Abstract
The present study examined the self-perceptions of 28 Black single mothers enrolled in a four-year college program in the U.S. Participants (M age = 30 yr., SD = 6.1) described their experiences and self-narratives as Black single mothers who are studying and working in addition to their child-raising duties. A structured interview format was utilized to collect the data, which were analyzed qualitatively. The findings indicated that these mothers successfully navigated their various roles. Six themes emerged from the interviews: these mothers focused on family cohesiveness, education, spirituality, support networks (family and government), motivation for a better life in addition to teaching their children to respect others. Implications for practice are offered for enhancing the parenting success of single Black mothers.
A large body of research has documented the psychological distress that single mothers face, e.g., maternal depression, anxiety, unemployment, and social stigma of being a welfare recipient, which affects their daily lives as well as their children's development (Edin, 1991; Simons, Beaman, Conger, & Chao, 1993; Jackson & Huang, 1998; Oyserman, Mowbray, Allen-Meares, & Firminger, 2000; Amato, 2001; Vereen, 2007; Zeiders, Mark, & Jenn-Yun, 2011). Gutman, McLoyd, and Tokoyama (2005) and Taylor (2010) suggested that Black single mothers utilized more punitive measures in their parenting style and demonstrated lower warmth and emotional support resulting in many communication problems. Even employed single mothers are often unable to adequately provide for their children and to raise their family above the poverty line (Jackson, 1999). Nixon, Greene, and Hogan (2012) noted that many single parent families lack the generational and hierarchical support found in two parent families, thereby rendering single mothers parenting styles less authoritative than mothers in two-parent households. Single parent families are not only perceived as families at risk, they are considered as lacking cohesion and in a state of constant turmoil (Cain & Coombs-Orme, 2005; Gibson 2005; Marks, Hopkins, Chaney, Monroe, Nesteruk, & Sasser, 2008).
Single parenting is particularly a burden for Black mothers in the United States, who have been viewed as failures, with inadequate and ineffective parenting, as compared with their married counterparts (Richards & Schmeige, 1993; Simons, et al., 1993; Taylor, Roberts, & Jacobson, 1997; Woody & Woody III, 2003). Consequently, Black family life is misunderstood and negatively viewed (Jenkins, 2005; Woody & Woody III, 2003). Taylor, et al. (1997) found moderate positive correlations between relationship problems, family disruptions and health problems among a small sample of single mothers (N = 79).
Historically, the traditional family model that was viewed as normative in the United States was White, middle-class, two parent family in which the man works and the woman stays at home to care for the children (Cain & Combs-Orme, 2005; Mannis, 1999, Vereen, 2007). In this context, African American values, practices and families were mostly viewed unfavorably (Hilliard, 2002; Mandara & Murray, 2002; McAdoo, 2002; Cain & Combs-Orme, 2005; Gibson 2005; Vereen, 2007; Marks, et al., 2008), although some research highlighted the specific strengths of the single Black mothers (Franklin & Boyd-Franklin, 1985; Boyd-Franklin, 1989; Slaughter-Defoe, Nakagawa, Takanishi, & Johnson, 1990; Richards & Schmiege, 1993; Luster & McAdoo, 1996; Ford-Gilboe, 2000; Battle & Coates, 2004). Today, the view of a family has changed and a broad variety of family structures, including single parent families are deemed normal (Richards & Schmiege, 1993; Williams, Auslander, Houston, Krebill, & Haire-Joshu, 2000; Woody & Woody III, 2003; Gibson-Davis, Edin, & McLanahan, 2005; Vereen, 2007). Single parent families have become the most prevalent family form in the world. Most recently the highest proportions of such families were found in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012).
It is important to note that single parenting can result from choice, divorce, separation, or adoption (Lansford, Ceballo, Abbey, & Stewart, 2001). Commonly, these families also share certain features with other traditional families in terms of the quality of the relationships and economics (Ford-Gilboe, 2000; Jones, Zalot, Foster, Sterrett, & Chester, 2007). Landsford, et al. (2001) contended that family structure does not automatically adversely affect family members' well-being and that there are other factors that have to be taken into consideration particularly the quality of social relationships.
Jones, et al. (2007) found that single parents who are students and also employed outside the home have a special family structure with profound effects on the parent and child. In these households where support for the single mother may be limited, the child is more likely to be negatively affected. On the other hand, Lloyd and Blanc (1996) suggested that children raised in a female headed household had greater educational achievement than those raised in a male headed household. The authors further found that these women had a greater incentive to invest in their children since they looked to their offspring for assistance in later life, compared to their male counterparts.
Given the distinctive features of these families and the relative paucity of research about them, the aim of the current study was to examine how young Black single women who are students cope with the additional responsibility of being a single parent as well as a student. Specifically, this research aimed to (a) explore the strengths that may exist within this family structure; (b) identify the perceptions that these single parents have of themselves, with respect to their parenting responsibilities and being students; and (c) explore which parenting skills and educational strategies these women utilized. Research on this topic is important because it builds on previous conceptualizations that emphasize the importance of viewing the complex role of single parenting by Black women, whose role is ever-changing, and most importantly from a position of strength and resiliency. Such research will add to a better understanding of this construct and will further advance future additional research. Research on this topic is important for both theory and psychological interventions.
Method
Participants
Thirty-nine female students were initially recruited for this study from a public college situated in a predominately Afro-Caribbean neighborhood in a large city in the eastern region of the United States. Twenty eight of them (M age = 30 yr., SD = 6.1, range: 18–40) were included in the study, as they met the following inclusion criteria: being a single mother, enrolled in a four-year college program, children attending the day care facility attached to the college, and to self-identify as being part of the African diaspora (descendants of Africans who were enslaved, transported, and dispersed to various parts of the world, some four centuries ago). The average number of children each mother had one child (SD = .85) and the range was 1–4 children, 50% lived with other family members and 50% lived alone. Table 1 presents the demographic characteristics of the participants.
Demographic Characteristics of the Participants
Measures
This study utilized a structured interview. Participants provided information about their age, ethnicity, family of origin structure, highest parental education, employment status, income level, religious affiliations, frequency of attending religious meetings, health status, current family/household composition, and childhood experiences.
The survey offered participants an opportunity to create their own narrative about their subjective experiences within the context of the questions. Parents were asked to describe their interactions with their family (“What are some of the things you and your family members do together?”, “What are some things you do for each other?”), whether single parenting got easier or more difficult over time, and to identify major strengths and problems as a single parent, student, and worker, among other questions.
Procedure
The study was approved by the researcher's Institutional Review Board. Flyers were posted at the college's day care facility and at other locations students frequented. Those who were interested were invited to structured interviews, in English, by the researcher and two trained research assistants. All interviewers were of the same racial/ethnic background as the participants. Participants signed a consent form in which they were told that their responses would be anonymous and that they were free to withdraw their consent and discontinue participation in the project at any time without affecting educational services provided to them by the college, services provided to their child by the day care facility or their relationship with the college. They were also told that they had a choice not to answer any items from the research interview or discontinue participation at any time without affecting educational services provided to them by the University or their ability to receive on-going child care, or their relationship with the college. Interviews typically lasted 45 minutes to 1 hour, and were recorded and transcribed verbatim. Participants were reimbursed $20.
Analysis
The methodological approach in this study was to select the themes for research, not a priori, but only if they emerged from the survey data. The taped interviews were transcribed by two undergraduate research assistants and then verified by the lead researcher for accuracy. An initial list of codes was constructed by reviewing a random subset of the interviews. Another research assistant, who has expertise in qualitative analysis, was provided with the excerpts and coding manuals. This coder discussed the interpretation of these data with the lead researcher, and identified several themes that were not previously identified by the lead researcher, thereby reducing researcher bias. Whenever a disagreement arose, there were ongoing discussions until a consensus was reached and joint generation of themes was achieved (Bryman & Burgess, 1994).
Constant comparative method, a method used to analyze data to develop a grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), was used in the current study so that categories and patterns evolved and then led to the emergence of new themes. Data that did not meet the categories in the coding manual were given new codes. These refined categories and subcategories were then employed to code the entire set of interviews.
Researcher as the Measurement Tool
Since qualitative research is interpretative research, it is important that the researcher be open in explicitly stating their biases (Creswell, 2009), and their experience and perspectives that they bring to the field (Patton, 2002). I realize that my perception of single parenthood is influenced by my Afro-Caribbean heritage. In addition, I teach at a university that has a predominately African, African-American, and Afro-Caribbean student population. No participants were my students at any time.
I grew up with an African-American and Caribbean cultural upbringing that has influenced the choice of this research topic and the selection of participants in this study. From a multidisciplinary perspective, I have many years of training experience in family counseling and have worked with underrepresented populations, particularly, single African-American mothers, at different times and in different areas. This belief motivates me to seek a better understanding of the strengths of these relationships and to offer an insider's view of their experience.
Results
Six themes emerged through the analysis process: cohesiveness, education, spirituality, support (family and government), motivation for a better life, and teaching respect to children. Table 2 presents a summary of these emergent themes, their frequencies of occurrence, and thematic exemplars. Exemplary units are also presented within their original contexts, as a means of adding richness and depth to the data (Ponterotto & Geieger, 2007). All participants completed the research protocols.
Theme 1: Single Parents Are a Cohesive Family Unit
This theme appeared 53 times in 26 interviews. It is important for single parents to participate in social activities with their children, so they are not placed at a social or educational disadvantage (Battle & Coates, 2004). The mothers in this study provided time and activities ensuring their children's connectedness to the family unit. Parents stressed that they ensure that their marital status does not negatively affect their children's social activities, development and interactions. Indications of this theme of engaging in activities together are exemplified in the following responses. Juliet, a 39-yr.-old mother who lived with her three children said: “We go to the park, play games together, and even spend time together by reading.” Mary, a 27-yr.-old mother of two who lived with her parents, said: “We go to the movies and dinners and for the holidays, we always are together. We dance and we just have a good time.” Harriet, a 29-yr.-old mother, who lived alone with her three-year-old child, shared: “I am a vendor. I sell smoothies, cakes and ice cream. We sell together. I don't look at myself as a single parent; we basically do things together. I provide for my children as a mother and as a father.” Furthermore, these activities included social-developmental activities: Susan, a 31-yr.-old mother of one child said, “We go out, we go out to museums, we study together, we go to the libraries, and we love the park. In the wintertime we enjoy indoor swimming and we are just growing and developing, me and my daughter.” These parents, who were single, did not operate from a deficit perspective as they were very aware of and actively participated in their children's social development.
Theme 2: Education
The theme of education appeared 22 times in 15 interviews. Black women perceive education as providing a better life for them and their families in addition to making their families proud of them (Gilford & Reynolds, 2011). The women in this study pursued a higher education in an effort to improve their own self-development. They viewed the experience of education as a motivational factor for self-development, an opportunity to improve their economic conditions, and strengthening and shaping their future. In describing their college experiences, some participants described it as challenging and rewarding. Since these participants were a selected group, the theme of education transcended every theme and applied to their own education and the children's educational pursuits. The strong value of the theme of education was prevalent among participants in terms of being better parents, and being role models for their children. Margaret, a 39-yr.-old mother of two who works as a teacher's assistant, reported a grade point average (GPA) of 3.8, aspired to be a child psychologist, said, “I'm a little bit more focused on the educational process. I have a motivating factor to complete my education. I want to be a good role model for my children.” Similarly, Linda, a 23-yr.-old mother of one child, who previously worked as a home health aid, was a sophomore with a GPA of 2.9, and aspired to be a nurse said, “I just want to set a good example for my child.”
Based on their own experiences with education, several parents spoke about how they were going to inculcate these expectations in their children. Examples of this expectation of having an education and its benefit for her children follow. Heather, a 37-yr.-old mother of one child, resided with her paternal grandmother. Heather reported a GPA of 3.2, aspired to be registered nurse, and previously worked taking care of elder adults. This single mother said: “I have to worry a lot about my education, his education, babysitting, and I have to do my work and at the same time make sure that he can read and write adequately for his age and when I am finished with school I hope that my money would not be as scarce.” Janice, a 36-yr.-old mother of two children who reported a GPA of 2.8 and aspired to own a day care facility, shared her feelings on the benefits of her education across the lifespan: “Provide for my daughter, just giving her all her necessities and giving her early childhood education. She has had that from a very, very early age.”
Theme 3: Spirituality as a Pathway For Mobility and Success
The theme of spirituality appeared 19 times in 12 interviews. Spirituality is a strong influence and a cornerstone among African Americans; particularly women perceive it as a source of resiliency (Boyd-Franklin, 1989; Patton & McClure, 2009; Gilford & Reynolds, 2011). For many African-American women, spirituality is a means of negotiating and understanding the many issues they face on a daily basis in which they are able to cope with myriad problems (Mattis, 2002). Many of the women in this sample allowed themselves to be inspired by various aspects of love and a divine force. Responses indicated that some of these women rely on a sturdy religious orientation as a form of resiliency to assist them in their parenthood. The theme of spirituality was voiced by Henrietta, a 26-yr.-old mother of one child, finding strength in her Baptist religion. She said, “My major strength is me finding God and I know that I can turn to someone when I think that I am not going to pass a class. I think that I am doing it for him, my son and for a reason. Whatever reason that God wants me to do it. I'm not just doing it for my self and my son. The Lord has my destiny and I am following that path.” This theme of spirituality was echoed by other women, particularly Margot, a 31-yr.-old Christian mother who considered herself to be very spiritual and believed that her spirituality united her family into a cohesive unit: “We go to church together, it keeps us together. I believe that things happen for a reason and I believe that my daughter came for a reason.” Susan, a 31-yr.-old mother of one child who considers herself to be spiritual and affiliates with the Christian religion, said, “As a single parent, I would have to say that I provide guidance for my two kids by setting an example and just letting them know that some days can be hard and you can still make it throughout the day once you have that willpower and God.” Ruby, 33-yr.-old mother of one, who affiliated with the Pentecostal faith and considered herself extremely religious, responded: “My major strength as a single parent is my inner strength, believing in God.”
Theme 4: Support
This theme of family support and support from government agencies was endorsed 29 times in 28 interviews. There is a perception that single parents have limited means of support, are socially isolated, and feel shame (Winkworth, McArthur, Layton, Thomson, & Wilson, 2010). Winkworth, et al. (2010) reported that some single mothers feel a sense of guilt of having to accept assistance from various governmental agencies, especially public housing. Single parents are often perceived as not having the emotional support of a husband or traditional family (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). However, African-American culture is more collectivist, so young mothers often receive assistance in child care from older women in the community who are also mothers (Collins, 1998; Gonzalez, Jones, Kincaid, & Cuellar, 2012). Several researchers (Taylor & Roberts, 1995; Gonzalez, et al., 2012) suggested that although many African-American single mothers reside in high crime neighborhoods, they derive benefits from longstanding relationships with other members of their communities for support.
Family support as a source of strength.—The theme of family support was endorsed 18 times in 22 interviews. An interesting finding is that respondents received support from their families. They did not feel alone or isolated; rather, they received help from other family members (parents, grandparents and friends) and the assistance was bidirectional. Some mothers cooked for their parents, while their parents assisted them by doing the laundry and babysitting. Joan, a 21-yr.-old mother of one child who resided with her mother and brother and aspired to be a biology teacher, captured this theme: “I help around the house, my Mom helps me with my daughter and my brother is very supportive. We support each other. Like now, my son is in Georgia with my Mom and they are supporting me. My sister went to Georgia and her daughter stayed with me. In terms of support, I and my family support each other. We take family trips, go to amusement parks; we try to go upstate to nature things and relax.” Averill, a 32-yr.-old mother of one child, who resided with both grandparents and three cousins in the household, and aspired to own an electrical and carpentry business, responded: “We cook each other's meals. I would cook one night and the next person would cook the next night; we help each other out with doing the laundry and with chores around the house and if I am unavailable another family member would do it for me.” Margaret, a 39-yr.-old mother said her “family assists with childrearing, helping out with babysitting, and sometimes loaning money- we lend each other money.” Oftentimes, children are very supportive of their single mothers. Mary, a 27-yr.-old shared, “I cook and do the laundry and the kids sometimes they help with chores like they want to help take out garbage or wash dishes.” Gale, 25-yr.-old mother of two children who resides with her mother, stepfather, and sister said: “My oldest daughter, she helps out a lot between her and the younger one.” There were also some single parents who offered help to their own extended family. Margot, 31-yr.-old said, “I think I am the strongest person in my family and most of them look to me for that strength; they have a problem, they call me.” Most of these single mothers felt that being a single parent was not a handicap and that there were others who could assist them with their parenting and their household activities.
Support from government agencies.—This theme appeared 11 times in 6 interviews. There is a social stigma attached to receiving public assistance (Jarrett, 1996; Bock, 2000; Sawhill, Thomas, & Monea, 2010). Rosier and Corsaro (1993) highlighted the abuse some single African American mothers endured. These mothers were perceived as ‘undeserving’ and were often reminded of their deviant status by personnel at welfare agencies. Case workers would often verbally reprimand these women and treat them as lazy and unmotivated individuals (Rosier & Corsaro, 1993), presumably because they did not conform to conventional family patterns and were perceived as being on welfare as a way to avoid gainful employment (Jarrett, 1996).
Public assistance had a negative connotation for some participants. The women reported taking advantage of various governmental programs knowing that with a better education, they would be able to improve their financial status. The level of public assistance available to single mothers was important for them. For example, Mary explained, “There are some programs that the state gives help on. A lot of parents sometimes don't work and you know there is EBT, or there is housing; especially now that I am in school I think it's gotten a lot easier and there is day care in some schools. So that's an advantage for some parents… If I wasn't a single parent, I would not be able to be back in college. I have full financial aid because of my son. The government has so many programs that they provide to help single parents.”
Theme 5: Teaching Manners and Respect to Children
This theme appeared 15 times in 11 interviews. Many single parents believe that teaching their children to respect their elders would provide a basis for discipline and appropriate learning and development in school. Heather, a 37-yr.-old mother, captured this belief: “Raising my son with manners and respect is the best thing for me.” Susan, a 31-yr.-old said, “Well, I try to teach my daughter to be caring and respectful and I help her in any way I can, especially, with school and developing her emotional state.” Mary, a 27-yr.-old mother, said, “My children are respectful when we go out; they know how to behave themselves. They respect their elders and their teachers. They're well behaved and they listen to me when I tell them to do something. As a single parent, I felt I taught my kids how to be respectful of others and adults especially.” Several parents said that they employed various parenting practices as part of disciplinary strategies that they learned in classes. Henrietta, a 26-yr.-old mother, said, “As a parent you have to punish them by giving them “time out” and taking away privileges that they like. That way they are able to appreciate your style better and be better behaved.
Theme 6: Motivation For a Better Life
This theme appeared 17 times in 15 interviews. Many single parents are motivated to better themselves and to be role models for their children. They are also looking for careers to better themselves and to secure a better future for their children. Joan, a 21-yr.-old single mother said, “I don't look at myself as a single parent. But I am single and being single makes me more motivated, because every time I think about my responsibilities it pushes me to keep going even when it get really difficult, because I want to provide a better future for her. Being a single parent motivates me to do better to be more successful, to strive and work harder to set an example for my son.” Mary, a 27-yr.-old, said: “Knowing that I am a single parent, it is a must that I go to school, you know, so I can have that hope in the future so I can better take care of my kids so that I can do more for them.”
Discussion
Six themes emerged from this study exploring the self-perceptions of single Black mothers who are attending college and rearing their children. These themes were: cohesiveness, education, spirituality, support (family and government), motivation for a better life and teaching respect to children. Education is a factor that may improve the economic conditions of women who are single mothers (Van Stone, Nelson, & Niemann, 1994; Zhan & Pandey, 2004; London, 2006; Attewell & Lavin, 2007). Family cohesiveness and education were primary themes in the study and were related to each other. For instance, participants viewed education as assisting them to reach their professional goals as they relied on keeping their immediate family connected as a cohesive unit. This finding parallels similar findings that many Black single female-headed households have used education to better themselves and their children's lifestyle as they keep the single family unit intact (Boyd-Franklin, 1989).
Another theme identified for Black single mothers was spirituality. They relied on their belief in God for inner support to see them through challenge. Their belief assisted them in being resilient throughout challenges. They also believed that they had to take initiative, which was essential in their spiritual beliefs. This coping viewpoint is consistent with studies of Mattis (2002) and Patton and McClure (2009) in which participants followed a similar pattern of spirituality. Similarly, the mothers in the current study relied on their spirituality when trying to meet their educational goals.
The fourth theme was support, particularly family support. Although many of these Black single mothers could not depend on financial support from their families, they relied on family support for childcare. Family support was also reciprocal in these single mothers offering support to their families of origin and receiving support in the form of baby-sitting from elder children. The current study contradicts an earlier study by Terenzini, Springer, Yaeger, Pascarella, and Nora (1996) (as cited in Ziemniak, 2010) on first generation underrepresented college students receiving less encouragement and family support as they pursued higher education. In the current study, many mothers received support, particularly from their elder children. This research supports earlier studies by Boyd-Franklin (1989); Gilford and Reynolds (2011) and Herndon and Hirt (2004) indicating the theme of support, particularly family support, can be reciprocal. The theme of government support is often perceived as a stigma emanating from both government workers and from the general public towards Black single mothers. According to Rosier and Corsaro (1993), single mothers who receive government support are viewed as abled-bodied individuals not wanting to work. In the current study, mothers relied on government support to assist them in providing for their family and meeting their educational goals. Results are consistent with previous research in which many single mothers felt stigmatized because of their family roles, neighborhood residences, and employment status (Jarrett, 1996).
The theme of teaching respect and manners was also identified. Many parents viewed respect to authority as an integral part of their cultural traditions. This theme is supported by Dixon, Graber, and Brooks-Gunn's (2008) suggestion that within Black families, high value is placed on respect, obedience, and learning, particularly from elders and the community network.
Motivation for a better life emerged as a theme for these women. These single Black mothers were motivated to improve their social economic status and to be better role models for their children. Facing the challenges single motherhood did not distract them from their academic studies or their goals. This finding contradicts Van Stone, et al.'s (1994) suggestion that parenting young children might be a greater distraction than parenting older children. Many of these single Black mothers were motivated to enter the nursing field and help others, while some were motivated to open their own childcare facility to assist mothers in a similar position of going to school and working. In addition, the achievement goals of many of these black single mothers will undoubtedly influence their own children's goals and motivations to succeed as suggested by Ricco, Sabet, and Clough (2009).
This research offers insight into single Black mothers' self-perceptions. Their experiences are likely different from those of Black single mothers who are not attending college. Being a single mother, a student, and employed can lead to competing responsibilities. Such responsibilities can be time consuming, challenging, and require great energy and resiliency (Jenkins, 2005; Gilford & Reynolds, 2011).
Black single mothers in this study developed time-management skills, which extends to the research on the strengths of single parents (Richards & Schmiege, 1993; Gilford & Reynolds, 2011). Their time-management skills were reflected in being full-time students (75%), maintaining good GPAs, and spending quality time with their children by attending educational and recreational events.
The six themes that emerged in this qualitative analysis demonstrated that these single Black mothers did not allow their position of being single to be a handicap and suggests that Black single parenthood can also be perceived from a position of strength (Hanson, 1986; Boyd-Franklin, 1989; Richards & Schmeige, 1993; Mannis, 1999; Gilford & Reynolds, 2011).
The findings can be utilized in practice, education, and research; various policies could be instituted for single mothers transitioning from academia to the employment sector (Gilford & Reynolds, 2011). Policies could include quality childcare facilities with an educational component with extended service hours, providing parenting classes geared toward balancing the challenges of school, employment, and family life. Because several of these single mothers relied on family support, there could be additional educational parenting classes for family members to strengthen the support network. Previous graduates who successfully navigated the roles of being a single mother and a student could be selected to mentor current single mothers who are students. This proposed policy could improve the quality of parenting by enabling single mothers to spend more time and do things together with their children (Vereen, 2007).
This select group of college students provides a heuristic understanding of some variables related to Black single mothers and their college experiences, their ability to organize complex priorities was clearly evident in this small sample. Whereas, these few roles may be helpful, the likelihood of other important themes not found in this investigation is likely. Despite this limitation, the current findings provide a framework for a better understanding of Black single mothers and their college experiences. The qualitative method allowed the researcher to discover detailed information for a richer and fuller understanding of the self-perceptions of Black female single parents who are students. In the future, it would be of interest to examine how spirituality and family support assist them in their parenting practices their educational and professional development. It would also be of interest to examine within group differences by ethnicity regarding African-American and Afro-Caribbean single Black mothers.