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Despite international agreement that stopping low value practices will increase efficiency, identifying them is difficult and controversial. Opponents of centralized lists of low value practices stress that the actual problem is inappropriate low value use, and better targeting and implementation of treatment thresholds is needed. Our objective was to use Cochrane Reviews to identify low value practices to support local disinvestment decisions.
New or updated reviews were included if the authors concluded that the uncertain effectiveness of an intervention meant it should only be used in research, or that it was ineffective or harmful and should not be used. The reviews go through a production and quality assurance process, and are published as ‘Cochrane Quality and Productivity topics’ through the NHS Evidence website (http://www.library.nhs.uk/qipp/).
Over a six-month period, 65 Cochrane reviews were processed by the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE). Of these, 28 identified potentially low value practices in the UK context. This was primarily due to a lack of randomized evidence of effectiveness, rather than robust evidence of a lack of effectiveness, or evidence of harm.
Identifying low-value health care practices for local disinvestment (total or partial) is both practically and politically challenging, yet it is necessary to manage health budgets. This project identified that Cochrane Reviews can potentially identify low value health care practices. However, each review has to be reinterpreted for the UK context and additional analysis has to be undertaken to facilitate local implementation. Recommendations to improve the usability of systematic reviews are made.
Previous studies have suggested that greater focus on clinical matters in NHS commissioner and provider Trust Board meetings might improve the range, quality or cost of clinical care. This study reports the extent of clinical focus in Board meetings in three types of NHS Trust and considers the implications for public accountability.
(1) Content analysis of published minutes of Board meetings from 105 randomly selected NHS Trusts in 2008/09. (2) Structured observation of 24 Board meetings in a qualitative sub-sample of eight of the above Trusts in 2008/09.
The percentage of clinical items among the items discussed by NHS Trust Boards ranged from 0% to 51%, but did not differ by Trust type. Primary Care Trusts (PCTs) recorded more items than NHS Trusts and NHS Foundation Trusts because of PCTs’ dual role as service providers and commissioners. There were significant differences between Trusts’ board meetings in the numbers of clinical items concerning service design, clinical outcomes and activity levels. The availability and accessibility of supposedly publicly-available minutes from NHS Foundation Trust Board meetings was sometimes problematic. Observation of meetings revealed a number of dynamics not evident in the minutes. Board meetings were generally chair-led (conducted according to the chair's discretion); collegial; had similar levels and extent of discussion from the non-executive directors, with a focus on current policy initiatives. Boards differed in the extent of public questioning, how they exercised internal governance over the provision and quality of patient care, and the extent of pre-planning before the Board meeting. Published minutes were not always an accurate record of meetings.
Findings illuminate important transparency issues which should be given careful consideration in the English NHS.
To determine the cost of medicines for selected chronic illnesses and the proportion of discretionary income this would potentially displace for households with different pharmaceutical subsidy entitlements and incomes.
We analysed household income and expenditure data for 9,774 households participating in two Australian surveys in 2009-10. The amount of ‘discretionary’ income available to households after basic living and health care expenditure was modelled for households with high pharmaceutical subsidies: pensioner and non-pensioner concessional (social security entitlements); and households with general pharmaceutical subsidies and low, middle or high incomes. We calculated the proportion of discretionary income that would be needed for medicines if one household member had diabetes or acute coronary syndrome, or if one member also had two co-existing illnesses (gastro-oesophageal reflux disease and depression, or asthma and osteoarthritis).
Pensioner and low income households had little discretionary income after basic living and health care expenditure (AUD$92 and $164/week, respectively). Medicines for the specified illnesses ranged from $11-$42/month for high subsidy households and $34-$186/month for low subsidy households. Costs reduced substantially once patients reached the annual pharmaceutical cap (safety net), prior to which medicine costs would displace the equivalent of 1%-10% of discretionary income for most household types. However, low income households would have to forego the equivalent of between 5%-26% of their discretionary income for between 7 and 9 months of the year before receiving additional subsidies.
Prescription medicines for chronic conditions pose a substantial financial burden to many households, particularly those with low incomes and general pharmaceutical subsidies. Policies are needed to minimize the cost burden of prescription medicines, particularly for low-income working households.
To investigate patients’ experiences of health and social care services in long-term neurological conditions in England.
Cross-sectional survey of 5209 patient members of the Motor Neurone Disease Association (MND, n = 890), Multiple Sclerosis Society (MS, n = 2345) or Parkinson's UK (PD, n = 1974). A questionnaire on patient experiences of health and social care was completed by 2563 (49%) (505 MND, 1157 MS and 901 PD).
A mixed picture of experiences of health and social care in MND, MS or PD was found with few problems reported for some aspects of services such as obtaining information about medication (n = 117, 6.1%). In contrast, problems with planning and integration of care were reported frequently, with 78.0% of patients not having a care plan and 61.9% reporting that services do not collaborate well in planning care. Other problems included delays with diagnosis, information about medication side effects, and management of conditions whilst in hospital. Significant differences between the three conditions were found for most aspects of care, with MND patients generally reporting fewer problems.
The findings highlight which areas of health and social care need to be improved and monitored. While a larger sample size was obtained than in other studies, possible limitations include the sampling frame and the 49% response rate.
Planning and integration of care are key areas that require improvement.
We summarise and evaluate Harris’ criticisms of cost-effectiveness analysis (CEA) and the alternative processes he commends to health care decision makers. In contrast to CEA, Harris’ asserts that individuals have a right to life-saving treatment that cannot be denied on the basis of their capacity to benefit. We conclude that, whilst Harris’ work has challenged the proponents of CEA and quality-adjusted life years to be explicit about the method's indirect discriminatory characteristics, his arguments ignore important questions about what ‘lives saved’ mean. Harris also attempts to avoid opportunity cost by advocating the same chance of treatment for every person desiring treatment. Using a simple example, we illustrate that an ‘equal chances’ lottery is not in the interest of any patient, as it reduces the chance of treatment for all patients by leaving some of the health budget unspent.
The shift of health care burden from acute to chronic conditions is strongly linked to lifestyle and behaviour. As a consequence, health services are attempting to develop strategies and interventions that can attend to the complex interactions of social and biological factors that shape both. In this paper we trace one of the most influential incarnations of this ‘turn to the complex’: the Medical Research Council (MRC) guidance on developing and evaluating complex interventions. Through an analysis of the key publications, and drawing on social scientific approaches to what might constitute complexity in this context, we suggest that such initiatives need to adjust their conceptualisation of ‘the complex’. We argue that complexity needs to be understood as a dynamic, ecological system rather than a stable, albeit complicated, arrangement of individual elements. Crucially, in contrast to the experimental logic embedded in the MRC guidance, we question whether the Randomised Controlled Trial (RCT) is the most appropriate method through which to engage with complexity and establish reliable evidence of the effectiveness of complex interventions.
Systematic reviews are increasingly being viewed as important sources of information for policymakers who need to make decisions on different aspects of the health system, often under tight time constraints and with many factors competing for their attention. Unfortunately, a number of misconceptions, or ‘myths’, stand in the way of promoting their use. The belief that systematic review topics are not relevant to health systems policymaking, that they cannot be found quickly, and that they are not available in formats that are useful for policymakers are but three examples of such myths. This paper uses evidence drawn mainly from Health Systems Evidence, a continuously updated repository of syntheses of health systems research, to counter these and nine other common myths, with the aim of changing the constraining beliefs associated with them, while improving the prospects for the use of systematic reviews in health system policymaking.
Qualitative researchers commonly receive simplistic advice on pitfalls to avoid when conducting interviews. The pitfalls include saying too much and saying too little, yet their cogency depends on the role of the qualitative interviewer. This paper distinguishes between the roles of the miner, traveller, cleaner, and conductor. These roles are ‘ideal types’ that construct, as problematic or not, the use of contested interviewing practices such as ‘leading’ and assigning meaning to informant responses. The paper emphasizes how the ‘cleaner’ attempts to enable informants to interpret their own ubiquitous metaphors and symbolic language. However, acknowledging that in reality the qualitative interviewer may play all three idealized roles (miner, traveller, cleaner), the interviewer as conductor can orchestrate different roles as potential ‘conversational partners’.

There has been much discussion recently about ‘innovation’, or more precisely the lack of it, in pharmaceuticals and devices in health care. The concern has been expressed by national guideline bodies, such as the Common Drugs Review in Canada and the National Institute for Health& Clinical Excellence in the UK, applying strict cost-effectiveness criteria in their decision-making and, therefore, failing adequately to recognize the full benefits that come from innovation. In order to explore the legitimacy of such claims, we first define innovation, and second, explore the basis for assuming an independent and separable social value associated with innovation. We conclude that demands relating to innovation, such as relaxation of thresholds and premium prices for innovatory products, remain hollow until we have a compelling case on the demand side for a separable social value on ‘innovation’. We see no such case currently.
Integrated care is central to current health care reforms as policy makers and practitioners struggle to address fragmentation of care planning and delivery. However, those pursuing integration have failed to appreciate the complex nature of fragmentation. We seek to bring some much-needed clarity to current debate by considering fragmentation as a ‘wicked problem’ requiring a locally driven and multifaceted approach to integration.