Abstract
Given the crucial role of bystanders in combating bullying in schools, there is a need to understand the reasons why children may or may not intervene on behalf of a victimised peer. The aim of the present study was to explore the association between children’s expectations of general peer reactions versus the reactions of their friends on three subtypes of victim support: consoling the victim, addressing the bully, and getting adult help. A sample of 630 students (297 girls; 333 boys, Mage = 12.5) from three public secondary schools in Germany completed a 30-item questionnaire measuring expected peer reactions, expected friend reactions, past victim support experiences, and intentions to support victims. Results revealed the more influential role of expected reactions of friends over general peers in predicting victim support with expected negative consequences from friends reducing children’s willingness to engage in victim helping, irrespective of the three sub-types of support studied. Expected negative outcomes from peers were also found to significantly affect students’ intentions to approach a teacher for help. Boys were found to be more concerned about their friends’ and peers’ reactions to victim support than girls. The findings are discussed in relation to bystanders’ willingness to offer victim support and associated practical implications for addressing the widespread problem of bullying in schools.
Introduction
Bullying is a form of aggression that is made up of hostile acts that are intentional, repeated over time, and involve a power imbalance between the victim and bully (Olweus, 1978). It can manifest in many ways, often through physical, verbal, relational and cyber sub-types (Macaulay et al., 2022; Smith, 2016). School bullying is now recognised as a global problem that occurs in most classrooms and is a common experience among school students (Menesini & Salmivalli, 2017; Olweus et al., 2019). Bullying victimisation has a negative impact on students’ wellbeing and has been associated with internalising problems including depression, anxiety, withdrawal, loneliness, and externalising issues (e.g., Hawker &; Boulton, 2000; Perren et al., 2013; Reijntjes et al., 2010). Research in this area often categorises distinct roles based on theoretical assumptions and arbitrary cut-off scores. For example, one study based on a large sample with students from six different European countries identified four classes: non-involved, mild bully-victims, bully-victims, and mainly perpetrators (Schultze-Krumbholz et al., 2015). Since school bullying has been recognised as a group phenomenon, and largely due to the participant role approach of Salmivalli et al. (1996), further attention has been placed on the role of bystanders.
Even though most children attest their anti-bullying attitudes and report that they would defend the victim in a bullying situation (Boulton et al., 2002; Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004), they intervene only in a minority of cases. A focus on bystander processes is warranted not least because peer support can help alleviate victims’ suffering (Sainio et al., 2011), so it is important to identify the factors that facilitate or prevent children from doing so. Researchers have examined the role of students’
Impact of Friends versus Peers on Victim Support Behaviours
Links between bystanders’ expected reactions from others and victim support have been implicated in the literature. Students are skilled enough to recognize that there is a discrepancy between peers’ expected behaviour (i.e., what the peer/s
In addition, Pozzoli and Gini (2012) showed that expectations about peer and parental responses significantly predicted children’s’ intervening behaviours in a bullying conflict. Studies have also shown that expectations about peer responses can influence diverse bullying related behaviour; Boulton et al. (2017) found that expected peer disapproval was the main reason why victimised students refrain from seeking teacher help, and Boulton (2013) reported that early adolescents believed that associating with victims leads bullies to consider them as targets. This suggests that children’s anticipated costs of peer disapproval may override the positive effects of putting an end to peer victimisation. These findings highlight not only how salient such fears can be, but also how prevalent these beliefs are among the student population. While Pozzoli and Gini (2012) addressed only generic peers in their research, they recommended their findings be extended by exploring peer pressure at a more fine-grained level. They suggested that researchers should test for friend and non-friend (generic peer) pressures; thus, the present study will investigate specific bystander influence by distinguishing between participants’ expected friend reactions and their expected peer reactions in the prediction of provictim behaviours.
While much of the past literature has explored victim defending as a generic construct (e.g., Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004; Pöyhönen et al., 2010), some studies have acknowledged the theoretically and practically meaningful subdivision of the ‘overall defending’ construct. For instance, Reijntjes et al. (2016) assessed ‘bully-oriented’ (focussed on getting the bully to stop) and ‘victim-oriented’ support (focussed on supporting the victim) separately. However, in their study victim-oriented defending comprised two types of support: support directly addressed to the victim (e.g., consoling, saying not to worry about the incident) and support via asking an adult to help. Similarly, van der Ploeg et al. (2017) evaluated different types of victim-oriented (comfort the victim, encourage the victim to disclose bullying) and bully-oriented (tells others to stop the bullying) support behaviours which were amalgamated into one composite ‘defending variable’. Even though their findings indicated that affective empathy and self-efficacy predicted defending behaviour over time, it remained obscured which factor is more (or less) required in the prediction of a particular sub-type of helping behaviour. As such, van der Ploeg et al. (2017) suggested that employing separate measures for distinct types of victim support would aid a deeper understanding. Furthermore, Kanetsuna et al. (2006) found that bystanders themselves differentiate between multiple victim support strategies, including to take direct action against bullies, seeking help (from teachers, parents, and others), and supporting the victim. Based on this body of work and the recommendation of its authors, the present study subdivided generic victim defending to aid understanding of the processes involved in bystanders’ decision making and advance knowledge of the unique links between prominent factors in the victim support context.
Another key reason for subdividing general victim support into more specific types of help can be attributed to potential gender differences in this context. Overall, studies tend to show that girls are more inclined to help victims and they also intervene more frequently in bullying situations than boys (Macaulay et al., 2019; Pozzoli et al., 2012; Reijntjes et al., 2016; Salmivalli et al., 1996; Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004; Thornberg, 2010; Thornberg & Jungert, 2014). Yet, the question about why girls and boys behave differently in a bullying event is still not answered. Archer and Parker (1994) attempted to explain the gender heterogeneity by suggesting that such differences, observed in response to aggression, may stem from the different reproductive strategies of the two genders. That is, girls tend to exhibit more expressive responses to bullying and report being more upset and more emotionally affected, and this manifests in more sympathetic attitudes towards victims. For instance, compared to boys, girls experience more anger, sadness and empathy in response to same-sex bullying (Hektner & Swenson, 2011; Sokol et al., 2015). Boys, on the other hand, seem more inclined to instrumental responses (addressing the bully/ies directly) and report a higher willingness to action, which may stem from their greater aspiration to be in control (Menesini et al., 1997; Reijntjes et al., 2016).
The Role of Gender and Victim Support Behaviours
The literature reveals some inconsistencies regarding the two genders’ involvement in victim defending behaviours. For example, some researchers report, in situations involving physical harassment, it was usually boys who intervened physically to oppose the aggressor in order to protect the victim (Reijntjes et al., 2016; Thornberg, 2010). This is in line with the gender stereotype of boys being strong and showing a preference for fighting that is supported by observational data (Boulton, 1993). Furthermore, in contrast to Thornberg (2010), Trach et al. (2010) found that girls were more likely than boys to address the bully directly. Moreover, some evidence has shown that girls, compared to boys, are more influenced by contextual factors but not particularly by classroom norms (Salmivalli & Voeten, 2004). Further research is required to generate more precise indications in terms of the heterogeneity among genders and its effect on specific helping behaviours. Hence, when summarising the evidence on gender effects across existing studies it becomes apparent that girls are generally more inclined to engage in
The Present Study
Studying specific sub-types of victim support behaviours in relation to expected negative outcomes from defending and include them as separate constructs in one structural model would also help advance understanding on victim defending. Hence, the theoretical model we propose here (Figure 1) illustrates the pathways that could link the predictors i) expected peer reactions, and ii) expected friend reactions to three specific helping behaviours: consoling the victim, addressing the bully, and getting adult help. In addition, to address the heterogeneity among boys and girls, we tested the original model separately for girls and boys. Table 1 provides a description of the constructs included in the model, and their operationalisation is explained in the Method section.

The main aim of the present study, then, was to test the unique contribution of i) expected peer reactions and ii) expected friend reactions in predicting intentions to victim support by (a) consoling, (b) addressing the bully, and (c) getting adult help. A subordinate aim of the current study was to test whether the findings generated by the original model (for the overall participant sample) would differ from gender specific results.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Data were collected from 630 students (297 girls and 333 boys, Mage = 12.5, SDage = 1.5) from three public secondary schools in Germany. Ethnicity data were not gathered at the request of the schools. Data were collected on a whole class basis, after informed consent was obtained from headteachers, parents/guardians, and the students completing the questionnaire. Participants were given a questionnaire and were seated to ensure privacy. To encourage honest and considered responses, the researcher reiterated it was not a test, and the students could take their time to complete the questionnaire. The confidentiality of the responses and right to withdraw were highlighted to students before completing the questionnaire. Approval for the study was received from the local Ethics Committee.
Participants were provided with a definition of bullying (Olweus, 1993) and were then invited to complete the questionnaire. Although present at all times, teachers took no active role in data collection.
Measures
A 30-item questionnaire was developed by the lead author; an experienced German teacher screened the wording of the items to assure the adequacy of the language in order to cater for students’ diverse education standards. To measure participants’ expected peer and friend reactions, scales were developed to tap students anticipated general peers’ reactions if they would support a victimised peer:
Statistical Analyses
To identify the relative predictive contribution of expected friend reaction and expected peer reactions on three victim support behaviours, the present study employed structural equation modelling (SEM) to test the proposed theoretical model. Prior to specifying these models, we computed the unconditional intraclass correlations (ICC), one for each of our dependent variables. This is a necessary step in determining if the hierarchical nature of our data (i.e., children were nested into schools) would or would not need to be accounted for in our models. If there was proportionally ‘a lot’ of similarity in the scores in a dependent variable within each school relative to between-school similarity, then a multi-level models would be appropriate for that dependent variable because the scores within each school would not be independent of each other, as they should be in all regression-based analysis. The ICCs were 0.01 for addressing the bully, 0.03 for getting adult help and 0.02 for consoling the victim. As these were all low and below the usually accepted criterion of 0.05, this indicated that multi-level models were not needed. Three models were scrutinised: one for the overall participant sample, one for female participants only, and another one for male participants only. The construct validity and dimensionality of the models was assessed using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) with multiple likelihood robust estimation in Mplus version 6.12 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998–2010).
Model fit CFA and SEM were determined by assessing consistency on a range of goodness-of-fit indices (Boduszek & Debowska, 2016). Five fit indices are reported for all models: the Chi-Square test (χ2), the comparative fit index (CFI; Bentler, 1990), the Tucker-Lewis index (TLI; Tucker & Lewis, 1973), the root-mean-square error of approximation (RMSEA; Steiger, 1990) with 90%confidence intervals (90%CI), and the standardised root-mean-square residual (SRMR; Bentler, 1995). Good model fit is assessed through a non-significant χ2 test. However, this method is sensitive to sample size, and so the CFI, TLI, RMSEA, and SRMR are also considered as more reliable fit indices for the model. Fit indices range from 0 to 1. Recommended good fit cut-off values should be above 0.95 for CFI and TLI (or >0.90 for acceptable fit: Bentler, 1990), and less than 0.05 for RMSEA and SRMR (with values below 0.08 as reasonable: Browne & Cudeck, 1989).
Results
The study sought to test the unique effect of participants’ i) expected peer reactions, and ii) expected friend reactions in predicting their intentions to three types of support: consoling the victim, address the bully/ies, and get adult help. Table 3 displays the means and standard deviations for all measures and the correlations between the two predictors (EPeR, EFrR) and the three sub-types of victim support, separately (consoling the victim, stopping the bully and getting adult help). The positive zero order correlations between the two factors expected friend reactions and expected peer reactions varied by type of support. They were for consoling 0.38, for addressing the bully 0.52, and for getting adult help 0.54, all
Note. EPeR = Expected Peer Reactions; EFrR = Expected Friend Reactions; VS = Victim Support. *
Results for Overall Sample Model
Expected peer reactions (EPeR) and expected friend reactions (EFrR) scores were included as exogenous latent variables (predictors) for each type of help separately. Victim support represented the endogenous latent variable (outcome variable) specified, again, in correspondence which each sub-type of help tested. The assessment of the overall fit of the model yielded the following SEM statistics χ2 (381) = 1355.87,

For
SEM results show that irrespective of the subtypes of victim support tested, EFrR emerged as a significant predictor of the three help behaviours (see Figure 2). Findings revealed that
As for the amount of variance accounted for by each predictor in the outcome variable, R2 values indicated that the model explains 9%of the variance for consoling, 8%for stopping the bully, and 23%for getting adult help. So far, consistent across all three types of help, the model showed that students’ EFrR were positively associated with victim support behaviours. This indicates that expected negative friend reactions predicted weaker intentions in students to support a victimised peer.
Results for Gender Specific Models
To investigate gender differences, the author followed Thornberg and Jungert (2013) and tested the original model for boys and girls separately (see Figures 3 and 4, respectively). Model-fit statistics for the boys’ sample (

(Boys)

(Girls)
The standardised path coefficients for the boys’ sample are illustrated in Figure 3 and findings revealed that the pattern of significant positive relationships, which was found in the overall model, was precisely replicated. That is, irrespective of the three subtypes of victim support tested, for boys, expected friend reactions significantly predicted the corresponding help behaviours. In terms of the associations pertaining to general peers’ reactions, only the prediction concerning
As can be seen in Figure 4, for the girls’ sample only one significant association emerged which belonged to support by consoling the victim. More specifically, in the girls’ model, expected friend reactions for victim consoling emerged as a significant predictor of this subtype of help. This finding demonstrated that this relationship was not only considerably stronger (0.34 significant at
The findings from the gender specific tests have shown that boys and girls do differ substantially in aspects related to perceptions of friend and (partly) peer reactions. The proportion of variance explained by the predictors in the outcome variables regarding the two gender specific models were for boys, 5%for consoling, 9%for addressing the bully, and 24%for getting adult help. The percentages for girls were 17%for consoling, 8%for addressing the bully, and 12%for getting adult help. That is, in the boys’ model the highest proportion of variance accounted for by the predictors was observed for getting adult help support whereas in the girls’ model the largest proportion was found for consoling the victim.
Discussion
The main aim of the present study was to explore whether students’ expected peer and friend reactions to their pro-victim actions would pose a barrier to their future victim helping behaviours, which were specified as three separate types of support (consoling the victim, addressing the bully/ies, and getting adult help).
The findings showed that
The findings on
It is possible that pupils fear being ridiculed by peers if they seek teacher support, as this may bring about the reputation of a tell-tale among classmates. This can then lead to additional, aggravated consequences such as subsequent exclusion from the peer group. For example, Thornberg (2010) found that reporting peer aggression to a teacher was associated with social consequences by bystanders since this was regarded as squealing. Another possible explanation is that students tend to refrain from requesting adult support as they might believe they are capable enough and should therefore deal with disagreements among peers autonomously (e.g., Nucci & Nucci, 1982). Indeed, it has been suggested that early adolescent development implicates an increased desire for autonomy and peer orientation, and it seems that concerns about peer approval/disapproval peak at this developmental stage (Eccles & Midgley, 1989). Our results are important and confirm that a person’s intent to act may be motivated by perceived expectations of significant people in the environment (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980). They corroborate one of the key components in Ajzen’s (1991) Theory of Planned Behaviour, which highlights the role of normative beliefs that an individual holds and which ultimately contributes to his/her actions.
That one of the three peer related pathways (getting adult help) in the model was significant and the other two (consoling, addressing the bully) were not, is a key finding in this study. It provides support for the present theoretical approach to consider each subtype of help as a conceptually separate construct, instead of amalgamating help into one single generic factor. ‘Getting adult help’ seems to evoke greater salience in the current participant sample than the other two strategies of victim support tested. These results are important as they raise further questions about why getting adult help appears to stand out from other types of support. In contrast to the three dimensions of victim support in the present study, Reijentjes and colleagues (2016) included the option of
With regard to the comparison between expected consequences from friends and expected consequences from general peers, expected friend reactions was a stronger predictor of victim help than expected peer reactions, irrespective of type of support. Even for the most salient helping strategy, which was “getting adult help”, and where both factors emerged as significant predictors of this behaviour, the friend path (path f in the model, Figure 2) was stronger than that for peers (path e in the model, Figure 2). This result is not surprising from a
Overall, the general pattern of our results corroborates the influential role of friends by showing that the importance of friends exceeds that of ordinary peers. For the pupils in the current study, this suggests that a friend’s opinion if they anticipate consequence matters more than that of a typical peer. This means that with regard to the victim defending context, students seem more concerned about being disliked or rejected by their friends than by their peers. Researchers must be aware that victim defending cannot solely be explained by an individual’s perceived friends’ consequences. Prior research has emphasised the importance of quality relationships for victim defending in general, irrespective of the relationship status (friends or non-friends; Thornberg et al., 2017). Thornberg et al. (2017) reported that in classrooms where student-student relationship quality was high (characterised for instance by kindness and caring attributes) pupils were more inclined to engage in victim defending even when their moral disengagement was high.
To investigate whether gender would moderate the initially generated outcomes, the theoretical model was tested for boys and girls separately. As expected, the gender specific analyses revealed variation between boys’ and girls’ intentions to intervene on behalf of a victimised peer. Irrespective of the three types of support tested, boys’ expected friend reactions was predictive of the corresponding support behaviours. In other words, the outcome suggested that boys who expected that supporting a victim may lead to decreased liking by one’s friends, were significantly more likely to disengage from all three sub-types of support. The same was true for the relationship between expected peer reactions and getting adult help. This particular helping strategy stood out in the boys’ model (see Figure 3) as the only path to reach statistical significance. For boys, the findings from the moderation test mirror precisely the pattern of results obtained initially for the whole participant sample in the original model (see Figure 2). This pattern, however, did not hold for the girls’ results (see Figure 4) where only one significant association emerged, namely, expected friend reactions significantly predicted victim consoling.
This finding is important as it highlights the heterogeneity among pupils, and raises our awareness about substantial differences between boys’ and girls’ perceptions of friend and peer consequences in the victim defending context. The moderation effect evident in the girls’ sample for ‘
Taken together, the findings of the present study contribute to the broader knowledge on students’ complex decision-making processes by underscoring Boulton et al.’s (2017) research that yielded the first understanding on how adolescents trade off the anticipated personal costs (in their case, peer disapproval) against the most valued collective outcome, which is stopping bullying perpetration in school.
Limitations
Some limitations of the current study need to be noted. The current findings are based on cross-sectional data which do not allow causal relations between the predictors and the outcome variable even though the interpretation of the direction of effects is logically consistent with the underpinning theory (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980). In addition, the issue of self-report measures needs to be addressed. While self-reports are viewed as inexpensive, least obtrusive and most efficient, the data can easily be inflated by social desirability bias as individuals tend to make self-favouring attributions (Cornell & Bandyopadhyay, 2010). It is also important to note the results reflect intentions, and therefore should be considered on the basis that they may not actually translate into action. Nevertheless, given that participants were asked to provide their subjective perceptions which they may not necessarily express publicly, self-reports are a valuable method that seems appropriate for the assessment of the constructs studied (Newman, 2008). Future research should provide a replication of the current research via a longitudinal design. Researchers could investigate how students perceived negative consequences would manifest over time in actual (un-) favourable behaviours. This would also allow elaboration on whether, and how, victim support (or non-support) experiences encountered across time may affect students’ initial perceptions in this regard.
Another shortcoming of the present research was that the proposed model did not account for age moderating effects. It is possible that the fear of friend/peer disapproval varies as a function of age. So far, the past evidence has been inconclusive. While some studies have shown that victim defending decreases with increasing age (Pozzoli et al., 2012; Pöyhönen et al., 2012), other research did not confirm a link between age and defending (Reijntjes et al., 2016). Hence, further theoretical and empirical work is warranted in order to elaborate the original model and include age as an additional factor.
Implications
The findings of this study have implications for the development of anti-bullying prevention and intervention programmes that, in turn, may guide future practice in schools. They clearly highlight the importance of friends in the victim defending context. They suggest the inclusion of measures in intervention programmes that foster friendship bonds among peers in general, but also with victims. This may also be accomplished, for example, through increased daily teamwork throughout the academic year, not only as ‘a one-off session’ aimed to facilitate social relationships among classmates. The current findings also have implications for general moral values education in schools, as friend loyalty has to be challenged if it conceals personal responsibility and reinforces anti-social behaviour. In addition, assertiveness training on a whole class basis can encourage passive bystanders to stand up for the victim, overcome the fear of potential negative consequences, and resist pressure from friends (or significant others) if they disapprove helping. Past research has shown that initially passive bystanders who were trained in the role of peer supporters can act as a valuable resource for victims of bullying (Cowie, 2000).
Further attention on why the disclosure of bullying and help-seeking is so problematic for students to endorse given that victims (in particular) experience such high levels of distress (Hawker & Boulton, 2000; Reijntjes et al., 2010) is needed. Hence, encouraging bystanders to help disclose witnessed bullying to a trusted teacher, who has more resources per se, is essential. Victims often refrain from speaking out because they feel helpless and ashamed about their humiliating experiences (Hunter et al., 2004). Therefore, future intervention could stress the importance of disclosing bullying incidents and emphasise multiple types of victim support to cater for a diverse bystander audience.
In summary, our findings revealed the perceived superior role of friends over general peers in predicting victim support. More specifically, the findings indicated that perceived negative consequences from friends can pose a barrier to children’s willingness to engage in victim help, irrespective of the three sub-types of support studied.
