Abstract

I guess it comes down to a simple choice, really. Get busy living or get busy dying.
Media portrayals of suicide can have a substantial, negative influence on suicide rates often described as the Werther effect (Sinyor et al., 2018). One of the most extreme examples of this phenomenon was the publicity surrounding the death of Robin Williams which was associated with an increase of more than 1800 deaths in the United States in late 2014 (Fink et al., 2018). Recently, there has been renewed interest in the potential deleterious effects of fictional media depictions given an association between the release of the Netflix show 13 Reasons Why and increased youth suicides (Niederkrotenthaler et al., 2019). In our conversations with members of the entertainment media (and the mainstream media), a common theme is frustration with what they perceive as an emphasis by the suicide prevention community on what we discourage them from publishing. Given that their job is ultimately to create and disseminate content, we have received feedback that models for how to do so safely and appropriately may be just as important as a list of elements to avoid.
Historically, the best evidence in this area has been from non-fictional, news media coverage. Specifically, news stories emphasizing resilience and the absence of suicide attempts/deaths in the face of suicidal crises have been associated with reductions in suicide across a population, the so-called Papageno effect (Sinyor et al., 2018) (following publication of newspaper stories in which people experiencing suicidal crises did not engage in suicidal behaviour and went on to survive [so-called ‘mastery of crisis’ articles], there was a small, statistically significant reduction in suicides in Austria).While the issues involved in fictional and non-fictional depictions have some overlap, they are not identical, and, ideally, fictional archetypes would inform this discussion.
Numerous films have explored the topic of suicide in different ways, but The Shawshank Redemption (1994), the number 1 film of all time according to users of the Internet Movie Database (IMDB; see IMDB.com Top 250), provides a rich basis for discussion of the potential impacts of suicide-related content in fictional movies based on what is currently known about media impacts on suicide.
The Shawshank Redemption tells the story of a wrongly imprisoned man who eventually escapes to freedom. During its 142-minute running time, it includes four potential or actual suicide vignettes relating to its two protagonists (Andy and Red) and two supporting characters (Brooks and Norton). The film is not entirely consistent with responsible media recommendations, specifically in relation to the latter two characters who both die by suicide. A major theme of the film is the impact of institutionalization that comes with lengthy incarceration on the human spirit. Brooks is released after five decades in prison to a world that appears foreign and terrifying. He contemplates engaging in crime so that he can be sent back to the world he knows. He writes a letter to his friends: ‘I don’t like it here. I’m tired of being afraid all the time. I’ve decided not to stay’. In despair, he carves ‘Brooks was here’ into a wood ceiling beam and then hangs himself from it. Norton, the prison’s warden and the film’s main villain, is depicted shooting himself in the head rather than being arrested when Andy exposes his criminal activities.
Both scenes are potentially problematic with each depicting a lethal suicide method. Brooks is also a highly identifiable character and identification appears to mediate much of the risk of suicide contagion (Till et al., 2015). Identification with the Norton character may be less likely and news media portrayals of suicide in villains are often associated with a reduction in subsequent suicides (Sinyor et al., 2018). However, being accused of a crime is a risk factor for suicide and about half of suicides in jail populations occur while defendants are awaiting trial (Petersen et al., 2017). The film therefore may perpetuate the notion that suicide is an appropriate response to criminal charges, an ethically problematic construct for multiple reasons not least of which is one highlighted within the film – that people accused and even convicted of crimes are sometimes innocent.
While there are issues with the depictions of the suicides of Brooks and Norton, suicide-related scenes for Red and Andy follow more clearly helpful narrative arcs. Red is released from prison after 40 years. The story of his release and his immediate struggles largely parallel those of Brooks (he even stays in exactly the same room and has the same difficult job). Red receives a letter from his friend Andy which reads ‘Remember, Red. Hope is a good thing, maybe the best of things, and no good thing ever dies’. Red climbs on a chair just as Brooks did and for a moment the audience is meant to wonder if he too will hang himself. Instead, he carves the words ‘So was Red’ next to ‘Brooks was here’, chooses life and leaves to find his friend. This may represent a quintessential Papageno narrative. It is also worth considering whether Red’s story demonstrates to viewers that Brooks’s suicide was an unnecessary and potentially preventable tragedy by showing how someone in similar circumstances could find a way to survive.
Andy is presented as potentially the highest risk character in the film for suicide. He is wrongly convicted for the murder of his wife, imprisoned for decades under inhumane conditions and abused by his fellow prisoners as well as the warden and prison staff. As with Red, there is a scene in which hope and despair seem to have overcome Andy who appears destined to languish in prison forever. He asks for a length of rope and his friends worry that he has died by suicide when he does not emerge from his cell in the morning. Unexpectedly, we discover that he has used the rope as part of his escape. Andy has fought for years to find a way out of his predicament and ultimately he does so. The film ends in uplifting fashion with a reunion between Andy and Red, the latter repeating the words ‘I hope’.
The Shawshank Redemption is an important film that highlights many of the complexities of depicting suicide in fictional media. It does not conform perfectly to recommendations for safe reporting of suicide including repeatedly showing suicide methods, portraying two suicide deaths and not presenting any of the characters as suffering from a treatable mental illness. However, it does provide compelling examples of major characters finding ways to cope with adversity without dying by suicide. The degree to which audiences react to each of these elements and to the film in general is worthy of scientific study.
The aftermath of 13 Reasons Why may result in greater engagement between those in the suicide prevention and entertainment communities. This must include honest discussions of what content may cause harm. However, it is unlikely that writers will stop producing suicide-related content. Therefore, our conversations must also include a focus on how to create such narratives in a way that underscore that suicide is not inevitable and that promotes resilience, survival and hope. The Shawshank Redemption offers a powerful yet imperfect example of a film with many of those narrative elements. As such, it may be a useful guide both for further research and for discussions with content creators about helpful and harmful ways of presenting suicide.
Footnotes
Author Contributions
M.S., S.S. and T.N. conceived and designed the study. M.S. wrote the first draft of the paper. S.S. and T.N. critiqued the output for important intellectual content.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
Dr M.S. reports that he has received grant support from the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, the Ontario Ministry of Research and Innovation, the Innovation Fund of the Alternative Funding Plan from the Academic Health Sciences Centres of Ontario and the University of Toronto Department of Psychiatry Excellence Fund. All the other authors report no financial relationships with commercial interests of relevance to this report.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article: This work was supported in part by Academic Scholars Awards from the Departments of Psychiatry at the University of Toronto and Sunnybrook Health Sciences Centre.
