Abstract
Reputation plays an essential role in promoting altruistic behavior in human societies. Although individual differences in reputational concern are associated with altruistic behavior, it is unclear whether this relationship differs by age. This cross-sectional study examined the relationship between two aspects of reputational concern (praise seeking and rejection avoidance) and altruistic behavior toward various targets (family, friends, and strangers) in adolescence and adulthood. We collected data from 875 participants between the ages of 15 and 59 (420 males, 455 females). Results indicated that praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward family were positively related only during 15–24.45 years of age. In addition, praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward friends were positively related only during 15–43.37 years of age. In contrast, the positive relationship between praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward strangers did not differ with age. The relationship between rejection avoidance and altruistic behavior toward any recipient did not differ with age. These findings highlight the need to incorporate a developmental perspective when examining the relationship between reputational concerns, particularly praise seeking, and altruistic behavior.
Humans are a highly social species and have achieved group survival and prosperity through cooperation with others (Tomasello, 2016). Reputation is one of the key factors supporting high levels of cooperation in human society (Manrique et al., 2021). Thus, individuals with good reputations receive various benefits from others, and those with bad reputations are condemned or, even worse, ostracized (Nowak & Sigmund, 2005). Numerous studies have shown that people are aware of these potential consequences and act altruistically in consideration of how they are perceived by others (Berman & Silver, 2022; Wu et al., 2016). Altruistic behavior, a subset of prosocial behavior, is an important aspect of cooperation and is defined as costly voluntary behavior intended to provide benefits to others (Eisenberg & Miller, 1987; Pfattheicher et al., 2022). Although previous studies have examined the influence of reputation itself, in the real world there are individual differences in sensitivity to one’s reputation (reputational concerns). Focusing on individual differences in reputational concerns can provide clues to understanding why some individuals act more altruistically than others, but evidence on these relationships, especially accounting for differences by age, is lacking.
Reputational concerns are distinguished into praise seeking and rejection avoidance (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018; Kojima et al., 2003; Wu et al., 2016). Praise seeking refers to the desire to gain positive reputation and approval from others (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018; Kojima et al., 2003). Individuals with high levels of praise seeking may actively engage in altruistic behaviors to gain a good reputation with others. Such behaviors have a very strategic aspect as they strengthen one’s social network and may bring benefits in the future (Wu et al., 2016). On the other hand, rejection avoidance refers to an aversion to harming one’s reputation and being rejected by others (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018; Kojima et al., 2003). Altruistic behavior is generally evaluated positively and praised, whereas altruistic behavior that is sometimes excessive and harmful to others is evaluated negatively and blamed (Kaufman & Jauk, 2020; Parks & Stone, 2010). Thus, individuals with high levels of rejection avoidance may refrain from altruistic behavior for fear of being blamed by others. Such individuals often prioritize maintaining a stable position in the group and act cautiously (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018). Thus, praise seeking promotes altruistic behavior by actively motivating individuals to receive positive evaluations from others, whereas rejection avoidance inhibits altruistic behavior in order to avoid negative evaluations by others. This highlights that praise seeking and rejection avoidance may influence altruistic behavior through different mechanisms and the importance of distinguishing between them. Understanding these differences is important for predicting individual behavioral patterns.
The relationship between the two types of reputational concerns and altruistic behavior may also differ depending on the relationship with the recipient. The evolution of altruism toward close recipients is explained by factors other than reputation, such as kin selection (Hamilton, 1964). In contrast, altruism toward distant recipients is primarily driven by future benefits gained through good reputations (Barclay, 2012). Indeed, previous studies have shown that individuals gain good reputation by helping those they are not obligated to help more than those they are obligated to help (Berman & Silver, 2022; Lin-Healy & Small, 2012). Thus, praise seeking may be associated with altruistic behavior toward friends and strangers with greater potential for reputation enhancement, but not with altruistic behavior toward family. In contrast, individuals high in rejection avoidance may prioritize loss avoidance by refraining from altruistic behavior over the potential gains from altruistic behavior because altruistic behavior is sometimes evaluated negatively (Parks & Stone, 2010). Thus, rejection avoidance may be unrelated or negatively associated with altruistic behavior regardless of the recipient.
Kawamura and Kusumi (2018) is the only study that directly tested the relationship between individual differences in reputational concerns and altruistic behavior. Specifically, they examined the relationship between two aspects of reputational concern (praise seeking and rejection avoidance) and altruistic behavior toward various targets (family, friends, and strangers) in adults. The results of their study showed that praise seeking was positively correlated with altruistic behavior toward friends and strangers but not toward family. These findings are consistent with the explanation that altruistic behavior toward friends and strangers, but not family, is more likely to lead to a good reputation (Barclay, 2012; Berman & Silver, 2022; Lin-Healy & Small, 2012). On the other hand, rejection avoidance was negatively correlated with altruistic behavior toward strangers but not toward family or friends. In general, altruistic behavior is positively evaluated (Barclay, 2012), but individuals who contribute excessively more to public goods than others are negatively evaluated by other group members (Parks & Stone, 2010). Thus, the negative relationship between rejection avoidance and altruistic behavior toward strangers stems from the desire to avoid being evaluated negatively by acting altruistically toward strangers (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018).
When examining the relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior, it is necessary to consider the influence of empathy. Empathy is the ability to perceive, share, and understand the emotional states of others and is widely recognized as a predictor of altruistic behavior (Decety & Svetlova, 2012; Yin & Wang, 2023). Indeed, many studies consistently show that higher levels of empathy are associated with greater altruistic behavior (Decety & Svetlova, 2012; Yin & Wang, 2023). Empathy is closely related to altruistic behavior, but importantly, the relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior remained constant even when controlling for it (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018).
However, it is possible that the relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior differs by age. Young people in adolescence and early adulthood are more sensitive to how their behavior is evaluated by others than adults in middle adulthood and beyond. In fact, reputational concerns strongly and uniquely influence their interpersonal behavior (Blakemore, 2018; Tomova et al., 2021). For example, young people are more likely to engage in risky and illegal behaviors, such as binge drinking, smoking, and drug use, when they are with friends than when they are alone (Andrews et al., 2020; Lundborg, 2006). These behaviors stem from a desire to gain approval (i.e., praise seeking) and avoid ostracism (i.e., rejection avoidance) from friends (Blakemore, 2018; Tomova et al., 2021). Social influence affects not only negatively evaluated behaviors, but also altruistic behaviors of young people who observe altruistic acts performed by peers (Ahmed et al., 2020; Foulkes et al., 2018). Given that young people are highly sensitive to their reputations, praise seeking and rejection avoidance may be important predictors not only of their risky and illegal behaviors, but also of altruistic behaviors. In contrast, in middle adulthood and beyond, reputation concerns may no longer be the primary predictor of altruistic behavior because social relationships are more stable and people are less concerned about their reputations. For example, older adults are more altruistic than younger adults, suggesting a tendency to prioritize the well-being of others (Sparrow et al., 2021). In addition, older adults invest in social interactions with close significant others, and their awareness of the finite nature of their lifespans may influence their decision to spend more time with such individuals (Fung et al., 1999). Accordingly, individuals in middle adulthood and beyond may exhibit pure altruism that prioritizes the well-being of others, rather than altruism motivated by concern for others’ reputations. This suggests a developmental difference in which the relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior is closer in adolescence and early adulthood than in middle adulthood. Taken together, there is a need to examine the relationship between reputational concerns and altruistic behavior for young people and analyze how this relationship differs from previous findings for adults (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018). Addressing these questions may provide new insights into how to reduce potential risks for young people and help them build positive relationships with others. However, it has not been directly tested whether the relationship between reputational concerns and altruistic behavior differs by age.
This cross-sectional study examined whether the relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior varies with age. Specifically, this study adapted a multidimensional approach to comprehensively examine the relationship between two aspects of reputational concern (praise seeking and rejection avoidance) and altruistic behavior toward various targets (family, friends, and strangers) during adolescence and adulthood.
Based on previous findings, we predicted the following. First, we predicted that praise seeking and rejection avoidance would not be associated with altruistic behavior toward family and would not differ by age. In general, the evolution of altruism toward familiar recipients such as family is explained by factors other than reputation (Hamilton, 1964). This is also because altruistic behavior toward familiar recipients is less likely to lead to good reputation (Berman & Silver, 2022; Lin-Healy & Small, 2012). Second, we predicted that praise seeking and rejection avoidance would be positively related to altruistic behavior toward friends, which would be more pronounced in adolescence and early adulthood than in middle adulthood and beyond. This is because young people in adolescence and early adulthood actively engage in interpersonal behaviors to obtain good reputations and avoid bad reputations from friends to maintain and prevent the breakdown of established friendships (Blakemore, 2018; Tomova et al., 2021). In contrast, social relationships in middle adulthood and beyond become more stable and less concerned with reputation (Fung et al., 1999; Sparrow et al., 2021). Therefore, we predicted that the relationship between two aspects of reputational concern and altruistic behavior toward friends would be closer in adolescence than in adulthood. However, there is a lack of understanding regarding the age at which this difference begins to emerge. Therefore, to address this gap in the literature, we adopted an exploratory approach to determine at what age this relationship differs. Third, we predicted that altruistic behavior toward strangers would be positively related to praise seeking and negatively related to rejection avoidance, which would not differ by age. Altruistic behavior toward strangers is more likely to lead to a good reputation, and individuals with higher levels of praise seeking are more likely to be actively altruistic toward strangers (Berman & Silver, 2022; Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018; Lin-Healy & Small, 2012). On the other hand, altruistic behavior toward distant recipients may occasionally lead to bad reputation, and individuals with high rejection avoidance may inhibit altruistic behavior toward strangers (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018; Parks & Stone, 2010). The tendency to avoid this potential risk is stronger in individuals with higher levels of rejection avoidance, which may be less influenced by age.
Transparency and openness
In this study, we report the sample size, as well as all data exclusions and measures. The data and R code for this study are available on the Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/jvwu7/). All statistical analyses were performed using R software, version 4.3.1 (R Core Team, 2021). This study was not preregistered.
Method
Participants
Our sample consisted of adolescents and adults between the ages of 15 and 59. We chose this age range because reputational concern and altruistic behavior may be more closely related in the transition from late adolescence to early adulthood than in later periods, and it is suitable for testing whether there are developmental differences in these relationships. We conducted a power analysis using G*Power 3.1.9.4 (Faul et al., 2007) to determine the sample size before beginning data collection. It was estimated that a minimum sample size of 822 participants would be required to detect small effects (effect size f = 0.02, alpha level = 0.05, power = 0.80, number of predictors = 10). Therefore, we collected data from 1000 participants between the ages of 15 and 59 (500 males and 500 females; Mage = 35.46, SD = 13.54) who were registered with an online survey company (Freeasy; iBRIDGE Company, Tokyo, Japan). According to this online survey company, more than 99% of registrants and survey respondents are Japanese, with just 0.1% or less being non-Japanese. We recruited 100 participants from each gender (male and female) and age (10s, 20s, 30s, 40s, 50s) group. We excluded the data for 125 participants who failed the attention task (i.e., “Please answer ‘2’ for this item.”). Afterward, we analyzed the data for the remaining 875 participants (420 males and 455 female; Mage = 36.38, SD = 13.53). Participants were paid for their participation by the online survey company. The study was approved by the Ritsumeikan University Ethics Review Committee for Research Involving Human Subjects (Kinugasa-Human-2023–18) and was conducted after obtaining informed consent from participants. We also obtained informed consent from parents of participants under the age of 18 years.
Measures
Praise seeking and rejection avoidance
Means, Standard Deviations, Coefficient Alphas, and Correlations.
***p < .001, **p < .01, *p < .05.
Altruistic behavior
We assessed altruistic behavior using the self-report altruism scale distinguished by the recipient (Oda et al., 2013), which assesses the altruistic behavior of each recipient (family, friends, and strangers). These factors were assessed using items such as “I have supported one of my family when they were not feeling well” (family), “I have listened to the troubles and complaints of a friend” (friends), and “I have helped a stranger who fell on the road” (strangers) (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018; Oda et al., 2013). Participants responded to the 21 items following a 5-point rating scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (very often). Higher mean scores represent a higher frequency of altruistic behavior. As shown in Table 1, the alpha coefficients for each factor (α = .87 for family, α = .87 for friends, and α = .89 for strangers) were comparable to those reported in other studies (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018; Oda et al., 2013).
Empathy
We treated empathy as a control variable. We measured empathy using the Japanese version of the interpersonal reactivity index (Himichi et al., 2017; for the original English version, see Davis, 1980), which assesses four factors related to empathy (personal distress, empathic concern, perspective taking, and fantasy). These factors were evaluated using items such as “When I see someone who badly needs help in an emergency, I go to pieces” (personal distress), “I often have tender, concerned feelings for people less fortunate than me” (empathic concern), “Before criticizing somebody, I try to imagine how I would feel if I were in their place” (perspective taking), and “When I watch a good movie, I can very easily put myself in the place of a leading character” (fantasy) (Himichi et al., 2017; Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018). Participants rated all 28 items on a 5-point scale, ranging from 1 (does not describe me well) to 5 (describes me very well). Higher mean scores represent higher empathy. As shown in Table 1, although not high, the alpha coefficients for each factor in this study (α = .75 for personal distress, α = .71 for empathic concern, α = .63 for perspective taking, and α = .70 for fantasy) were similar to those reported in other studies (Davis, 1980; Himichi et al., 2017; Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018).
Statistical analyses
We conducted a hierarchical multiple regression analysis with the altruistic behavior toward each recipient (family, friends, and strangers) as the dependent variable. Step 1 included age, gender, and empathy (personal distress, empathic concern, perspective taking, and fantasy) as criterion variables. Step 2 included praise seeking and rejection avoidance. For Step 3, we included an interaction term for praise seeking × age and for rejection avoidance × age. All independent variables were mean centered. If the interaction term was significant, we estimated the slope toward altruistic behavior from age-adjusted praise seeking and rejection avoidance and calculated their 95% confidence band and regions of significance using the Johnson-Neyman technique (Bauer & Curran, 2005). There were no missing values.
Results
Descriptive statistics
Table 1 shows the correlation coefficients for each scale. Praise seeking was positively correlated with altruistic behavior toward each recipient. Rejection avoidance was positively correlated with altruistic behavior toward family and friends but not with altruistic behavior toward strangers. Moreover, these relationships remained consistent even when controlling for age.
Hierarchical multiple regression analysis
Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis Predicting altruistic Behavior Toward Family based on the Interaction of reputational Concern and age.
***p < .001, **p < .01, *p < .05.
Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis Predicting altruistic Behavior Toward Friends based on the Interaction of reputational Concern and age.
***p < .001, **p < .01, *p < .05.
Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis Predicting altruistic Behavior Toward Strangers based on the Interaction of reputational Concern and age.
***p < .001, **p < .01, *p < .05.
In Step 3, we added the interaction term for reputation concern × age, and we found that it explained a significant proportion of the variance in altruistic behavior toward family (ΔR2 = .01, F (2, 864) = 3.50, p = .03). The interaction term for praise seeking × age predicted altruistic behavior toward family (β = −.07, 95% CI = [−.13, −.01], p = .03), whereas the interaction term for rejection avoidance × age was not significant (β = −.02, 95% CI = [−.09, .04], p = .45). Similarly, for altruistic behavior toward friends, the interaction term for reputational concern × age explained a significant proportion of variance (ΔR2 = .01, F (2, 864) = 5.68, p = .004). The interaction term for praise seeking × age predicted altruistic behavior toward friends (β = −.07, 95% CI = [−13, −.01], p = .03), whereas the interaction term for rejection avoidance × age was not significant (β = −.06, 95% CI = [−.12, .004], p = .07). Finally, for altruistic behavior toward strangers, the interaction term for reputation concern × age did not explain a significant proportion of variance (ΔR2 = .002, F (2, 864) = 0.94, p = .39).
Because the interaction term for praise seeking × age was significant for altruistic behavior toward family and friends, we estimated the slopes from age-adjusted praise seeking to altruistic behavior toward family and friends and calculated their 95% confidence bands and regions of significance (Figure 1). Note that age is presented in its original unit scale. The results indicate that the effect of praise seeking on altruistic behavior directed toward family shows a significant positive slope from 15 to 24.45 years of age. Similarly, the effect of praise seeking on altruistic behavior toward friends presents a significant positive slope from 15 to 43.37 years of age. Johnson-Neyman confidence bands and regions of significance for the relationship between praise seeking and altruistic behavior moderated by age. Note. Shaded regions represent 95% confidence bands. The slope values are standardized.
Discussion
Reputation is crucial for understanding the mechanisms underlying complex and dynamic social interactions in human society (Nowak & Sigmund, 2005). Altruistic behavior is driven by the motivation not only to benefit others, but also to maintain and enhance one’s own reputation (Wu et al., 2016). Focusing on individual differences in reputational concern can help us understand why some individuals act more altruistically than others, but evidence on these relationships, especially accounting for differences by age, is lacking.
Here, we examined whether the relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior varies with age. Specifically, this study adapted a multidimensional approach to comprehensively examine the relationship between two aspects of reputational concern (praise seeking and rejection avoidance) and altruistic behavior toward various targets (family, friends, and strangers) during adolescence and adulthood. Results indicated that praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward family were positively correlated only during 15–24.45 years of age, and that praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward friends were positively correlated only during 15–43.37 years of age. Consistent with previous research (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018), praise seeking was positively associated with altruistic behavior toward strangers, but the relationship did not differ by age. There were also no age-related differences in the relationship between rejection avoidance and altruistic behavior toward any recipient.
This study found that the relationship between praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward family differed by age. We predicted that praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward family would not be related and that their relationship would not differ by age. Previous study with adults also showed that praise seeking was not associated with altruistic behavior toward family (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018), but our study observed this relationship only during 15–24.45 years of age. One interpretation is that young people during this period were still financially and emotionally dependent on their families and could benefit from positive evaluations (e.g., receiving an allowance and permission to play games) by acting altruistically. On the other hand, after early adulthood, the relationship between praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward family may diminish, because they become less dependent on their families and their altruism toward family is influenced by factors other than reputation, such as closeness to family. Future studies should examine these relationships in more detail, including the influence of family relationships.
Rejection avoidance was positively correlated with altruistic behavior toward family, but did not differ by age. Given that previous studies have shown that rejection avoidance is not associated with altruistic behavior toward family, this result is unexpected and difficult to explain. The reason for this inconsistency may be due to differences in the target age range. While the previous study included only adults, the present study included a wide age range from adolescence to adulthood. In adolescents, fear of rejection by parents may lead to a greater tendency to seek approval through active altruistic behavior toward family. Thus, differences in age structure may have caused the inconsistency in the results. However, this interpretation requires caution, because no interaction between rejection avoidance and age was observed.
Our results showed that the relationship between praise seeking and altruistic behavior toward friends differed by age. Although previous research has shown that praise seeking is associated with altruistic behavior toward friends (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018), we found that this relationship is actually limited to 15–43.37 years of age. Young people in adolescence and early adulthood place a high value on friendships and seek to acquire a good reputation in order to maintain them. Interestingly, the present study also showed that the relationship persisted into middle adulthood, indicating that praise seeking plays an important role in friendships over the long term. This suggests that reputational concerns are an important predictor of altruistic behavior from late adolescence to around middle adulthood. On the other hand, praise seeking was not related to altruistic behavior toward friends in middle adulthood and beyond. These results may be due to age-related differences in the factors that drive altruistic behavior. For example, in middle adulthood and beyond, people spend more time with close persons and are more likely to prioritize the well-being of others (Fung et al., 1999; Sparrow et al., 2021). This implies that pure altruism that prioritizes the well-being of others, rather than altruism motivated by concern for others’ reputations, predominates after middle adulthood. These findings highlight the importance of examining how the motivations and values underlying altruistic behavior vary across development and provide insight into the nature of human altruism.
In contrast, the relationship between rejection avoidance and altruistic behavior toward friends did not differ by age, contrary to our prediction. Previous study with adults found that rejection avoidance and altruistic behavior toward friends were not related (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018). In contrast, young people are more likely to engage in risky and illegal behaviors when accompanied by friends, which is driven by rejection avoidance (Blakemore, 2018; Tomova et al., 2021). Given the strong influence of rejection avoidance on friendship relationships in adolescence and early adulthood, we expected that young people with high levels of rejection avoidance would not only engage in risky and illegal behaviors, but also in altruistic behaviors toward friends. However, this prediction was not supported. Previous study suggests that to avoid rejection by others, it is sufficient to inhibit behaviors that are perceived negatively by others (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018). Therefore, rejection avoidance may not have been associated with altruistic behavior toward friends, regardless of age. This observation highlights the importance of considering the value of the behavior when examining the effects of reputational concerns. Future studies should examine the relationship between reputational concerns and selfish and problem behaviors in adolescence and adulthood and determine whether developmental differences differ by type of reputational concern (i.e., praise seeking and rejection avoidance).
Consistent with previous findings, we found that altruistic behavior toward strangers was positively associated with praise seeking and negatively associated with rejection avoidance, but that these relationships did not vary with age. This supports the idea that altruism toward distant recipients such as strangers is primarily motivated by future benefits derived from a good reputation and is unlikely to change with age (Berman & Silver, 2022; Lin-Healy & Small, 2012). In addition, Altruistic behavior toward strangers could be negatively correlated with rejection avoidance because it sometimes leads to a bad reputation (Parks & Stone, 2010). Thus, the results are consistent with previous findings and explanations.
This study is one of the few to comprehensively examine the relationship between individual differences in two aspects of reputational concern (praise seeking and rejection avoidance) and altruistic behavior. Previous studies with adults have shown that praise seeking and rejection avoidance are differentially associated with altruistic behavior (Kawamura & Kusumi, 2018). This study replicated these findings and emphasized the importance of distinguishing between praise seeking and rejection avoidance. Furthermore, our results showed that the relationship between praise seeking, but not rejection avoidance, and altruistic behavior differed by age. This indicates that praise seeking and rejection avoidance influence altruistic behavior through different mechanisms, as well as that praise seeking influences altruistic behavior differently depending on age. This study examined the relationship between reputational concerns and altruistic behavior across a broad age range from late adolescence to late adulthood, and suggested that there are developmental differences in the determinants and motivators of altruism. These findings highlight the need to incorporate not only an individual differences perspective but also a developmental perspective in understanding the role of reputation in the formation and maintenance of complex altruistic interactions in human society.
Adolescence is a period of dynamic and dramatic biological, psychological, and social change, and thus needs to provide actionable insights to support their positive development (Dahl et al., 2018; Steinberg, 2013). Our findings can be used to support adaptive interpersonal skills during adolescence and early adulthood are a period of dynamic and dramatic biological, psychological, and social change, and thus needs to provide actionable insights to support their positive development (Dahl et al., 2018; Steinberg, 2013). Specifically, it is important to effectively leverage the need for approval to promote altruistic behaviors in adolescence and early adulthood. Focusing on the psychological needs of adolescents who desire approval from family and friends and providing opportunities to obtain approval may promote altruistic behaviors. Thus, the findings of this study provide new insights into how to reduce potential risks and develop positive relationships with others during adolescence and early adulthood.
There were several limitations to this study that should be addressed in future studies. First, our findings relied on subjective reports. Thus, it is unclear whether the frequency of altruistic behaviors reported by participants corresponds to their actual behaviors. Future studies should attempt to replicate our findings using measures of actual altruistic behavior, such as resource allocation tasks. Second, because we only collected cross-sectional data, it is not possible to establish a causal relationship. Future research should collect longitudinal data to determine how the relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior changes over time. Third, this study did not include participants under the age of 15. In this study, we focused on the transition from late adolescence to early adulthood, when reputational concerns and altruistic behavior are more closely linked. However, young people in early and middle adolescence are also strongly influenced by others (Ahmed et al., 2020; Blakemore, 2018). Therefore, to fully understand the relationship between reputational concerns and altruistic behavior from a developmental perspective, we should have included young people under the age of 15. Future studies should include younger generations and examine the findings of this study in more detail.
Despite these limitations, this is the first study to demonstrate that the relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior varies with age. Our findings highlight the importance of incorporating a developmental perspective when examining the relationship between reputational concerns, particularly praise seeking, and altruistic behavior, and provide new insights into the underlying mechanisms that shape human sociality. We hope to provide further insight into these relationships by examining causal relationships in the future.
Supplemental Material
Supplemental Material - Relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior in adolescence and adulthood
Supplemental Material for Relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior in adolescence and adulthood by Ryuji Oguni, Chiaki Hagiwara and Tadahiro Shimotsukasa in Personality Science
Supplemental Material
Supplemental Material - Relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior in adolescence and adulthood
Supplemental Material for Relationship between reputational concern and altruistic behavior in adolescence and adulthood by Ryuji Oguni, Chiaki Hagiwara and Tadahiro Shimotsukasa in Personality Science
Footnotes
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Acknowledgements
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Author contributions
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported by Research Support Program for Institute of Human Sciences Exploratory Project at Ritsumeikan University.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
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