The International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Innovation

Until the middle of the twentieth century, a self-employed Sámi reindeer herder in Norway could subsist on 250 reindeer. These were owned individually but cared for collectively by means of flexible entrepreneurial networks. Human existence reflected the needs of herds, and rather than manage their reindeer, herders read their cues and followed the herds. Flexibility was the key to success. Non-breeding male reindeer were useful in that they helped females find food in winter. When an animal was slaughtered, care was taken to minimize pain and avoid waste; every part of a reindeer was used. Today, snowmobiles, GPS technology, helicopters and increased regulation are transforming the sector. Reindeer herders, interviewed for this article, have been adapting successfully to technological, regulatory and other changes. Yet they are concerned that, if herding is reduced to an element of the food industry, the essence and efficiency of their community-based, symbiotic entrepreneurship will be undermined. The reindeer remain a symbol for the Sámi. However, while reindeer herders are attracted or pulled towards traditional community entrepreneurship, many are forced or pushed into secondary money-driven enterprises, less close to their tradition.

There are more than 150,000 Bedouin in the Negev Desert. Traditionally they were nomadic pastoralists relying on camels, sheep and goats for their livelihood; today about half the population lives in urban communities. Most urban Bedouin men have entered the wage labour market and have abandoned raising livestock. Nonetheless, of close to 1,300 registered flocks, about 15% are owned by urban households, and the Ministry of Agriculture estimates that the figure should be close to 50%. In Tel Sheva, a Bedouin town of 14,000 inhabitants, there are 17 registered flocks and about 15% of the households maintain sheep and/or goats. In addition, 111 livestock trader entrepreneurs are active, dealing mainly with sheep and, to a lesser extent, goats and cattle. Sheep and goats are bought mainly from Bedouin, while cattle are bought mainly from Jewish settlements. There are 16 large livestock traders, all men, who trade throughout the year; for seven of them, livestock trading is their main occupation. These traders generally do not attend weekly markets but do their transactions from home. Thirteen of these traders deal mainly with sheep and goats and can handle upwards of 200 head at a time, while three of them deal primarily with cattle, supplying them mainly for wedding celebrations. There are 75 small livestock traders, five of whom are women. These traders handle mainly small numbers of sheep and goats all year round and often buy and sell at the local markets. In addition, there are 20 opportunist traders, all men, who handle sheep periodically, in particular at Eid ul-Adha when most Muslim families sacrifice an animal. The future of most Bedouin would appear to lie in integration into the Israeli urban economy while attempting to maintain cultural traditions. The use of sheep and other livestock for traditional purposes will continue to play an important role.

Fostering a spirit of indigenous entrepreneurship is a courageous idea and envisages a multicultural and post-colonial world. As such, it deserves support from both indigenous and non-indigenous communities. From this perspective, the author considers two aboriginal communities, the Khoi-Khoi and the Maori peoples, arguing that the fostering of an entrepreneurial spirit in such communities may be realized in part through the exchange of ideas between them and a mutual learning of lessons. In particular, the paper focuses on the importance of culture in sustaining social capital and the emotional/social intelligence necessary for entrepreneurial motivation. Fostering a culture of entrepreneurship requires the sustenance of the social capital that culture identifies, whilst maximizing trading opportunities for societies to develop. Much can be learnt from indigenous practices in indigenous communities on how to recover and maintain this vibrancy in diversity. Entrepreneurial activity provides the primal leadership that results in a reorganization of disempowered societies. Moreover, local cultural tradition is a necessary component in establishing the networking and trust that will provide the solidarity required for the emergence of entrepreneurial activity for local self-determining development.

A remote community in Canada's Nunavut Territory, Coral Harbour is home mainly to indigenous Inuit. Entrepreneurship here is limited by the environment and location, and takes the form largely of self-employed subsistence fishing, hunting and trapping and related activities. A commercial caribou harvest was introduced, but numbers have since dwindled.

This study investigates the relationship between indigenous entrepreneurship and the location of indigenous firms near economic clusters. In recent years there has been a fundamental shift in the way regional economic development is viewed. Promoting economic cluster formation has become the new strategy for regional competitive advantage and entrepreneurial growth. Cluster development has been shown to facilitate entrepreneurship and business performance, yet no research has been undertaken to investigate whether all entities benefit from local cluster development, especially less well represented parties such as Native American entrepreneurs, who are often located in rural areas away from economic clusters. The findings support the contention that Native American entrepreneurs located near economic clusters enjoy competitive advantages not experienced by their counterparts outside of cluster economies. The implications for Native American entrepreneurship and culture are discussed and areas for future research proposed.

Encouraging entrepreneurship has been advocated as the most promising avenue for economic development of Indigenous communities in Australia. Unfortunately, the number of Indigenous people engaged in small businesses in Australia is low compared with participation rates in other countries. One explanation suggested for this low participation rate in small business is that Indigenous Australians lack the traits or cultural attitudes necessary for success. This paper advocates a different view, arguing instead that analysing Indigenous access to capital in its multiple forms provides for a richer explanation – and exploration – of the barriers to Indigenous entrepreneurship.

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