Abstract
Taking as its starting point the most recent, failed Australian referendum, this essay considers the efficacy of the Commonwealth of Nations — of the attendant ideological principles and values upon which the political association is based and to which its member states subscribe. Tracing the colonial histories and legacies of two current member states, Australia and South Africa — nations whose genesis in settler colonialism follow somewhat similar contours — the essay explores, in their canonical literature, the evolution of a kind of whitewashed nationalism that is not just racially exclusory but also registers, inversely, the anxieties of the self in relation to the “imagined community” (Anderson, 1983) endorsed in ideologies of nationhood. In a comparative, transnational reading of Patrick White’s
Our commonwealth: A shared inheritance and burden
The result of the most recent (2023) Australian referendum was not just disappointing; given the nation’s European settler colonial history and the failure of previous formal attempts at integrating the minority Indigenous population into the national Constitution, that majority Australians would, in the twenty-first century, vote overwhelmingly against the conferral of greater political and civil rights to First Nations — Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander — peoples was both predictable and telling. 1 Formally established as a British penal colony in the eighteenth century, modern Australia was first recognized by a referendum in 1901 as a federation of colonies which cemented its allegiance to the British Empire and guaranteed its position as a member state in the (British) Commonwealth of Nations from the early twentieth century. So, while the 2023 referendum was rejected for varied and complex reasons by both minority, Indigenous and majority, white Australians, what has contributed to this impasse has been, as June Oscar, the Australian Human Rights Commission’s head of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander social justice programme underscores, First Nation people’s historic “exclusion in the development of the nation state” (Zhuang, 2023).
Described as “the Voice” and initially proposed in 2017 as part of the Uluru Statement from the Heart, a document created by Indigenous leaders as part of reconciliatory efforts to foster the constitutional recognition in Parliament of First Nations people, the most recent referendum sought the provision of Indigenous perspectives in the form of non-binding advice to government on policy and legislative aspects of national significance in order to improve their quality of life. Entrenched, systemic socio-economic disadvantage is evidenced in statistics which show that, although the situation is more severe in remote rural communities, “life expectancy for Aboriginal people is eight years below the general population, while rates of suicide and incarceration are far higher than the national average” (Zhuang, 2023). But, with this evidence largely dismissed as racially pathological, the reluctance to afford an historically othered minority population a representative “voice” underwrites the somewhat mythical/mystical peripherality that characterizes their representation in the mainstream, white national imaginary. 2
Albeit downplayed by some conservative and liberal political commentators as primarily a symbolic gesture, the 2023 referendum asserts, as Anne Twomey explains, the priority of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders,
to have their views heard in relation to the making of laws and policies that affect their lives. This ranks above the insertion of formal words of recognition in a preamble and the removal of discriminatory clauses from the Constitution. It is not historic recognition by written words that is sought, but active and ongoing recognition of indigenous voice, allowing them to be heard in the corridors of power. (McKay, 2017)
Quite apart from the formal practice of legislative redress, to afford the Indigenous population the opportunity to be heard presumes an inclusive national culture that does not just recognize the existence of First Nations peoples
Interestingly, across the Indian Ocean, it was a prioritization of its national sovereignty that precisely informed the decision to hold a referendum in 1960 on whether the Union of South Africa, established in 1910, should leave the Commonwealth and become a republic. Restricted to white voters and consolidating white (Afrikaner) interests and power at the expense of the majority black population, the referendum, constituted in 1961, helped to entrench the formalized exercise of white racial segregation and supremacy enacted through the institution of Apartheid by the governing Afrikaner National Party in 1948. But where the exclusion of a majority black voice here underwrote “the brute, unmediated legislation of human inferiority” that characterized Apartheid (Crapanzano, 1986: 23), it also fuelled the growth of black political mobilization and militarization. Succeeded by various states of emergency in the 1980s as well as growing international censure and pressure, this necessitated another referendum on abolishing Apartheid in 1992 which again excluded black participation. While this referendum resulted in the establishment of a democratically elected black government — the African National Congress (ANC) — in 1994 which was followed by the reparatory and reconciliatory imperatives of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), socio-political interest and investment continued to favour and centralize the white minority population.
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Despite heady claims of a non-racial “rainbow nation” premised on “unity in diversity”, the country’s socio-economic inequalities, which largely manifest along racial lines, have persistently worsened. In 2014, the findings of a South African Reconciliation Barometer Report by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation revealed that “white South Africans indicate high levels of denial of past injustice, low levels of responsibility for past injustice, and low levels of support for redress” required by those who suffered from Apartheid’s implementation (Wale, 2014: 9). In
Literature and the critique of empire
In
The pervasiveness of this kind of white Australian consciousness is both demonstrated and critiqued in 1973 Nobel Laureate Patrick White’s canonical modernist text,
Bolstered by the novel’s epic form and authoritative narrative voice, the protagonist of
This is reinforced in Voss’s description of the two blacks’ reactions to being gifted a token brass button from a military tunic. Moving between a wooden “thinking stick” and an animal life “giggling and gulping”, Dugald and Jackie become more mystery than fact, less human than creature (1960: 170–171). In a pervasively white episteme that renders them both unfathomable and unintelligible, they are situated at the border outside of the “cognitive ecology” of full human subjectivity (Morrison, 1997: 8). Segueing into anthropological bias, Voss’s essentializing white cartography of being finally rejects as incompatible and deficient its originary (existential) black coordinates. Sojourning into a brutal, indifferent landscape that affords him the opportunity to discover his infiniteness, he becomes constituted as that “ontological as well as an epistemological category of humanity” that affirms the “ordinariness of whiteness” (Russo, 2011: 12).
And yet, delineated as undergoing a “perpetual struggle, in becoming” (White, 1960: 271), Voss’s self-assuredness is tempered by a metaphysical probing that is aligned with and reflects Australia’s anxious sense of national evolution. Reflecting that Australian literature has “long imagined itself as a European project with the ambition above all to be recognised as European”, author Richard Flanagan (2023: n.p.) concludes in his essay for [o]ur stories too often, our literature for too long, has frequently defined Australia through bizarre inversions, an invented and inexplicable violence, a negative image of inexplicable absences and losses. It has led to an alienating strangeness in our stories that feels somehow false. (2023: n.p.)
In foregrounding the phantasmic, metaphysical anxieties of the white colonizer against the backdrop of an interchangeably mythological and muted black, Indigenous body and landscape, the novel is suggestive of the falsity of those bizarre inversions that qualify the negative dualism of settler-colonial imagination. In his dealings with Dugald and Jackie, Voss intuits that he “would have liked to talk to these creatures. Alone, he and the blacks would have communicated with one another by skin and silence” (170). Figured also as a site of suture that does not just signal the prospect of racial solidarity/community, skin evokes a sensual spirituality or spiritual sensuality achieved in silence; it gestures at the possibility of an intimacy — a “commune” — that transcends race borders. But, as Voss cautions and the novel’s ambiguous conclusion intimates, such relations can only occur in an alternative spatio-temporality, in other, ideal conditions. Reverting to “an alienating strangeness” in which Voss is, at death, memorialized in the annals of history as a mythical, pioneering legend,
To this extent,
This failure has haunted the white political South African imagination since the country’s inception as a settler colony marked by the arrival at the Cape of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1652. Successive skirmishes between Indigenous and (Dutch-descendant Boer and British) settler groupings reveal “an uneasy xenophobia” which indicate a displaced and unsettled “European” frontier mentality and evince the aesthetic and ideological “pressures at work” also within South Africa’s national literature (Gray 1997: 38). More so than in White’s text, these tensions are illustrated and confronted in the work of that other Nobel prize-winning canonical writer, J. M. Coetzee, whose own un/settled positionality is exhibited in a complex, enigmatic writing style which can be read as a metatextual “criticism-as-fiction or fiction-as-criticism” (Dovey, 1988: 2). 5
Published in 1974 and entitled I become a spherical reflecting eye moving through the wilderness and ingesting it. Destroyer of the wilderness, I move through the land cutting a devouring path from horizon to horizon. There is nothing from which my eye turns. I am all that I see […] What is there that is not me? (1998: 79)
Burdened by “Hottentots” who apparently see him as “their father” and “would have died without” him (64), Jacobus Coetzee’s treatment of them mirrors Voss’s in its phallocentrism and paternalism. 6 Adorned ironically in the language of hospitality, his altruism betrays a fundamentally arrogant concern with an equally “sufficient” self whose reductive perception of the native population as a species on par with his oxen (64) reinforces their serviceability and infantile dependency while affirming his white, patriarchal superiority.
Discursively reminiscent of but also exceeding the Hegelian master–slave dichotomy, Jacobus Coetzee’s racially hierarchical “I” morphs, as does Voss’s, into a deific figure whose perception of the black native is facilitated by an epistemological omniscience. Sceptical of the limited and superficial impact of civilization on the “Hottentot”, Jacobus Coetzee resorts to the discourse of naturalism to explain, as Voss does with his “blackfeller”, the innate and preferred boundary between a full(er) and a subhuman species. Privy to the accoutrements of civilization but not quite able to achieve them through a postcolonial parodic disruption and subversion of the colonial master narrative (Bhabha, 1984), the native “becomes a false creature […] Whereas a wild Hottentot, the kind of Hottentot that met us that day, one who has lived all his life in a state of nature, has his Hottentot integrity” (1998: 65). As with Voss’s reading of Dugald and Jackie, Jacobus Coetzee’s ethnological imperative segues, in a voice both admiring and condescending, into anthropological bias which precludes the native inhabitant from the (prospect of the) full achievement of civilization. Couched in the language of (self-)mastery and dominance — “I had not died, therefore I had won” (92) — his discursive imperialism is fuelled by a Cartesian dualism that allows him to declare his separateness from savagery — “I am among you but not of you (92) — despite his own savage, even sadistic, violence throughout the narrative. In the definition of white agential subjecthood against a kind of black passive animism is the realization of a “failed dialectic” (Watson, 1986: 382) that typifies, in J. M. Coetzee’s delineation and critique of “white writing”, the asymmetrical character of the settler colonial world and vision.
And yet, in a narratorial voice less searching than mocking and a personality more indicative of the intellectual and moral paucity of the colonial enterprise than They had violated my privacy, all my privacies, from the privacy of my property to the privacy of my body. They had introduced poison into me. Yet could I be sure I had been poisoned? Had I not perhaps been sickening for a long time […?] (1998: 97)
Trying to make sense of the mutiny and coming to terms with his own complicity and embeddedness in a savage colonial system, Jacobus Coetzee, wrestling with his conscience, enters the realm of enquiring self-consciousness. His omniscient and omnipresent eye/I is called into question, so that the asymmetrical, “failed dialectic” of the settler colonial arrangement makes way to a more democratizing dialogic; what J. M. Coetzee elsewhere delineates as an “awakening [of] the countervoices in oneself and embarking upon speech with them” (1992: 65). Registering a white alterity that is facilitated by defamiliarizing encounters with black alterity, Jacobus Coetzee’s exploration of the inhospitable and indifferent interior also necessitates an “exploration of the Hottentots, trying to find a place for them in [his] history” (1998: 97). Physically displaced and subjectively decentred, his relationship with the native population is, quite differently to Voss’s relationships, which are characterized more by mysticism and distance, premised on material entanglement. Albeit imagined as interpellated into “his” history, the native presence is both heard and felt, challenging Jacobus Coetzee’s self-imposition. His “deep” consciousness of the white self is thus enabled by an inexorably experiential consciousness of the black other which registers their universal alterity and destabilizes a normative narrative of settler colonialism. Just as it signals for the native inhabitants of Namaqualand a “necessary loss of innocence” (1998: 110), Jacobus Coetzee’s experience of settler colonialism reduces him to the recognition that, as a representative of this violent enterprise, he too is simply “a tool in the hand of history” (1988: 106).
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In a transnational discussion of the political failures of two of its current member states, Australia and South Africa, this essay has looked to their settler-colonial literary traditions as a means of evaluating the conceptual efficacy of the founding principles of the Commonwealth of Nations. Shaped by the ideological legacies of imperialism and situated at the frontier of empire, Patrick White’s
Footnotes
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
