Abstract
In today's Europe, democracy seems to be a given in the mind of the European citizen. But Europe's road to democracy has not been an easy one. Some 70 years ago, World War II was the outcome of a very strong fascist presence in Europe. The establishment of democracy began in Western Europe when the founders of the European Union (EU), in an effort to avoid further wars, created the European Coal and Steel Community. This treaty was a precursor to the 1957 Treaty of Rome, which states the following in Article 6:
The Union is founded on the principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law, principles which are common to the Member States.
The Union shall respect fundamental rights, as guaranteed by the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms signed in Rome on 4 November 1950.
From its establishment, the EU has always considered democracy to be one of its main pillars. Since the signing of the Treaty of Rome, democracy has become the norm for Member States, but more importantly, throughout the waves of enlargement, the EU has strengthened democratic values throughout Europe.
European democracy is a unique concept. Its foundations rest on values and principles rather than on mere societal activity or a set of operational guidelines. The success of this values-based system relies on the ability to reach consensus on crucial matters such as the rule of law, balance of power, individual rights, tolerance and respect for others. This means that political institutions should adopt certain values and norms, promoting the common good on their own initiative. Therefore, ‘political society is not a mere accumulation of self-regarding groupings. In this light politics becomes an interpersonal process of communication: Politics as talk rather than action’ [1, p. 376]. In this respect, scholars such as E. H Carr and Ian Manners have elaborated the principle of a ‘normative power Europe’, which follows the principle of the European Union's ‘power over opinion’ (Carr, cited [2, p. 239]). An added relevance of the notion of a ‘normative power Europe’ is its capacity to shape the norm in international relations in matters such as liberty, democracy, protection of minorities, rule of law, social solidarity, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Since its conception, the European Union, through its values-based system, has played a leading role in promoting democracy and a democratic ethos throughout the European continent. Going a step further, the EU began an enlargement process towards Eastern Europe, incorporating ten former Communist bloc countries. 1 The new EU members concluded trade negotiations and formed agreements with the EU already in the 1990s, and the economies of the EU-12 have since grown at a considerable rate. The economic indicators of the new EU members since their adhesion have been hugely positive. This dynamism is particularly evident in Estonia, Slovakia and Romania, where the gross national product has grown by 7-10% per year since adhesion. But the success of enlargement cannot be limited to its financial benefits. The reforms that were a pre-condition for accession had beneficial effects at an economic level but also paved the way towards bringing European democracy to Eastern Europe.
Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and Poland entered in 2004, followed by Bulgaria and Romania in 2007.
The Copenhagen criteria: an important tool for spreading democracy
The Copenhagen criteria of 1993 defined the conditions for membership in the EU. It was decided that accession would take place as soon as an applicant country succeeded in fulfilling membership obligations and carried through with the economic and political preconditions. The conclusion of the Presidency of the European Council reads as follows:
‘Membership requires that the candidate country has achieved stability of the institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights, respect for, and protection of minorities, and the existence of a functioning market economy as well as the capacity to cope with competitive pressure and market forces within the Union. Membership presupposes the candidate's ability to take on the obligations of membership including adherence to the aims of a political, economic and monetary union.’ 2
Presidency Conclusions—21-22 June 1993.
The Copenhagen criteria are the EU's best tools for setting democratic standards and spreading democratic values in its neighbouring countries. The strenuous reforms that were implemented to reach those political objectives were well rewarded by economic benefits that had never been witnessed in Europe prior to the latest enlargement.
Nationally based democracy foundations have played a leading role in promoting the values of the EU, which are reflected in its democratic vocation, its social model and its integration experience. After the wars in the Balkans in the 1990s, many of these foundations were able to assist in consolidating post-conflict democracies. Their ongoing efforts in the countries neighbouring the EU have had a beneficial impact in bringing these countries closer to the Copenhagen criteria.
The historic enlargements of May 2004 and January 2007 were successful, but the EU must not dwell on its success and stop there. It has always been the EPP's main objective to unify Europe and to bring peace and prosperity to the whole continent. This process is well underway but still has a long way to go. It is the duty of the EU to bring prosperity and security to its neighbours, and this can be achieved only by promoting European democratic ideals.
Spreading democracy to the EU's neighbours
After decades of oppression under the Communist regime, followed by years of war, the present situation in the Western Balkans can be described as fragile. Years of oppression and war have left this multicultural region in a tense situation. The unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo on 18 February 2008 has served as a reminder to the international community of just how tense the situation is in the western Balkans and of the repercussions that such incidents may have at a global level. Europeans more than anyone else would feel the impact if the Western Balkans were to go through yet another severe political crisis. The United Nations has played an important role in quelling the conflict by maintaining peace and bringing war criminals to justice, but it is now time for Europe to play a stronger role in bringing democratic ideals to the Western Balkans. Croatia, led by the EPP government of Ivo Sanader, is the next country in line to join the EU. If anything, the example of Croatia is a reminder that adhesion to the EU for a Balkan country is a possibility; it should serve as a role model to its neighbours.
Although democracy has blossomed across the continent since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Europe is yet to be fully free of dictatorships. Belarus has been dubbed by American President George W. Bush as the last dictatorship on the European continent. For the 10 million inhabitants of this often forgotten country, the situation has not changed since the fall of the Soviet regime. While its neighbour Russia has seen some strong economic improvement since the end of Communism, Belarus has experienced none, with 80% of its economy still controlled by the government (The Guardian, 2 March 2006). Democracy is non-existent, as strong interference by the State is applied on matters such as freedom of speech, the right to assembly, the rule of law and political freedom. The State is still omnipresent in every sphere of life. The Europeans have to bring the situation of Belarus to the attention of the world. Only by ridding the continent of the last traces of authoritarian regimes will we be in a position to claim legitimately that the process of democratisation has been successful in Europe.
The colourful revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine are indicators that the model of European democracy is spreading to the EU's neighbouring countries. In 2004, the people of Ukraine mobilised themselves to denounce some highly questionable electoral results. What ensued was a month-long, peaceful protest in all the major cities, referred to as the Orange Revolution. When the dust settled, the people had triumphed and the process of democratic reform was launched. All the same, a great deal of work still lies ahead, and some important constitutional reforms must be enacted for the democratic process to truly succeed. It is, however, imperative that a new balance of power be established to avoid the phenomenon of institutional paralysis that has been evident since the elections of 2007. Furthermore, Ukraine still requires some major reforms to its judicial system, health care and pension plans.
Georgia has gone through a very trying transitional period after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Since regaining its independence, the construction of a new State has endured waves of unrest and tension, which reached a climax with the Rose Revolution in 2003. Since then, under the EPP government of President Mikheil Saakashvili, the prospect for democratisation and economic stabilisation has been growing. Nonetheless, the frozen conflicts with the breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia remain largely unsettled. Recent Russian steps towards strengthening cooperation with the de facto Abkhaz and Ossetian governments (essentially creeping towards a formal recognition of the breakaway provinces) have led to renewed tension between Tbilisi and the separatist authorities. The EU has a strong interest in securing the success of Georgia's transition to democracy and a market economy, as testified by Georgia's inclusion in the European Neighbourhood Policy and partnership agreements.
Turkey established an association agreement with the EU in 1963 and has been a Member of the Council of Europe since 1949. To say that Europe and Turkey have had a well-established partnership over the last 50 years is an understatement. This relationship has led to some important democratic advances, such as the abolishment of the death penalty (Protocol n13, 13 October 2002), a zero-tolerance policy on torture and serious democratic amendments to the criminal and civil codes of Turkey. Since the Justice and Democratic Party (AKP) came to power, a strong effort has been made by the Turkish government to meet the Copenhagen criteria. Although Turkey has taken important strides towards democracy, there is still serious work to be done before it completes the democratisation process. Better legislation concerning freedom of expression, minority rights and religious freedom, which are all fundamental aspects of the European Charter of Human Rights, have to be implemented. For example, the Orthodox Ecumenical Patriarchate should be allowed to freely operate, without any interference from the Turkish authorities. I am confident that Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is the right person to lead the reform process, and I believe that Turkey is moving in the right direction.
Democratic struggles on a global level and the role of Europe
From the birth of democracy in ancient Greece to the French Revolution of 1789, the concept of democracy has developed through major events that have marked the face of the European continent. The values of the EU are reflected in its historical democratic vocation, its social model and its integration experience.
These European values are key elements in the expanding role of the EU in the world. Europe's stability and prosperity are built on the consolidation of democracy. The contribution of democracy to security and sustainable economic development in the world is consistent with Europe's shared history. Once the Lisbon Treaty comes into force, the EU should promote democracy throughout the world as one of its most crucial priorities. In the same vein, the new High Representative for Foreign Policy and Security should spread democracy around the world. Enlargement brought to the EU many European countries with extensive experience of successful peaceful struggle against oppressive regimes and the restoration of democracy. Given its history, the EU has an opportunity to share its experience with other fledgling democracies and help them in their transition process to freedom and prosperity.
In Latin America, democratic institutions remain frail, and Europe must increase its influence to avoid any more ‘failed states’. Corruption, human rights violations and the misapplication of the rule of law remain common problems in Latin America. The situation in Venezuela is quite alarming. Hugo Chavez, since his election in 1998 as president, has steadily implemented a socialist dictatorship, slowly destroying a democracy that had been functioning for the last 50 years. What is even more problematic is that ‘Chavism’ as a political movement is gaining ground, spreading to neighbouring countries such as Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua. Cuba's political situation is in flux. Fidel Castro's health issues could translate into democracy finally being implemented. The international community must make sure that Cuba's transition to democracy is not halted by Chavism, so that the Cuban people can finally free themselves of oppression.
Although the EU greeted with favour the democratic commitment of the Zimbabwean population in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 29 March 2008, the post-election confusion has been a source of major concern. For a month after the elections, the Zimbabwean electoral commission failed to announce the results of the presidential vote. There was no adequate explanation for the delays in releasing official results, while at the same time discrepancies between official calculation of votes cast and tallies of independent observers had surfaced. When the results were released, opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai had beat President Robert Mugabe but without enough votes to avoid a run-off election. The date for the run-off election has finally been determined, but the tensions between supporters of the two leaders are growing throughout the country. The political deadlock has led to an increased risk of heightened tension. In fact, concerns with the political, economic and humanitarian situation have been exacerbated by Zimbabwe's crisis of governance, together with allegations of human rights abuses in the turmoil subsequent to the elections.
A disastrous economy, hyperinflation, an unemployment rate of about 80% and a decreasing life expectancy, now at about 36 years, coupled with food, fuel and foreign currency shortages show no signs of easing the suffering of the Zimbabwean people. In such a context, the post-election political impasse has further damaged the country's economic misfortunes. In addition, a post-election crackdown and a general escalation of politically motivated violence have been endangering the population.
As a result, the number of people internally displaced or fleeing to neighbouring countries has been rising, and an estimated three to five million refugees live in South Africa. The majority of them have come from Zimbabwe in an attempt to escape the violence and poverty of the Mugabe regime. The recent rise in attacks against new migrants has alarmed the international community, with some observers fearing a new form of apartheid against foreign black migrants. The latest outbreak of xenophobic attacks on foreigners during the month of May 2008 has led to at least 20 deaths, hundreds of injuries, and has forced some 3,000 people to flee their homes, finding refuge in mosques and churches. In this situation, the EU must maintain a strong commitment to the people of Zimbabwe and to Africa as a whole. In fact, the EU remains the major international donor to this region, and its efforts to deliver development aid have been uninterrupted. As a global player, the EU must continue to monitor the situation in Zimbabwe and support the efforts towards ensuring democracy, stability, economic growth and respect for human rights.
China has re-emerged as a top economic and political power over the last decades, thanks to its striking economic performance and its strengthened political role on the international stage. As a consequence, a stronger bilateral relationship between the EU and China has developed in recent years, going beyond a partnership that was limited in the past to the fields of trade and investment.
Through its economic growth, China has sought a more dynamic role in foreign policy, gaining a place in international relations proportionate to its economic power. The EU can offer China the largest market in the world, with a leading position on key technologies and skills. The need for stronger, mutually beneficial relations was underscored by the conclusion of a strategic partnership agreement in 2003. The EU's approach to China is grounded in engagement and partnership in a more integrated international system, wherein both mutual benefits and responsibilities are augmented. The EU and China have an interest in promoting peace and security through a more efficient and effective multilateral system to tackle global challenges such as climate change, sustainable development, macroeconomic imbalances, energy prices, food prices, transnational terrorism, nuclear proliferation and regional instabilities. With regard to the latter, the EU must play a key role in enhancing dialogue and promoting stability between China and Taiwan.
Accordingly, Europe must seek to influence the political process in China through the promotion of the rule of law and respect for human rights, and support China's transition towards a more open and pluralistic society. Backing the Chinese reform process towards full acknowledgement of basic rights and fundamental freedoms is a binding commitment for Europe as a Union of Member States based on shared values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Hence, it is essential that, as a global player, Europe stresses in its bilateral relations its support for the full respect of freedom of expression, religion and association, the right to a fair trial and the protection of all minorities within China. In this context, concerns about the violent crackdown by the Chinese authorities after pro-Tibet demonstrations have recently induced some European leaders to push for a boycott of the 2008 Summer Olympics opening ceremony. This proves that the forthcoming Olympics will be a crucial test for EU–China bilateral relations, with China in the international spotlight.
In Burma (Myanmar), protests about living standards in August–September 2007 shifted into an occasion for the people to voice their dissent through mass demonstrations. These demonstrations, characterised as a peaceful but undaunted march, were led by Buddhist monks for nearly three months. The protesters were met with violence leading to casualties, injuries and arrests, exposing the cruelty of the regime to the world. The results of nearly 40 years of military rule in Burma have made it one of the poorest countries in the world, where a widespread system of corruption is the usual practice and democratic hopes are more than ever denied. Sadly, the Burmese dictatorship has again shown its true colours in the aftermath of the devastation caused by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008. Not only was the government unable to provide an adequate response to the emergency but it also hampered the distribution of foreign aid. What is more, in the time of tragedy, the junta made a mockery of a constitutional referendum, boasting of a 99% turnout, which came across as an insult to the people of Burma and to the international community. The international community must increase its economic sanctions against the junta, as this appears to be the only way to remove the regime and free the people of Myanmar from a totalitarian regime.
Europe has always played a crucial role in spreading democracy on a global level. Today, Europe continues to be the leader in the process of democratisation. The latest wave of EU enlargement has shown how quickly countries that have suffered during years of oppression can recover and embrace democracy. It has also shown that democratic institutions can restore security and prosperity. By continuing to exert its soft power, values and principles, there is no doubt that the EU will manage to repeat the success story of its latest waves of enlargement. The EPP continues to work towards a unified, more prosperous Europe. But we must not stop there: as Europeans we have a duty to share our experiences with fledgling democracies across the world. Only when democracy prevails at a global level will the world truly be a secure and prosperous place.
Footnotes