An Exploration of Texas Latinos’ Perceptions of Law Enforcement and Undocumented Immigration in the United States

Abstract

Given increased trepidation about undocumented immigration in the United States, this study offers an examination of the extent to which Latinos who represent different generations of immigrants perceive United States law enforcement and the current state of undocumented immigration. It gives voice to Latinos, the most significant demographic crossing the border. The topic is relevant given policymakers’ interest in addressing the moral panic over increasing immigration to the country and an interest in law enforcement legitimacy as an essential ingredient in their effectiveness in combating crimes. This qualitative study using semi-structured interviews describes the perceptions of 40 Texas Latinos regarding their willingness to engage with law enforcement in calls for service that may or may not include victimizations and thoughts on undocumented immigration. This study offers the input of Texas Latinos on these matters. Data were coded and analyzed using thematic text analysis to identify patterns and themes. Six themes were identified. Overall, the perceptions of U.S. law enforcement were positive. The participants essentially indicated a desire for more organized and safe U.S. immigration processes at the border that facilitate opportunities to work in the U.S. The study has implications for policymakers interested in effective policing where police and citizens partner in preventing and clearing crime.

Keywords

Latinos perceptions of law enforcement police legitimacy undocumented immigrants

Introduction

In 2024, Latinos are the largest and fastest-growing minority group in the U.S., with a population of 64 million, up from 36 million in 2000, representing 19% of the total population. In Texas, Latinos (used interchangeably with Hispanics) make up 40% of the population, surpassing Whites and non-Hispanics (39%; Ura, 2023). Their perspectives on law enforcement significantly influence public safety, trust, and policy, especially given their increasing political power and the impact of immigration policies on this group (Saenz, 2014). Latinos are diverse in cultural background, socioeconomic status, and immigration experience. Research on their perceptions of law enforcement (e.g., see Barrick, 2014; Becerra et al., 2017; Cavanagh et al., 2024; Gibson, 2002; Lim & Bontcheva-Loyaga, 2022; Menjívar et al., 2018; Messing et al., 2015; Theodore & Habans, 2016; Vidales et al., 2009) show an intricate relationship of several factors that shape their experiences, attitudes, and interactions with law enforcement.

Like African Americans/Blacks, Latinos, historically, have dealt with racial profiling, discrimination, and differential policing in their communities that have led to alienation, fear, and mistrust of law enforcement officials (e.g., see Herbst & Walker, 2001; Sun & Wu, 2018; Theodore, 2013; Theodore & Habans, 2016; Vidales et al., 2009) and agencies. In Texas, Latinos face higher instances of profiling, often stopped without resulting charges (Del Carmen et al., 2022). Furthermore, factors such as immigration enforcement, economic disparities, cultural differences, and language barriers affect their views of law enforcement. Policy debates around involving local police in immigration enforcement add another layer of complexity.

Notably, Latinos are not homogeneous as a people, nor in their perceptions of law enforcement, and thus, the research findings on Latino perceptions of law enforcement are not uniform. It can differ based on personal and vicarious experiences and other unique individual and community factors. Specifically, generational differences, age, assimilation experiences, race/ethnicity, and neighborhood characteristics may impact their perceptions of procedural justice, police legitimacy, and their willingness to engage with law enforcement officials and agencies (e.g., see Cintron et al., 2019; Han et al., 2020; Kane, 2005; Schafer et al., 2003; Vargas & Scrivener, 2021). Additionally, it is challenging to categorize Latino perceptions of law enforcement as some Latinos have very positive perceptions and trust in law enforcement. Others have more negative perceptions due to their experiences with racial profiling, use of force, unfair treatment, and fears linked to immigration enforcement (Salinas Thomas, 2023; Vidales et al., 2009). Various initiatives, including cultural competency, community policing, and other outreach efforts, have indicated promise in addressing and strengthening the relationship between Latinos and law enforcement.

Researchers such as Menjívar and Bejarano (2004) emphasized the importance of including immigrant voices to understand perception formation and influence their interactions with law enforcement agencies and other institutions. Considering the significance of the Latino population in the United States and their influence on politics at all levels, research examining their perceptions of law enforcement and immigration is critical to addressing any police legitimacy issues, improving cooperation with law enforcement, and, in turn, realizing success at police and community crime prevention efforts. It is evident that the policing style and public perception of law enforcement that Latinos experience in the United States are starkly in contrast to their experiences with police in Latin America. In the latter, the police are more notably extensions of the state’s political will. They are commonly perceived as corrupt, which likely reflects their relatively low compensation and the absence of mechanisms for accountability (Nice, 2021).

Relatedly, the United States immigration moral panic is a reaction to a complex problem that has implications beyond the United States border. History is clear that when civil unrest or organized crime erupts in the Western Hemisphere (such as has been the case in Venezuela, Haiti, Cuba, El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala in recent years), many persons will seek to escape by attempting to enter the United States, legally or illegally. Although many Americans acknowledge immigrants’ positive contributions to society and the economy, many have concerns about competing for employment, crime, and cultural shifts. Given policy proposals to utilize local police for immigration enforcement, the possible implications on Latino and police relations should be understood.

This qualitative study examines these perceptions in greater detail, focusing on generational differences and their impact on willingness to engage with law enforcement. Given the ongoing debate about local police enforcing immigration laws, the study provides timely insights for law enforcement, policymakers, community leaders, and the public on fostering trust and collaboration in diverse communities. The responses should be informative to areas with a substantial Latino immigrant population. The literature review below provides insight into the complex factors that shape Latino perceptions of law enforcement, from fear of deportation and immigration to various cultural and historical contexts. Understanding these dynamics is critical for cultivating and promoting trust and cooperation between law enforcement and Latino communities.

Literature Review

Public Perceptions of Law Enforcement

Public cooperation is essential for law enforcement success (Cox & Miles, 2015; Luo et al., 2021). Nofziger and Williams (2005) found that positive interactions with law enforcement and perceptions of police effectiveness contribute to favorable views of the police and feelings of safety. Such trust in law enforcement leads to greater public cooperation in crime prevention (Lawrence et al., 2021). Other factors, such as self-interest, fear, and habit, can also influence individuals’ attitudes toward engaging with law enforcement (Tankebe, 2013).

Understanding why certain groups may be reluctant to interact with law enforcement is crucial. For instance, Muchow and Amuedo-Dorantes (2020) noted that immigration enforcement affects willingness to report crimes, particularly in areas with large immigrant populations. Wu and Meithe (2024) found that while Latinos may have less favorable views of procedural justice compared to Whites, their willingness to call the police is comparable. Rengifo et al. (2019) highlighted that the nature of police contact (voluntary/involuntary and respectful/disrespectful) influences attitudes toward reporting crime and seeking police assistance. Conversely, Pickett (2016) found that perceptions of Latino population growth were linked to increased support for “expanding police investigative powers” (p. 103). However, Armenta and Rosales (2019) suggested that undocumented immigrants might view law enforcement as both punitive and trustworthy, with interactions varying across contexts. This finding highlights the need for a nuanced understanding of Latino perceptions of law enforcement, particularly among different generations and immigration statuses.

Latinos and Law Enforcement

Perceived legitimacy of law enforcement is linked to public cooperation, with trust in police effectiveness, lawfulness, and procedural fairness being key factors (James, 2024; Tankebe, 2013). The growing immigrant population has altered the demographic makeup of communities, requiring law enforcement to adapt its services and interactions (Correia, 2010). As a diverse group, Latinos generally occupy a “middle ground” in their perceptions of law enforcement compared to Black and White communities (Cintron et al., 2019; Ekins, 2016; Krogstad, 2014; Peck, 2015; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005; Wu, 2014).

Latinos have historically faced disparate treatment by law enforcement, particularly in comparison to Whites. Lim and Bontcheva-Loyaga (2022) found that direct experiences with police shaped Latin-American immigrants’ perceptions of law enforcement more than any other factor. Wilson et al. (2021) similarly found that personal and vicarious experiences with law enforcement influenced the perceptions of Black and Latino women in the San Francisco Bay Area.

The strained history between Latinos, especially Mexican Americans, and law enforcement is well-documented (Culver, 2003). Tensions were heightened during the mid-20th century, with incidents of law enforcement misconduct and violence in Latino communities (Escobar, 1999). However, more recent research indicates improvements. Roles et al. (2016) found that Hispanic immigrants of Mexican descent in the Southeast U.S. generally had favorable views of law enforcement, especially those with legal status.

Both historical and cultural contexts shape Latino perceptions of law enforcement. In Latin America, police forces have traditionally been authoritarian and militarized, particularly during political unrest (Sung et al., 2022). Indeed, ongoing concerns about unrest garners increased public support for police militarization. Gonzalez (2020) concluded that this is because the militarized police have become an ingrained part of defending democracy across Latin America. This contrasts with the United States, where police are expected to serve and protect communities. Understanding these differences is crucial for improving police-Latino relations in the U.S., particularly given the need for collaboration to address community safety concerns.

Law Enforcement and Immigration

Immigration enforcement in the U.S. has traditionally been a federal responsibility (Police Executive Research Forum, 2010). However, since the mid-1990s, local police have become more involved in immigration enforcement (Menjívar et al., 2018), although some suggest such changes started in the late 1980s (Muchow & Amuedo-Dorantes, 2020), such involvement complicated Latino relationships with law enforcement. Current evidence suggests that today's immigration enforcement impacts Latino groups differently based on legal status, location, and interaction with local law enforcement (Menjívar & Bejarano, 2004; Menjívar et al., 2018).

Former United States President Obama used his executive powers to create the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA/“Dreamers”) program in 2015. While the Donald Trump administration that followed questioned the program’s legitimacy, the Joe Biden administration has sought to extend the program’s benefits. However, the program has been subject to legal challenges, contributing to anxiety and mistrust among Latino communities (Pineda, 2024). Although DACA recipients are shielded from deportation, the lack of a path to citizenship leaves many in a state of uncertainty (Benuto et al., 2018; Mallet-García et al., 2021). All in all, dashing many DACA recipients’ hopes of full societal inclusion.

Given that law enforcement may be called upon to assist federal agents with enforcement, some research suggests that increased law enforcement involvement in immigration enforcement has contributed to Latino fears and mistrust of law enforcement (Nichols et al., 2018; Theodore, 2013; Wu, 2014). For example, Becerra et al. (2017) found that increased fear of deportation among Latinos in the United States negatively influences their perceptions of law enforcement, the criminal justice system, and their willingness to report crimes. Specifically, they found that those with a fear of deportation had less confidence that the police would not use excessive force and that they would receive equitable treatment from the courts and police, and thus declared that they were unlikely to report violent crimes. U.S. citizens and older participants had more confidence in law enforcement than those who feared deportation. Vargas and Scrivener (2021) noted that foreign-born Latinos were more likely than U.S.-born Latinos to cooperate with law enforcement, possibly due to fear of deportation.

In another study, Cavanagh et al. (2024) examined the attitudes of Latina immigrant women in California regarding legal actors, such as judges and police, based on their experiences with family deportations and documentation status. The study included a sample of 117 Latina immigrant women in California whose sons were arrested for the first time. The findings underscored the nuanced attitudes of Latina immigrant women in California toward legal actors as a result of increased immigration enforcement. They revealed an intricate connection between family deportations, documentation status, and attitudes toward the justice system, especially law enforcement. The authors emphasized the need to tackle negative attitudes toward law enforcement as these can have significant implications for public safety and cooperation with law enforcement or public services.

Method

This study employed a qualitative descriptive approach to explore the attitudes, behaviors, and perceptions of Texas Latinos regarding law enforcement and immigration. Qualitative description allows researchers to understand people’s perspectives within their social context (Alasuutari, 2009; Cleland, 2017; Hammersley, 2000). This method effectively untangles complex relationships (Wright & Rodriguez, 2012) and offers insight into how individuals interpret their circumstances (Copes et al., 2020). Specifically, this study sought to answer the following research questions:

How do Texas Latinos perceive law enforcement?

What interactions have they had with law enforcement?

How do they perceive the U.S. “immigrant crisis,” and what do they believe should be done?

Sample

A convenience sample of 40 individuals who self-identified as Latino or Hispanic was recruited from two Texas locations: the Rio Grande Valley (RGV) and Houston. The sample included 10 females and 30 males. Twenty participants (10 males and 10 females) were from the RGV, while 20 participants (all male) were from Houston.

• Rio Grande Valley: This culturally homogenous region has over 1.5 million residents, with Latinos constituting more than 92% of the population (Conduent Healthy Communities Institute, 2024).

• Houston: The city, with a population of over 2.3 million, is culturally diverse, with Latinos making up nearly 45% (World Population Review, 2024). Therefore, the RGV is a culturally homogeneous region, while Houston is culturally heterogeneous. Houston, the United States’ fourth largest city has a population of over 2.3 million persons (World Population Review, 2024) with Latinos accounting for nearly 45% of its population. These differences in area Latino composition were expected to have different impacts on perceptions of law enforcement (Dawkins-Cavazos, 2022).

The sample ranged in age from 18 to 81, with a mean age of 38. Half of the participants were U.S.-born, and half were born outside the U.S. The RGV sample was diverse in generational status: eight were first-generation, six were second-generation, and six were third- or fourth-generation immigrants. Most identified as Mexican Americans. In Houston, all participants except one were first-generation immigrants with origins from Central America (Guatemala, El Salvador, and Mexico), Cuba, and Colombia. Surprisingly, no Venezuelans volunteered for interviews, possibly due to heightened tensions following a well-publicized crime involving Venezuelan nationals. The researchers were surprised that no one who volunteered to be interviewed in Houston stated to be from Venezuela, given reports of an influx of immigrants from this country. We wondered if such persons were being scarce given the historical event of the June 2024 rape and murder of a 12-year-old Houston girl Jocelyn Nungaray which gained substantial national attention. That same week, two undocumented Venezuelans were charged for the crimes. Nevertheless, the literature is clear that undocumented immigrants are less likely to engage in crime than U.S. citizens (Abramitzky et al., 2024). At 14% of the U.S. population, they are less likely to be arrested for crimes than U.S. citizens (Abramitzky & Boustan, 2022).

Data Collection

Ethics approval was granted by the Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) of two major Texas institutions (IRB approval # IRB-24-0086). Participants received a $10 McDonald’s gift card for participating in interviews.

• Rio Grande Valley: Recruitment employed a combination of convenience and snowball sampling. The researcher approached individuals in public spaces, asking whether they identified as Hispanic and were interested in participating in the study. Most participants were interviewed later in a location of their choosing.

• Houston: Recruitment occurred outside retail establishments where Hispanic males gathered for day labor. The researcher enlisted the help of a bilingual male to assist with translation and rapport-building. Most interviews were conducted on the spot, with one taking place at another location frequented by diverse groups.

Participants

• Rio Grande Valley: The sample included 10 males and 10 females. The age range was 18 to 71, with a mean age of 34. Most participants identified as Mexican American or Hispanic. U.S. residency ranged from 6 to 71 years, with a mean of 33 years.

• Houston: The sample consisted of 20 males, all but one of whom were first-generation immigrants. The age range was 21 to 81, with a mean age of 41. They were from El Salvador, Cuba, Guatemala, and Colombia, but most (40%) were from Cuba. U.S. residency ranged from a month to 23 years, with a mean of approximately 6 years.

Data Analysis

Data were entered into an Excel spreadsheet by a single coder to ensure consistency. A random numbers table was used to select 25% of the cases for double coding, yielding a 93% inter-rater reliability. Any inconsistencies were resolved through a careful review of the raw data.

Thematic text analysis was conducted to identify patterns and themes in participants’ responses. Descriptive statistics were run, and the data were repeatedly reviewed to extract themes such as perceptions of the border crisis, undocumented immigration, immigration policy, safety concerns, minor border crossings, and the perception of "importing criminals."

Findings

Interactions With and Perceptions of Law Enforcement

Most participants (63%) reported that they did not recall any family interactions with law enforcement during their childhood (before age 12). However, 13% recalled police involvement due to service calls, only two participants mentioned family interactions involving a criminal matter, and 17% had memories of interactions related to other situations. Most of those reporting no interactions were referring to childhoods in other countries. Some added that, typically, it was best not to interact with law enforcement in their home countries as they were only sometimes trustworthy. Sixty-eight percent (27) of participants reported positive views or no particular views of law enforcement as minors. Those stating a childhood awareness of local police being corrupt were from Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Cuba. Only three (8%) of those who were not first-generation reported negative childhood memories of police.

When asked about interactions with law enforcement during adolescence, the most common response for 25% of the sample was that these were traffic stops; for 20%, the reasons for the stops varied. There were calls for service for only two persons, and for three persons, the interactions involved someone engaged in criminality. The researchers expected more calls for service but perceived that because many Hispanic families tend to be extended families, this network of persons likely afforded them more intrafamily assistance in times of need, making calls for family-external assistance unnecessary. Fifty-eight percent (23) said their views of police during adolescence were positive or neutral. About half responded that they were aware of peers who had had some encounters with law enforcement.

Overall, 87% of the sample had trust in United States law enforcement, given their declaration that they would be comfortable calling the police if they had such a need. This statement matched responses from interviews in Houston in 2001 (Gibson, 2002), which suggested that many first-generation Hispanics across Texas had substantial trust in law enforcement. Hinkle (1991) explained this by saying that Hispanics know corrupt and ineffective law enforcement in some Latin-American countries where police are primarily not engaged in service calls, and thus, by comparison, United States law enforcement, while not necessarily flawless, is much better.

The current interviews asked persons for insights on their positive perception of law enforcement. The narratives from the participants in Houston indicated that while they may have been undocumented persons, the police would not accost them or harass them in any way. Instead, they reported that officers going by would greet them or wave at them. The researchers were surprised at these descriptions but understood that they made sense. Despite the media rhetoric about undocumented immigrants harming communities, for the police to be effective, they need to build positive relations of trust with the community toward success in the role of keeping their entire jurisdiction safe. The speed with which the alleged killers of Jocelyn Nungaray were identified (less than 3 days) is indicative of their rapport with the documented and undocumented Hispanic community in Houston. Pointedly, these results are locally reflective of community- law enforcement efforts. Theodore (2013), in a study of Hispanics in Illinois, for example, found that 70% of his study participants reported that they would not call the police if victimized, given police involvement in immigration enforcement. This position sharply contrasts the fact that 87% of participants in this study stated they would be comfortable calling the police. This study’s findings led to six main themes related to the U.S. border crisis, immigration policies, employment, safety, importing criminals, and dangers of the border crossing.

Theme 1: Perceptions of Undocumented Immigration and the Border Crisis

Only the responses of non-first-generation immigrants about the DACA program are included, as newer immigrants are unfamiliar with it. Most of these participants viewed the program favorably. They described it as critical for protecting families, providing opportunities, and presenting a clear path to an improved quality of life for students and families. The participants also stated that a humanitarian perspective is critical, emphasizing that DACA is in place to help persons who already contribute positively to society. Hence, they perceived the DACA provisions as earned prospects. Concerns regarding DACA included a need for program improvement, such as a clear pathway to citizenship if people work and contribute to American society. There is a sense that the process could be streamlined to allow the “bad ones to go and the good ones to stay,” a security concern and sentiment expressed by a few participants. Some participants stated that the current system needs to be simplified, making it more manageable for youth (e.g., recipients must renew their DACA status every 2 years). Another issue was that DACA is restricted only to those already on it, so new applicants cannot apply, which some thought was unfair.

Conversely, participants who benefited from DACA expressed relief and hope following policy changes. For example, one participant expressed feeling hopeless and scared before DACA and feeling more hopeful and secure about the future after DACA. There were concerns about unaccompanied minors crossing the border and how they may have difficulty navigating the immigration system without adequate support. Therefore, the results indicated mixed perceptions about DACA’s efficacy. Others had little or no opinions due to their limited knowledge of what it entails. The overall analysis indicated significant support for DACA as a policy that offers protection and opportunities for immigrants but with some concerns for improvement.

Theme 2: Immigration Policies

The responses from the non-first-generation immigrants in this study demonstrate a recognition of the delicate balance between empathy for immigrants and a need for better immigration and border protection policies. Their responses may be summarized as a call for comprehensive immigration reform that champions humanitarian values. While the non-first-generation immigrants spoke of an emphasis on seeing to the safety of U.S. citizens and compassion in the immigration process, the first-generation immigrants spoke of a need for safety for migrants going through a treacherous entry process and a need to fix it with better protection, screening, and facilitating entry for labor; deporting bad actors and deterring unaccompanied minors crossing as far from ideal. However, there were positive comments about President Biden as good to immigrants.

Theme 3: A Need for Proper Processes That Facilitate Employment and Safety

One person elaborated on his responses by stating that the current work situation in the United States is not suitable for undocumented immigrants. Thus, the hope was that immigration reform would improve this. They also wanted the processes to be non-biased based on origin. Some participants suggested that there is a lack of equal access for Latino immigrants compared to Asians and Europeans, which supports the theme regarding the need for a more formal and proper process that allows for safety and employment. Examples of quotes include:

Some are refugees; some looking for a better way of life. They should get to do something given motivation for crossing, according to participant #24 (21-year-old Hispanic male of Cuban descent, in the U.S. for over a month at the time of interview).

People who immigrate need help [there is] cartel, mafia. Need to fix war, education, according to participant #28 (57-year-old Hispanic male of El Salvador descent, in the U.S. for over 20 years).

Need more people at the border, so everybody cannot come in. There should be proper checking, according to participant #30 (52-year-old Hispanic male of El Salvador descent, in the U.S. for about three years).

Open the border, so more come to the U.S. [but with] more of a process, according to participant #32 (45-year-old Hispanic male of Cuban descent, in the U.S. for about five years).

Theme 4: Concerns About Importing Criminals

Some participants also expressed concerns about criminal activity and overcrowding, which highlights and supports the theme of importing criminals into the U.S. As two in Houston put it:

People cross because of needs. [It is] very dangerous crossing. Not everybody is good.

Good ones stay but bad ones go, according to participant #21 (52-year-old Hispanic male of El Salvador descent, in the U.S. for about 17 years).

Specifically, some suggested that the inflow of immigrants may include criminals, especially single men, who enter the country and adversely impact specific communities. From the non-first-generation immigrants, there was also the fear that the inflow of undocumented persons may lead to a strain on state resources and increases in taxes on U.S. citizens.

Theme 5: Undocumented Solo Minor Crossings Should be Discouraged as They Are too Dangerous

The Office of Refugee Resettlement (2024) numbers indicate that since the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic restrictions, the number of unaccompanied minors crossing into the U.S. illegally has increased substantially. There were 13,625 in 2012, but these numbers have been over 100,000 since 2021, peaking at 128,904 in 2022, when President Joe Biden’s administration lifted former President Donald Trump’s Title 42 public health restrictions. These limited border crossings reportedly curtail the spread of COVID-19. The 20 Houston participants were asked about this, and the majority responded that unaccompanied minors should not be crossing the border, given how dangerous it is. This concern is poignant given that these men likely have observed these dangers, which have also been documented by research (Rodriguez & Dawkins, 2017). The Office of Refugee Resettlement (2024) reports that the desperation that leads families to this decision is not easy. However, for many, it is a matter of saving the child from exploitation, gangs, violence, and death. Its numbers indicate that most of these minors are males (ranging from 61% to 77% per year from 2012 to 2023), and most are from Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador.

Theme 6: Need to Get Past Unproductive Immigration Rhetoric and Take Action

Some participants expressed frustration with how the government has responded to immigration issues and managed the border. Specifically, some participants asserted that border and immigration issues are poorly addressed and that the government has not presented a feasible solution. Similarly, some suggested that immigration policies are politically motivated, for example, proposals to allow undocumented immigrants to vote.

Discussion

This study focused on Texas Latino perceptions of law enforcement and undocumented immigration in the U.S., which is important for understanding the nuanced interactions between law enforcement and Latino communities and their perceptions of U.S. immigration policies. This study’s analysis indicates a complex relationship of cynicism and trust toward law enforcement, shaped by previous experiences in the study participants’ home countries and the realities of living in the United States. Most of this study’s participants reportedly trust U.S. law enforcement more than law enforcement in Latin America, where corruption is widespread. This finding is consistent with other studies (e.g., see Lim & Bontcheva-Loyaga, 2022). This trust is critical for cultivating community cooperation, especially in immigrant-dense communities. Likewise, the findings emphasize general support for policies like DACA, but they also call for reform to create a more humane and inclusive immigration process in the U.S. The participants also express the need for employment opportunities and safety while sharing their concerns about border security and criminal activity.

Overall, the findings were positive regarding experiences with and perceptions of United States law enforcement. However, there was some disappointment about the border crossing experience and a need for more processes to facilitate placement in meaningful employment on arrival. They made it a point to add that a better immigration system should include carefully screening out dangerous persons and preventing their entry, plus halting the dangerous activity of minors crossing alone. These insights offer valuable perspectives for policymakers and immigration advocates aiming to balance immigration reform with public safety and law enforcement agencies seeking to build stronger, more trustful relationships with immigrant communities.

Limitations and Directions for Future Research

Despite the timeliness of this study and the value of primary data gathering, there are limitations inherent in this study. This study did not employ culturally sensitive techniques (e.g., the interview was in English rather than Spanish), so some interviews depended on translations in the field. Recordings were not done in the current study to build rapport. Future studies could record the interviews to check the translations for authenticity later or conduct a similar survey in Spanish. Another limitation is the lack of diversity in the current sample (e.g., undocumented immigrants versus documented immigrants), and perceptions of law enforcement among each group may differ. Future studies could compare Latinos’ responses to the study questions in different parts of the state and beyond to see the impact of local department policies on their interactions, relations, and effectiveness with Latino communities. It is also unclear if the responses had social desirability effects because the interviewers were not Hispanic. Further, although this study sample’s findings may be comparable to other border states such as New Mexico, California, and Arizona, which include a sizable Latino population, the findings may only apply to some U.S. populations as effects may vary by local police-community dynamics. Overall, the findings herein offer contemporary views of Latinos in one of the country’s largest states and one that experiences much of the brunt of the impact of illicit immigration. The insights are timely, given the prominence of policy discussions regarding the ongoing interest in addressing illegal immigration, the police role in immigration enforcement, and improving police legitimacy in diverse communities to maximize law enforcement’s effectiveness in preventing and solving crimes.

Conclusion

This study makes an important contribution to the literature by highlighting that police-community relations are highly localized, despite broader media narratives. Many first-generation Hispanic/Latino immigrants often view U.S. law enforcement more favorably compared to the police in their home countries in Latin America or the Caribbean. Positive and friendly interactions with local police and responsiveness to immigrant concerns foster trust and encourage cooperation in community safety and crime prevention efforts. This trust also leads to a greater willingness among Latinos to contact law enforcement when needed. The study suggests that it would be counterproductive for local law enforcement to enforce immigration laws, as doing so could damage the rapport they have built with the Hispanic community, regardless of individuals’ documentation status. This finding aligns with previous research showing that the quality of police interactions and how individuals perceive police treatment directly impact the safety of both officers and the community (Slocum & Wiley, 2018).

Additionally, the study underscores participants’ concerns about reforming the immigration system, particularly at the U.S. southern border. Most participants viewed the current situation as dangerous, especially for unaccompanied minors, and called for immigration processes that ensure both safety and access to employment opportunities. While participants acknowledged that some individuals entering the U.S. may pose risks, they emphasized the need for functional and secure immigration pathways. Rather than creating new programs, the U.S. could consider adapting successful migrant worker models used globally. For instance, the United Arab Emirates, a popular destination for labor, has developed systems to facilitate both long-term and temporary labor migration, and though not without flaws or critics, these models offer insights that could inform U.S. policy.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

We thank the editors and anonymous reviewers for their input.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: We thank the College of Juvenile Justice at Prairie View A&M University for the financial support of this project.

ORCID iD

Marika Dawkins-Cavazos

Author Biographies

Marika Dawkins-Cavazos, Ph.D., is an Associate Professor and Associate Department Chair of Criminal Justice at the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley in Edinburg, Texas, USA. Her publication record includes juvenile and criminal justice issues, with her latest work titled “Criminal Activities as Threats to Security in the Caribbean” featured in the Palgrave Handbook of Criminology by Springer. Her research interests include race and ethnicity, comparative juvenile justice, special populations, policing, and broader criminal and juvenile justice topics. She previously served as the Chair of the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Section (JJDS) of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences (ACJS) and the Graduate Program Coordinator in the Department of Criminal Justice at UTRGV.

Camille Gibson, Ph.D., C.R.C. is an Endowed Professor and Interim Dean of Graduate Studies at Prairie View A&M University in Prairie View, Texas, USA. Previously, she served as the Executive Director of the Texas Juvenile Crime Prevention Center and as the Interim Dean of the College of Juvenile Justice and Psychology. Her research interests include juvenile justice, gangs and violence. She is also affiliated with the Institute for Predictive Analytics in Criminal Justice, where her work focuses on interactions with law enforcement and school violence.

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