualism, inadvertently led to the opposite of what it sought to have society restructured. That is, the emergence of a society dominated by instrumental rationality, bureaucratic control and the suppression of individual autonomy. In this section, I use the Dialectic of Enlightenment as a lens to reflect the extent to which enlightenment, in its iterative waves, has tempered with the order of the traditional African societies, weakening and throwing intergenerational solidarity asunder.
Instrumental reason and intergenerational solidarity
The dialectic of Enlightenment critiques instrumental reason which emphasises the prioritisation of efficiency and economic productivity without questioning the ethical or social on human relationships. Horkheimer and Adorno (1947) argue that this shift has replaced critical reason, which fosters human autonomy and ethical reflection. They further contend that it dehumanises individuals, reducing them to mere objects of administration and economic calculation. It came with profound implications for intergenerational solidarity, emphasising efficiency over Empathy. A clearer understanding of instrumental reason emerges when it is situated within the Enlightenment dialectic, which, as Horkheimer and Adorno (1947) note, promises emancipation through rational mastery yet simultaneously produces domination. In many African contexts, the Enlightenment rationality, introduced through colonial rule, schooling and bureaucratic systems, appeared to offer progress but undermined indigenous relational, communal and intergenerational practices. Capitalist logics intensified this shift by reorganising social life around market value and individual self-interest, eroding kinship obligations and redefining care as a calculable cost. This dynamic helps explain why contemporary policy frameworks, including those in early childhood development, privilege cost-effectiveness over intergenerational components: they reflect the same rationalising logic that marginalises relational forms of care. Mudimbe (1988, 1994) describes these contradictions of modernity as ontological and epistemic violence that contribute to profound social disintegration in Africa.
To date, there is a proliferation of government and corporate policies and programmes that focus on cost-effectiveness, which often overlook the importance of meaningful intergenerational connections. South Africa has acknowledged the critical importance of early childhood education, particularly given that over 80% of 10-year-olds struggle with reading comprehension (Bearak, 2025; Vaz, 2024). In response, the government introduced a compulsory year of schooling for 5- to 6-year-olds and transferred early learning centres from the Department of Social Development, where elders played a significant role in managing these centres, to the Department of Basic Education, which is primarily staffed by younger generations of teachers. However, this policy shift faces considerable funding shortages and implementation challenges. While the focus on expanding access is essential, it inadvertently marginalises intergenerational components, such as the involvement of elders in educational activities, which could enhance the learning experience and strengthen community cohesion.
Furthermore, the Older Persons Grant, though vital in providing financial assistance to the elderly, does not always address older generations’ psychosocial needs or create spaces for meaningful interaction with younger generations. Policies often focus on reducing costs and providing cash transfers, rather than creating opportunities for intergenerational exchanges that could enhance community cohesion and provide mutual support between the elderly and younger populations (Makiwane, 2011; Malherbe, 2010; Moore and Seekings, 2018). As a result, programmes that encourage intergenerational dialogue or shared spaces (such as community centres or programmes that involve youth and seniors together) are often underfunded or not prioritised in the same way as financial assistance programmes. This cost-effectiveness-driven approach inadvertently reduces opportunities for developing deeper social bonds between generations, which are essential for social cohesion and support.
This phenomenon is not unique to Africa; in the United States, policies aimed at reducing poverty often emphasise cost-effectiveness and immediate economic outcomes. In examining the intergenerational persistence of poverty, Parolin (2025) highlights that while addressing child poverty is crucial, the lack of substantial government support for adults contributes to the persistence of poverty into adulthood. The One-Child Policy (1979–2015) sought to alleviate poverty, enhance economic development and reduce strain on public welfare systems. However, the policy disrupted traditional caregiving structures, increased elderly dependency on state welfare and contributed to shifting social values that deprioritised family responsibility (Greenhalgh, 2008; Wang et al., 2013). This approach tends to focus on individual economic metrics, potentially neglecting the role of intergenerational support systems and the benefits of fostering strong family and community ties in alleviating poverty. It essentialises transactional services in social welfare, which are typically focused on alleviating symptoms or consequences of social issues, rather than addressing the underlying causes. The ever-escalating recipients (28 million) of cash transfers in the South African welfare system underscore this point (Godongwana, 2025).
In essence, the imposition of Enlightenment rationality introduced a worldview grounded in individual autonomy, secular reasoning and instrumental logic, values that directly contradicted African relational ontologies. This resulted in a devaluation of communal decision-making, the marginalisation of elders as custodians of cultural wisdom and the erosion of kinship-based authority structures. Through colonial education, colonial administration and legal reforms, Enlightenment thinking became institutionalised, gradually displacing the collective ethic of Ubuntu with ideals of personal advancement, efficiency and economic productivity. As Horkheimer and Adorno (1947) argue, instrumental rationality tends to subordinate human relationships to the pursuit of control and utility, a dynamic that significantly weakened the reciprocal obligations and intergenerational bonds foundational to African social organisation.
The culture industry and intergenerational solidarity
The culture industry is another precept for the dialectic of enlightenment. Adorno and Horkheimer (2002), use the term ‘culture industry to critique how mass-produced cultural goods such as films, music, television and literature are used to manipulate society and reinforce capitalist ideologies’. Some of the defining features of the culture industry as conceptualised by Adorno and Horkheimer include standardisation, passive consumption, false needs, distraction from reality and commodification of culture. Through standardisation, cultural products are mass-produced and produced as standard for all, lacking originality, where unique and diverse cultural expressions are reduced to a uniform, mass-produced product (Horkheimer and Adorno, 1947). Adorno (1991) claimed that standardised cultural products lack authenticity, as they are created to appeal to the masses rather than expressing genuine artistic or cultural values. One example in this regard would be how some African drumbeats were standardised to fit the global pop music formulations, thereby losing the original African expressions that were transmitted through those drum sounds to communicate across generations.
Second, through passive consumption, they contend that people are conditioned to consume culture uncritically, fostering a passive society. This process cultivates artificial desires, leading individuals to equate entertainment with happiness, thereby sustaining capitalist consumerism (Horkheimer and Adorno, 1947). Consequently, entertainment serves as a means of distraction, diverting attention from social injustices by immersing people in superficial pleasures. Arts and culture, once valued for self-expression and enlightenment, are increasingly commodified for profit. In recent years, the rise of
In addition, the culture industry shapes societal perceptions of ageing and intergenerational relationships, often reinforcing negative stereotypes by portraying ageing as a burden rather than a stage of life worthy of respect and care. In this context, scholars have examined the phenomenon of Black Tax, which refers to younger generations financially supporting their extended families, particularly parents (Gqubule, 2024; Mhlongo, 2019). Traditionally, in many African cultures, caring for one’s elders, especially parents, was regarded as a source of pride, respect and social solidarity rather than a burden (Mbiti, 1990; Mphahlele, 2002; Rathokoa and Masoga, 2021; Shutte, 2001). The emergence of the term ‘Black Tax’, therefore, suggests a significant shift in intergenerational relationships, often perceived as a burden rather than an expression of communal responsibility.
The widespread and largely unmoderated exposure of young children to Western media raises critical questions about cultural homogenisation. Across diverse racial and national contexts, toddlers are increasingly exposed to uniform cultural materials, such as animated programmes and nursery rhymes originating from the global North. This phenomenon, which can be conceptualised as the ‘Cocomelonisation’ of childhood socialisation, represents the global dissemination of Western-centric forms of early learning and entertainment. In many African contexts, parents and early childhood education institutions inadvertently facilitate this shift, replacing indigenous, context-specific modes of socialisation with readily available, pre-packaged Western media. Consequently, the ‘Cocomelonisation’ of early childhood socialisation may contribute to the erosion of culturally embedded ways of knowing, learning and relating to the world, particularly in non-Western societies where traditional child-rearing practices historically placed a strong emphasis on intergenerational engagement. The term ‘Cocomelonisation’ is derived from the widely popular children’s television programme
The intergenerational digital divide and its impact on solidarity
The Intergenerational Digital Divide represents a significant challenge arising from the intersection of technological advancement and generational dynamics. This concept refers to disparities in access to, proficiency with and engagement in digital technologies across different age groups. The divide is especially pronounced between younger, digitally native generations and older cohorts who may have had limited exposure to or interaction with digital tools. Key factors contributing to this divide include unequal access to technological resources, variations in digital literacy, socioeconomic status and cultural dynamics. Collectively, these factors shape the extent to which different generations can fully participate in and benefit from the increasingly digitalised world (González-González et al, 2025; Kroes, 2012).
Over time, the digital divide has exacerbated a rift in intergenerational communication, with younger people predominantly relying on social media, messaging apps and other online platforms, while older individuals often prefer traditional forms of communication, such as phone calls or in-person meetings. This generational divergence in communication preferences can lead to misunderstandings and diminished empathy between age groups. Turkle (2011) asserts that such digital communication often fosters superficial interactions, eroding the richness of face-to-face conversations, which are typically more empathetic and emotionally nuanced.
In the African context, Mulaudzi and Naidoo (2025) expand the digital divide discourse by emphasising that it transcends mere access to technology, extending to cultural and linguistic barriers that prevent many Africans from fully engaging in the digital world. The proliferation of technology in Africa has, in many ways, contributed to the alienation of individuals from their cultural identities, facilitating a process of cultural homogenisation through the imposition of Western values and norms. This phenomenon is particularly evident in African universities, where behaviours, dress codes and architectural designs increasingly mirror those of Western institutions, often making it difficult to distinguish between African and Western youth. As highlighted earlier, the social fabric of African societies is increasingly influenced by the cultural industry, mediated by technological advancements.
The importance of negativity and intergenerational solidarity
A negative dialectical approach analysis or critical social work encourages challenging dominant narratives and embracing complexity. For instance, social work practice should critically examine how policies and institutions shape intergenerational relationships for enduring well-being. Furthermore, social workers need to critically recognise how the diverse ways intergenerational solidarity manifests to help in the development of inclusive and context-specific social interventions. Albeit in different contexts, Trotter (2013), Pease (2010) and Reisch (2013) emphasise the importance of critical reflection in social work to critically examine practitioners’ own biases, assumptions and practices to avoid perpetuating dominant narratives. They emphasise the need for social workers to actively challenge neoliberal policies and advocate for collective action and community organising, rather than individualised practice. Policy advocacy should also include agitation for the re-engagement of indigenous knowledge and leadership structures, including the restoration of eldership as a key component of governance. This could involve recognising elders’ roles in policymaking, dispute resolution and cultural preservation, as well as incorporating African epistemologies into contemporary governance structures (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013).
Dialectic relationship between myth and enlightenment
Adorno and Horkheimer (1947) contend that myth and enlightenment are intertwined and that the Enlightenment’s emphasis on reason and rationality has led to a new form of mythmaking, in which dominant ideologies and power structures are naturalised and legitimised. In many African societies, there is a strong emphasis on traditional values and cultural practices. However, this emphasis can sometimes be used to justify and legitimise dominant ideologies and power structures that perpetuate ageism and intergenerational inequality, for instance, as per the earlier elucidation. In most African cultures, older adults are viewed as the custodians of traditional knowledge and values. While this is a positive characteristic of African culture, it can also be used to justify the exclusion of younger generations from decision-making processes and the perpetuation of ageist attitudes. This is usually prevalent in political circles where younger generations are hardly entrusted with political power
Implications for social work practice
Renewal as a social work strategy
The disruptions analysed above necessitate ‘renewal’ as a social work strategy. In this case, ‘renewal’ as a concept refers to deliberate social work interventions and community-driven processes aimed at revitalising weakened or disrupted intergenerational relationships. Renewal entails restoring practices of reciprocity, care and knowledge transmission that have been eroded by socioeconomic change, migration and rationalising policy logics. In practical terms, renewal may involve programmes that reconnect older adults with youth through cultural mentorship, community-based storytelling initiatives, intergenerational support groups, or early childhood development interventions that formally integrate elders as custodians of cultural knowledge and relational ethics. Such examples illustrate renewal not as a nostalgic return to tradition, but as an adaptive, restorative process that strengthens intergenerational cohesion, contributing to broader ideals of social development in contemporary African contexts.
Strengthening intergenerational practice
Having understood the phenomenon of intergenerational solidarity and the need to strengthen it for enduring well-being, social workers should engage in critical reflexivity to understand how biases and assumptions influenced practice can lead to more inclusive approaches. Different generations assume a reinforcing role in one another for enduring well-being. Ungar (2011) examines how community resilience factors, including physical and social capital, influence the adaptation and well-being of youth and families facing adversity. Although his study does not focus exclusively on intergenerational relationships, it provides insights into how family dynamics and community support systems can foster resilience across generations. By emphasising the importance of supportive environments and resources, Ungar’s (2011) highlights the role of intergenerational interactions in promoting positive outcomes for youth and families. Similarly, and notwithstanding her focus on child welfare, Munro (2011) discusses how social workers need to critically reflect on their practices to challenge biases and assumptions that may inadvertently harm family relationships, including intergenerational solidarity. Thus, Social workers should prioritise building and maintaining family relationships, including intergenerational solidarity. This may include advocacy for and support programmes and services that promote intergenerational solidarity, such as mentorship programmes, intergenerational community projects and age-integrated education.
While frameworks such as Ungar’s (2011) resilience and Munro’s (2011) child protection theories offer valuable insights, it is important to situate social work practice within African decolonial perspectives. Scholars such as V. Y. Mudimbe (1988, 1994) and Olúfẹ́mi Táíwò (2010) critique the imposition of Western rationalities and highlight the importance of relational, communal and culturally embedded approaches. Integrating these perspectives allows social work practice to prioritise indigenous knowledge systems, intergenerational solidarity and contextually grounded strategies for care and protection.
Thus, social workers need to deliberately centre marginalised voices. In this regard, prioritising the experiences of older adults and vulnerable groups would ensure that policies and programmes address their needs. Gray (2010) argues that social workers must centre the voices and experiences of marginalised groups, including older adults, to address issues of social justice and human rights. Many other scholars have also reflected on the importance of prioritising the voices and experiences of older adults, particularly in the context of caregiving and social support, colonialism and oppression, as well as power and knowledge (Fanon, 1967; Foucault, 1980; Neysmith, 2011). As such, it perpetuates ageism and ableism, which can lead to the marginalisation and exclusion of older adults.
Third, in their practice, social workers need to foster empathetic understanding to create spaces for meaningful intergenerational interactions to promote shared humanity and solidarity. Sewpaul (2013) emphasises the importance of decolonising social work practice, which involves recognising and challenging dominant Western epistemologies and promoting indigenous knowledge systems. The dominant discourses may include those that perpetuate ageism and ableism, which can lead to the marginalisation and exclusion of older adults. She argues that this process can foster empathetic understanding and create spaces for meaningful intergenerational interactions. Similarly, Dlamini (2018) emphasises the importance of indigenous knowledge systems in promoting intergenerational interactions and shared humanity. She argues that indigenous knowledge systems offer a unique perspective on the interconnectedness of human experience and the natural world. This can involve learning from elders and community leaders, incorporating indigenous knowledge systems into social work practice, as well as facilitating community-based initiatives that address structural inequalities, such as community gardens, cooperatives and advocacy groups.
Fourth, building on the foundational ideas of Horkheimer and Adorno (1947), Freire (1970) and Habermas (1984), social workers must foster critical consciousness among older adults and other age groups. This entails recognising that critical thinking and reflection are essential for promoting social justice and intergenerational solidarity. To achieve this, social workers should encourage older adults and other age groups to reflect on their personal experiences and how they intersect with broader social and structural issues, promoting critical literacy that challenges dominant narratives and promotes social justice. In addition, social workers should teach older adults and other age groups to critically evaluate media representations and messages, recognising how they can perpetuate or challenge ageism and other forms of oppression.
Furthermore, regarding the intergenerational digital divide, social work practice ought to be cognizant of the extent to which the divide exacerbates disparities in access to information, services and resources. Communities, especially older individuals or those in rural areas, may struggle with access to technology and the skills to navigate digital platforms. Social workers can play a pivotal role in addressing these gaps by providing digital literacy programmes, helping with technology and advocating for equitable access to digital resources. Similarly, as posited by Ramon and Lymbery (2009), with the increasing digitisation of services, including healthcare, social security and education, social workers must ensure that service users, especially older individuals, are not excluded from essential services. Social workers can facilitate access to these services by helping clients navigate digital platforms or advocating for the inclusion of alternative, non-digital options.
Finally, there is a need for social work education to mainstream gerontology in the curricula and research to expand the body of knowledge and inculcate a deeper level of understanding of the phenomenon by social workers. In this way, they would be innovative in how to facilitate intergenerational solidarity practice and research for enduring well-being in varying contexts. This would be an acknowledgement that education and learning as well as research are key to promoting social justice and intergenerational solidarity.
Existing social work interventions in Africa
Several social work interventions across Africa already strengthen intergenerational solidarity. Community-Based Home Care models in Southern Africa engage elders as primary caregivers and cultural guides, while NGOs such as Age-in-Action and HelpAge International run intergenerational support groups that bring youth and older adults together (Akintola, 2008). In countries such as Ghana, Nigeria and Rwanda, social workers partner with chiefs and queen mothers in mentorship programmes focused on storytelling and cultural apprenticeship (Avendal, 2011; Kreitzer, 2005). Family conferencing and indigenous mediation models in Kenya, Uganda and Ghana restore elder-led decision-making in resolving conflict. These initiatives show that intergenerational practice is already embedded across African social work contexts.
Conclusion
This article examined the evolution of intergenerational solidarity within African societies, tracing its foundations in communal living, kinship structures and spirituality, before exploring the disruptions introduced by European colonisation and Western modernity. Traditional African societies are characterised by strong intergenerational bonds, wherein elders play a pivotal role in knowledge transmission, governance and moral guidance. Spirituality and communal living reinforce the interconnectedness of individuals across generations, fostering resilience and social cohesion. However, colonisation and modernisation have led to the erosion of these structures, replacing indigenous knowledge systems with formal education and bureaucratic governance. The prioritisation of economic efficiency over relational values further weakens intergenerational connections, reducing traditional obligations to transactional exchanges.
Applying a critical lens, this article highlights the contradictions inherent in modernisation. While Western ideals champion progress, they simultaneously marginalise indigenous systems that emphasise collective well-being. There is a need to rethink policies and social interventions to ensure that intergenerational solidarity is actively reinforced. Social work must adopt a critical and context-specific approach that acknowledges the diverse ways in which intergenerational relationships manifest and contribute to community resilience. Balancing modern advancements with the preservation of indigenous social structures is essential to sustaining intergenerational bonds. Integrating traditional philosophies, such as Ubuntu, into contemporary policies and practices fosters sustainable relationships that promote both individual and collective well-being. Revitalising intergenerational solidarity is not merely a historical necessity but a crucial step towards creating a more inclusive, developmental and ethically grounded social order.
Social workers play a key role in strengthening intergenerational relationships by promoting critical reflexivity, centring marginalised voices, fostering empathetic understanding, advancing critical consciousness and integrating gerontology into education and practice. Critical reflexivity helps practitioners recognise how biases and assumptions shape interventions, allowing for more inclusive and effective approaches. Strengthening family dynamics and ensuring that social work interventions reinforce rather than undermine intergenerational support systems is vital for community resilience.
Intentional efforts to centre marginalised voices, particularly those of older adults and vulnerable groups, can address social justice concerns and mitigate the effects of ageism and exclusion. Social workers should create spaces where diverse experiences are valued and incorporated into policies and programmes, ensuring that intergenerational solidarity extends to all members of society. Fostering empathetic understanding is also essential, as it promotes meaningful intergenerational interactions and shared humanity. This can be achieved by incorporating indigenous knowledge systems, facilitating mentorship programmes, community projects and age-integrated education to bridge generational divides.
Advancing critical consciousness among different age groups encourages individuals to reflect on their experiences and connections to broader social structures. Furthermore, challenging dominant narratives and promoting critical literacy help dismantle stereotypes and empower individuals across generations. Finally, social work education must integrate gerontology into curricula and research to expand the knowledge base on intergenerational solidarity. A deeper understanding of this phenomenon will enable social workers to develop innovative strategies that facilitate intergenerational support in diverse contexts.
In conclusion, intergenerational solidarity is a fundamental aspect of social development, requiring intentional efforts in social work practice, education and research. By embracing critical reflexivity, centring marginalised voices, fostering empathy, promoting critical consciousness and advancing gerontology, social workers can play a transformative role in strengthening intergenerational bonds and ensuring enduring well-being for all members of society.
Footnotes
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data availability statement
This was a desktop literature-based study without any data collection.
Statement on AI
Grammarly, as an AI tool, was used for language editing of the article.