Abstract
During the May Fourth/New Culture Movement, Confucianism's decline fueled the rise of scientism among Chinese intellectuals. However, cultural conservatives, especially the New Confucian School led by Liang Shuming (梁漱溟1893–1988), strongly opposed this trend. Liang argued that blind faith in science led to the devastation of World War I and the erosion of human dignity. He viewed the spread of scientism in China as spiritually harmful, causing societal polarization and undermining cultural traditions. To address this, he advocated restoring Confucian ritual (li 禮) and music (yue 樂) to cultivate moral integrity. This study explores how Liang Shuming applied Confucian rites and music to heal the harm caused by scientific supremacy. It examined his critique of scientific supremacy's impact on Chinese society, his defense of Confucianism during the May Fourth/New Culture Movement, and the role of Confucian rites and music in counteracting uncritical science worship. Finally, the study concludes the relevance of Liang's New Confucian vision to today's science and technology-driven world.
Introduction
During the time of May Fourth and New Culture Movement, various ideological trends clashed and converged across China. Amidst this intellectual upheaval, Mr. Democracy and Mr. Science became the favorite Western values among Chinese intellectual community. When the slogan “Overthrow Confucius and Sons” (da dao kong jia dian打到孔家店) (Chow, 1960, p. 307) echoed nationwide, a large number of liberal-minded intellectuals believed that these two ideals, Democracy and Science, could save China.
As liberal intellectuals critiqued Confucian traditions, a fervent worship of science emerged in intellectual circles. Figures like Hu Shih (胡適1891–1962), Ding Wenjiang (丁文江1887–1936), and Ren Hongjuan (任鸿隽1886–1964) embraced this new ideal with near-religious devotion. They firmly believe that adhering to scientific values would resolve all of China's problems.
When scientism rose to dominate the Chinese intellectual community, a group of conservative scholars represented by Liang Qichao(梁啟超1873–1929), Zhang Junmai張君勱1887–1969, and Zhang Dongsun (張東蓀1886–1973) emerged to counter the fervent worship of science. They argued that modern scientific thought could not serve as the primary principle guiding the life of philosophy (metaphysics). This ideological divergence directly led to a spirited debate in 1923 between liberal and conservative intellectuals on the topics of science and metaphysics.
Although Liang Shuming (梁漱溟1893–1988) did not directly join the debate, he aligned with anti-scientism scholars. As a staunch defender of Confucianism, he dedicated his life to exploring its truths and advocating for the revival of rituals and music, confident that Confucianism could cure the harm caused by scientific supremacy.
Of note, previous works, such as Chang Hao (張顥)'s chapter “New Confucian and Its Intellectual Crisis of Contemporary China” in the volume The Limits of Change, have already explored how New Confucians, including Liang Shuming, responded to scientism (Chang, 1976). In this chapter, Chang's discourse was framed within the context of intellectual history (Chang, 1976). By contrast, the present study approaches Liang Shuming's reaction against scientism from the perspective of educational studies. Specifically, it investigates Liang's response to scientism through Confucian learning with a focus on ritual and music.
In this respect, this inquiry centers on a key question: How can Confucian education heal the wounds inflicted by the worship of science? The analysis begins with Liang's critique of scientific supremacy in China, followed by his defense of Confucianism against iconoclastic attacks. It then highlights his view of ritual and music as a form of humanistic education designed to counterbalance the intellectual obsession with science. The conclusion reflects on the relevance of Liang's vision for today's science- and technology-driven society and education.
Liang Shuming's Response to the Rise of Scientism 1
The Dispute Between Science and Metaphysics
Most historians believe that since the Opium War (1840), the Chinese journey to learn from Western civilization can be roughly divided into three stages (Feng et al., 1990). The first stage, represented by the Self-Strengthening Movement (1865–1895), focused on introducing Western military industry and technology. The second stage began with the Reform Movement (1898) led by Kang Youwei (康有為1858–1927)and Liang Qichao (梁啟超1873–1929) after China's defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, during which learning Western political systems became the primary goal. The May Fourth New Culture Movement marked the third stage of learning from the West. During this period, Chinese intellectuals eagerly absorbed Western ideas and culture, particularly advocating the values of democracy and science (Chow, 1960).
Unlike Western scholars, who often pursue scientific truth for its own sake, the Chinese intellectuals of the May Fourth New Culture Movement viewed science as a crucial tool for national salvation, as well as a solid foundation to create a new cultural system for Chinese people (Wang, 2012; Wu, 2012; Xu, 2009). As a representative figure of the Chinese iconoclasts during the May Fourth period, Chen Duxiu (陳獨秀1879–1942) (1917/2009) announced in “Revisiting the issue of Confucianism” (zailun kongjiao wenti 再论孔教问题): The future evolution of humanity should follow the science that is just beginning to sprout today and gradually develop. By correcting all man-made laws to give them the same validity as the laws of nature, only then will the universe and human life truly harmonize. Is this not our greatest ultimate goal?… On the contrary, I believe that for religion to bring liberation, one must first deceive oneself in order to find relief—this is not true liberation. Only science can genuinely resolve doubt. Therefore, I advocate replacing religion with science to cultivate a true form of belief; though the path may be slow, it will ultimately be achieved. (Vol. 1, p. 278) If indeed divine beings presided over the myriad phenomena of the universe, creating and destroying according to their will, why have they not deviated from the laws established by science over such an extended period (Vol.1, p.420) In the past thirty years, one term has achieved a position of almost supreme dignity in the country. Regardless of whether people understand it or not, and regardless of whether they are traditionalists or reformists, no one dares to openly express contempt or mockery towards it. That term is ‘science’…Since the China initiated reform and modernization (bian fa wei xin 變法維新) [since 19th century], no one who considers themselves a new figure has dared to openly slander ‘science’.(p.8) Scientific method has been adopted by scientists to achieve great accomplishment in the natural world. Therefore, we can expand its influence to other fields. We need to treat science as a religious beacon for humanity, which can award us an honest mind and instrument for exploring the truth of the world, as well as a strong will and the skills to illuminate human virtue. (p. 202)
In summary, the views of Chen Duxiu, Hu Shi, and Ding Wenjiang have roughly outlined the contours of the scientism fervently embraced by intellectuals during the May Fourth period: science was seen as capable of guiding all aspects of human life, imbued with a sacred and exalted status in Chinese society. In the meantime, from the pro-scientism perspective, science and tradition are seen as fundamentally opposed. As a result, they argued that science must fill the intellectual void left by the collapse of Confucian ideology after the fall of the imperial system, assuming a new dominant role in guiding Chinese society.
Based on these principles, most pro-scientism scholars sought to re-evaluate Chinese tradition, including Confucian texts, through the lens of scientific research. They viewed classical Chinese knowledge as lifeless and objective, with value only in its scientific categorization or dismissal as a “historical fossil” (Mao, 1919).
The rise of scientism among modern Chinese intellectuals was met with criticism from cultural conservatives, who saw it as a harmful Western influence. For example, Liang Qichao, in his Reflections on My Travels in Europe (1919) (Ouyou xinying lu歐遊心影錄), observed the aftermath of war in Europe and criticized Westerns’ obsession with scientism. He argued that this fixation led to a neglect of spiritual life and an unrelenting pursuit of wealth and power, ultimately contributing to the war's devastation (Grieder, 1983). Reflecting on these events, Liang (1920/1997) concluded that “The Europeans had a grand dream of the omnipotence of science, but now they are waking up to the bankruptcy of science.” (p. 2974)
During 1920s, Liang Qichao's point of view was firmly followed by a group of Chinese cultural conservatists, most of whom pointed out that no matter how developed science became, it could never solve significant issues related to the philosophy of life or an outlook on life (ren sheng guan人生觀). In response to the liberal intellectuals’ emphasis on the supremacy of science, the political theorist Zhang Junmai(張君勱1887–1969) (1923/2008) argued that science is based on objective principles, grounded in precise theories, analysis, and logical reasoning. He contrasted this with the philosophy of life, which he viewed as subjective, intuitive, and linked to human free will. Zhang asserted that matters related to the philosophy of life fall outside the scope of science and should instead belong to the realm of “metaphysics”(xuan xue 玄學) (Zhang, 1923/2008). 2
Echoing Zhang Junmai, Lin Zaiping (林宰平1879–1960) (1923/2008), a professor of philosophy at Tsinghua University, acknowledged the benefits of science in shaping one's philosophy of life but opposed the notion that philosophy should be entirely governed by science. Similarly, philosopher Zhang Dongsun (張東蓀1886–1973) (1923/2008) argued that while science excels in empirical research, it cannot fully explain human existence and spiritual life.
Overall, the early 1920s debate on science and metaphysics reflected intellectual divisions between traditionalism and liberalism, as well as free will and mechanistic determinism (Zhang, 2023). 3 Despite the prevalence of the scientific school in both participation and social influence, the metaphysical school's concerns remain profound: blind adherence to science may fracture the humanistic realm and weaken spirituality. Although Liang Shuming was not directly involved in the debate, his reflections offered a deeper and more systematic cultural critiques than Liang Qichao, Zhang Junmai, and Zhang Dongsun regarding the “side effects” of scientism on Chinese society and thought. His work, The Cultures of East and West and Their Philosophies, along with other writings, provides valuable insight into his views on Western civilization and scientism.
It is worth noting that The Cultures of East and West and Their Philosophies laid the foundational basis for Liang Shuming's lifelong scholarship. Whether in Liang's later works such as The Theory of Rural Reconstruction or The Essentials of Chinese Culture, the theoretical origins and key concepts embedded in these writings can be traced back to Eastern and Western Cultures and Their Philosophies. Moreover, as Kowk's work Scientism in Chinese Thought (1965) pointed out, before the public outbreak of the science-metaphysics debate, Liang Shuming had already been promoting metaphysics at Peiking University. According to Kwok (1965), Liang's The Cultures of East and West and Their Philosophies can be regarded as one of the preclude to the debate.
Liang Shuming's Critique of Scientific Supremacy
Amid the May Fourth period's anti-traditionalism and enthusiasm for scientism, in response to attacks on Chinese tradition, Liang Shuming published The Cultures of East and West and Their Philosophies (Dongxifang wenhua jiqi zhexue 東西方文化及其哲學) in late 1921 4 , where he (1922/1989a) defined culture as “a way of life,” with “life” representing the relationship between individuals and their environment (p. 352). For Liang, culture is shaped by will. It is important to point out that Liang's discourse follows the path of culture-life-will (Liang, 1922/1989a), and this will-driven human life led to the diversification of world cultures (Liang, 1922/1989a).
Following this line of thinking, Liang categorized world civilization into three types: Western culture, Chinese culture, and Indian culture. He aimed to reveal the subtle differences among them using a distinctive theoretical framework known as “the Reappearance of Three Cultural Periods” (wenhua san qi shuo 文化三期說) (Liang, 1922/1989a, p.525).
Following such a theory, Liang argued that Western culture represents the first stage in the evolution of human civilization. In this stage, human's wills are primarily driven by instinctual survival motives, pursuing the fulfillment of material desires (Lin, 2009). He (1922/1989a) conceptualized: Westernization is fundamentally driven by the spirit of striving to demand and move forward. In other words, Westernization is the spirit of forward advancement, which gave rise to the two brilliant cultural phenomena of ‘Science’ and ‘Democracy’. (p.353)
In line with their emphasis on rationality and calculation, the West found it necessary to establish democracy and constitutional governance as mechanism to settle down such conflicts and disputes. (Liang, 1922/1989a) Thus, either scientism or democratism can be seen as a by-product of Western civilization.
In contrast, Liang held that Chinese culture lacks of a solid cultural foundation for modern science to take root and flourish (Liang, 1922/1989a). To make his argument more persuasive, Liang (1922/1989a) intentionally contrasted the daily lives of the East and the West: Although we [Chinese] also engage in ironworking, steelmaking, making gunpowder, woodworking, stonemasonry, and constructing houses and bridges, our work primarily relies on the ‘craftsmanship’ passed down by artisans. In contrast, the West bases everything on science, systematically organizing fragmented experiences and incomplete learning into a body of knowledge through a particular method, entirely separating it from ‘craftsmanship’ …This distinction between science and craftsmanship appears in both industrial and agricultural production…When comparing Chinese and Western civilizations, one can see the confrontation between science and craftsmanship everywhere. (p.354)
In short, Liang appears to adopt a perspective akin to cultural relativism in his analysis of Western and Chinese cultures. 5 He (1922/1989a) firmly believed that Chinese culture possessed its own attributes and characteristics, which cannot be arbitrarily assessed based on Western criteria. From Liang's perspective, the roots of Eastern and Western cultures are fundamentally different, belonging to distinct civilization system. Therefore, they cannot blindly imitate each other (Liang, 1922/1989a).
Of note, Liang Shuming (1922/1989a) acknowledged that, in order to address China's weakened state since the Opium War, it was essential not to completely reject the cultural assets of Western culture. In particular, with regard to improving material wealth and the reforming societal institutions, he (1922/1989a) believed that both science and democracy could play an effective role in empowering the Chinese nation.
However, Liang Shuming's approval of Western culture should not be overstated. He denounced the spiritual and human perils of scientism-driven western culture on humanity. In his lecture called “The Current Position of the Chinese Nation” (Zhongguo minzu jinri suo chu zhi diwei中國民族今日所處之地位), Liang (1922/1989b) criticized: In terms of spirit, at this moment [after World War I], Westerners are deeply exhausted, having pushed too far on the path of relentless progress and ambition, resulting in profound distress. Along this journey, rationality has played a dominant role, leading to identification, calculations, and selections that have resulted in various scientific successes. However, it has left people spiritually fatigued and troubled. They see nature not as a coherent and fascinating whole, but as fragmented and composed of tiny particles… The relationship between humanity and nature, initially characterized by confrontation and separation, gradually became fragmented. Over time, this division has become a great source of spiritual suffering for humanity. (Vol.4, p.662)
Liang Shuming's Defense of Confucian Tradition 6
Guided by the theory of the Reappearance of Three Cultural Periods, Liang analyzed that compared to Western culture, which he viewed as the prototype of the first stage in the evolution of world civilization, Chinese culture represents “the second stage, one that embraces the middle path and seeks to harmonize the relationship between humans and the environment” (Liang, 1922/1989a, p. 382).
This style of cultural model is rooted in self-adjustment, self-sufficiency, and the cultivation of inner peace (Liang, 1922/1989a). In Liang's view (1922/1989a), compared with the West, Chinese culture had never prioritized the invention and advancement of science and technology; instead, it devoted its energy to developing a profound system of ethics and morality.
In other words, before experiencing the first stage, centered on material well-being and rationality, China had already proceeded to the second stage characterized by the pursuit of equilibrium with nature. As Liang argued, “by balancing their desires with the environment, the Chinese people could attain profound spiritual happiness despite material poverty” (Liang, 1922/1989a, p.383). In a sense, Liang characterized Chinese culture as a “premature” culture (Liang, 1922/1989a, p. 526).
Based on this conviction, Liang held that although Chinese culture could not generate democracy and science in the way the West did, the Chinese lifestyle, with its focus on cultivating inner peace and sustaining a harmonious social order, was morally superior to what he regarded as the West's deplorable obsession with material progress (Liang, 1922/1989a).
In Liang's vision (1922/1989a), Indian culture represents the “third stage of cultural evolution,” where people seek enlightenment inwardly (pp.382–383). He (1922/1989a) observed that Indian culture attaches great importance to religious life and regards the world “as an illusion, with self-denial and austerity at its core” (p.383). Personally, Liang (1922/1989a) deeply admired the Indian's way of coping with suffering through transcendence and detachment. As Thierry Meynard (2023) pointed out, “For Liang, facing the question of suffering, only India people have found the correct attitude; they are not concerned about their life, enclosed by their suffering…” (p. 118)
Nevertheless, as China's national crisis worsened, Liang (1922/1989a) believed that the urgent task was to save the country and stabilize society. In this regard, Indian culture, which strongly encouraged people to quit from world affairs, was incompatible with pressing needs of the Chinese nation. Accordingly, Liang cautioned that for the sake of China's national salvation, it should avoid following India's path of societal withdrawal.
A noteworthy point here is that the Chinese culture discussed by Liang Shuming in his Cultures of East and West and Their Philosophies is largely represented by the Confucian tradition and thought (1922/1989a). During the May Fourth New Culture Movement, when the call to “Overthrow Confucius and sons” was at its peak, Liang sought, through this work, to defend and reassert the value of Confucianism.
As one of the founders of the New Confucianism school 7 , Liang (1974/1989) argued that anti-traditionalist intellectuals’ critiques of Confucianism were arbitrary and excessive, asserting it was unfair to attribute all of China's failures since the late nineteenth century solely to Confucian tradition. Conversely, he (1974/1989) maintained that influenced by Confucian thought, China historically avoided the religious theocratic rule that prevailed in medieval Europe, allowing its academic ideas were free from religious oppression. In Liang's view (1974/1989), this was a significant merit of Confucianism that most Chinese iconoclasts failed to acknowledge.
Responding to critiques from Chinese iconoclasts about the oppressive aspects of Confucian tradition during the May Fourth period, Liang offered a reinterpretation of Confucianism. He explained that, since the Song dynasty, Confucianism's transformation into a rigid official ideology had stripped it of its vitality and joy for life (Liang, 1974/1989). In this sense, the dogmatic Confucian value system became a “spiritual opium” used by emperors to control the minds of the Chinese people (Liang, 1974/1989).
Liang (1923/1989a) added: What Confucius's critics want to attack is ‘Three Cardinal Bonds and Five Ethical Webs’ (san gang wu chang 三綱五常).They regarded these things as the essence of Confucianism. In fact, all of them (san gang wu chang) have nothing to do with the truth of Confucianism. (p.770)
In light of the Great War's devasting impact on Western civilization,
Liang (1922/1989a) predicted that it would be a pivotal moment for the West to choose a different cultural path. That is, He believed that only Confucianism-linked Chinese culture could claim the role of guiding the West forward. Thus, he (1922/1989a) announced confidently in The Cultures of East and West and Their Philosophies: I really have a sympathetic feeling about Westerners. They have been suffering material poverty [after the war]and desiring to revive their spiritual life. However, their spiritual life is only derived from Hebrew civilization. Because the Westerners cannot take through this restriction, I never heard that they eventually achieved ‘Dao.’ Should not we lead them to Confucius's path? (p. 543)
Confucian-style Ritual and Music as a Counterbalance to Scientism
Liang Shuming's Interpretation of Ren
The May Fourth/New Culture movement, though challenging for cultural conservatists, offered them an unparallel opportunity to reform Confucianism (Yang, 2024). Liang Shuming sought to “modernize” Confucianism by drawing on the Henri Bergson's vitalism, which criticized rigid scientific concepts and advocated for a more dynamic, intuitive philosophy (Liang, 1922/1989a), Inspired by Bergson's anti-scientific stance, Liang believed that the Westerner philosophy could “help pave the way for a uniquely Chinese mode of thought” (p.445). He saw parallels between Bergson's philosophy and Confucianism, both viewing life as a continuous vital force guided by intuition rather than rationality and interest calculation (Alitto, 1979; Liang, 1922/1989a). As Liang (1922/1989a) wrote: Let us now look at another principle that Confucius derived from ‘metaphysics’. His advice on this issue is simple: it is best not to worry. Your fundamental mistake is in trying to find a reason and calculating your way forward. If you approach it with calculation, neither harmony nor discord will be right…But if you stop trying to measure and calculate every step, everything will naturally fall into place…Therefore, Confucius said that ‘the will of heaven is our natural disposition, following our disposition is the Dao’ (tianming zhi wei xing, shuaixing zhi wei dao天命之謂性，率性之謂道). As long as you act according to your nature, that's enough. This is why it is said that any common couple can be in harmony with wisdom and ability. This wisdom and ability should be what Mencius called the liangzhi (innate knowledge) that comes without deliberation, and the liangneng (innate ability) that comes without formal learning. Today, we refer to this as intuition. (p.452) The way of life that most contradicts ren (仁) is a life of constant calculation. Ren is full of vitality and life, but once one starts calculating, that vitality is lost. This vitality is the natural outflow of love, respect, and all kinds of virtuous actions that arise spontaneously…(p.461)
In Liang's vision, in addition to persistently cultivating virtuous intuition, a gentleman must also profoundly understand the essence of happiness within the Confucian framework if he really wishes to maintain his commitment to “pursuit of ren.” The following paragraph, cited from Liang's works (1922/1989a), might help us appreciate the deeper meaning of Confucian-style happiness. Ordinary people follow a path of calculation, always using certain means to achieve their ends. As a result, they feel joy only when they obtain what they seek…Confucius, however, was different. He did not rely on calculated pursuits or attach his desires to external things, so he was free from a sense of gain and loss. His life was full of vitality, his spirit naturally joyful and lively. He felt contented from within, without needing anyone else, and never had a moment of unhappiness…For him, the concept of worry was entirely absent, and his heart was always filled with happiness. (p.464) As Confucius said, ‘The consummate conducts (ren) are not anxious; the wise (zhi) are not in a quandary; the courageous (yong) are not timid.’ (Renzhewuyou, zhizhebuhuo, yongzhebuju仁者無憂，智者不惑，勇者不懼)…When [people] understand the meaning of happiness, [they] can understand the meaning of ‘ren.’ It is often said by the scholars of the Song and Ming dynasties that one should seek ‘the place of happiness enjoyed by Confucius and Yan Hui’ (kong yan le chu孔顏樂處)
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, and that is indeed correct. (p.464) Using the [joyful] life philosophies of Confucius and Yan Hui to address the frustrations and dilemmas faced by today's youth, one by one, guiding them onto a path forward… Only by illuminating and transforming the Chinese [Confucian] approach to life can we revive the lifeless and stagnant spirit of the people. This revival must come from within, igniting genuine vitality…Someone viewed the New Culture Movement, which emerged from the May Fourth Movement, as the renaissance of Chinese civilization. In reality, this movement merely reflects the rise of Westernization in China. How can we regard it as a true renaissance of Chinese civilization? The true renaissance of Chinese civilization should be rooted in the restoration of Chinese people's life of philosophy [in Confucianism], and only what I am advocating can truly fulfill this cause. (p.539)
Confucian Rites and Music in Liang's View 9
Liang Shuming's strong advocacy for rites-and-music-based Confucian education stemmed from his understanding of the cultural divergence between China and the West, leading to distinct paths of educational and scholarly development (Liang, 1937/1989a). Liang remarked: “Western scholarship, with its fundamental methodology and perspective, is fixed, scientific, mathematical, and analytical” (p. 131). For Liang (1937/1989b), “This style of scholarship emerged as a mechanism to apply wisdom outward” (p.133), and “the most important aspect of scientific method is to objectify all things” (p.133).
In keeping with this notion, Liang questioned the compatibility of the Western-oriented modern education that had gradually been introduced to China since the late Qing period, with the social conditions of contemporary China, which were still largely based on an agricultural foundation. Liang (1937/1989d) expressed: [Sine late 19th century]…China's educational reforms was focused on specialized knowledge and skills, aiming to remedy the past weakness by adopting Western practical learning. Moreover, the [Chinese] school system was modeled after the West, where science-based education was the core. As a result, over the past thirty years, the educational atmosphere [ in our country] has not undergone significant change, still emphasizing ‘the desire for [practical] knowledge.’ Yet, the outcome is that this ‘practical learning’ education has not produced effective results, and science [in China] has not advanced as expected. Why is this the case? (Vol.4, p.340) …Within the new school system, our students easily develop an urban way of life. In cities, they are totally alienated from the lifestyle and interest of the masses…[Through new education], they [students] merely learned some awkward English and fragmented subjects like mathematics and chemistry, which are unrelated to their real lives. In doing so, they don’t have ample opportunities to acquire any basic knowledge of rural life…They know little about farm labor… (Vol. 4, p. 837).
Consequently, Liang recognized that the Western-style education system, grounded in science and rationality, failed to meet China's needs (1937/1989a). He maintained that modern Chinese education must remain closely connected to China's inherent culture.
In Liang's discourse (1937/1989a), Confucianism-based Chinese scholarship, in stark contrast with Western scholarship, “emphasizes the inward cultivation of wisdom, characterized by a dynamic, metaphysical, and comprehensive methodology and perspective” (p. 131). This approach relies on rites and music to realize its principles and cultivate inner wisdom, emotion, and intuition (Liang, 1922/1989a).
Liang (1922/1989a) argued: … While advocating Confucian filial piety and brotherly respect is one aspect, merely promoting these values without deeper engagement is ineffective. Human beings are originally governed by instinct and intuition. If you simply repeat good words to them without bringing about any fundamental change in their emotional impulses, it will not only be unhelpful… The only truly effective remedy lies in rites and music. Rites and music are not just anything; they specifically act on emotions, influencing our true life from the realm of intuition. (p.468)
For instance, when it comes to education, Confucius was not inclined to categorize subjects into specialized fields of study. Instead, according to the Analects of Confucius, the Master treated poetry, rites, and music as an amalgamation
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that carry profound “metaphysical” significance, focusing on cultivating a transformative power capable of turning an ordinary person into a Confucian exemplary individual. Concerning the “metaphysical” aspect of Confucian education, Liang (1922/1989a) addressed: All religious practitioners know how to spread and instill their religion by utilizing basic human instincts. That is, each religion has its own rites and music. However, Confucius's view of rites and music is very different from others because of its uniquely metaphysical foundation. Confucius not only enriches people's emotions but, more importantly, bring them into a state of harmony and moderation. (p.468) The greatest strength of humanity lies in rationality and intelligence, the ability to calculate and measure…However, the greatest danger to humanity is that rationality and intelligence can lead life into coldness, stagnation, and numbness… In ancient China, there was a grand creation that everyone knew and valued: rites and music. While I do not know exactly how the ancient rites and music were, I imagine they were designed to prevent life from becoming cold, stagnant, or numb. The purpose of rites and music was to make life feel like a performance—an art form in which everyone could participate…The entire private and public life could be transformed into a form of rites and music, turning life itself into a performance. In doing so, this approach can save humanity from this great danger. (Vol.2, p.138) The Chinese peasants, oppressed by their environment and constrained by the struggle for survival, are often preoccupied with calculating their immediate gains… If the peasants have no future, then Chinese society has no hope. But how can we make the peasants more vibrant and increase their vitality, preventing them from falling into despair and decline?… Now, Chinese peasants urgently need music and poetry that suits them, and they need opera to teach them to sing. If such music, poetry, or opera do not reach the countryside, the peasants’ lives will remain stagnant and fragmented, and they may eventually lead themselves to ruin. To save China's peasants and rescue Chinese society from its misfortune, we must bring music, poetry, and opera that resonate with the peasant environment and emotions to the people. (Vol.2, pp.139–140)
Liang Shuming's Educational Practice
The “village compact” historically referred to an autonomous rural organization in ancient China, typically led by the gentry, designed to uphold shared moral and societal standards. During the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127), Confucian scholar Lü Dajun (吕大钧, 1031–1082) established the first such organization, based on four principles: “mutual encouragement of virtue and work” (德業相勸), “mutual correction of faults” (過失相規), “interaction through rites and customs” (禮俗相交), and “mutual aid in times of hardship” (患難相恤) (Liang, 1937/1989c, p. 321).
Modeled on the old heritage, Liang (1937/1989c) advocated for the development of “new rites and customs” (xin li su新禮俗) (p. 276) that could shift the traditional focus on ethical relationships toward a more revolutionary bond between the individual and society, forming a “collective life” (tuan ti sheng huo團體生活) (p. 382, 388, 400, 403). To achieve this goal, Liang innovatively transformed the concept of xiang yue (village compact) into the Peasant School (xiang nong xue xiao鄉農學校) in Zhouping (Ma, 1993). By removing the dogmatic aspects of the traditional village compact, the school community sought to retain its core components of moral education and cultural transmission (Liang, 1922/1989a).
Liang's ambitious plan about reforming rural education based on the tradition of rites and music can be exemplified by his revival of the custom of academic lectures (jiang xue講學) within the Peasant School. Historically, as one of the most prevalent teaching methods in the ancient learning academies (shuyuan書院) during the period of Song and Ming dynasties, the custom of academic lectures (jiang xue講學) served as an optimized channel for infusing the Confucian spirit of rites and music among students.
Confucius himself exemplified the ideal practitioner of the jiang xue teaching style. As the Analects (1999) shows, he often played the lute and sang verses from The Book of Songs, creating a harmonious atmosphere that promoted learning through a balance of thought, emotion, and connection. This dynamic, based on mutual respect and the shared goal of cultivating virtue and wisdom, embodies the essence of the academic jiang xue tradition.
A noteworthy point is that Confucian scholars tended to view the tradition of rites and music in a broad sense. For most of Confucian disciples, the unity of rites and music does not merely refer to the practice of ancestral rituals, the performance of music and songs, or the chanting of poetry. Rather, the combination of both elements suggested deeper implications relevant to culture, philosophy, life, and social institutions.
In a sense, Liang (1932/1989) viewed jiang xue as a pivotal part of the organization of village compact, which could actualize a Confucian philosophy of life in his rural reconstruction by integrating artistic spirit with the residents’ everyday lives. As Liang planed (1932/1989), singing and music played an important part in the curriculum of the Peasantry School to inspire the vitality of the peasants. Local residents were even encouraged to practice singing during their farmer works. Simultaneously, to reform social customs, Liang's team organized local residents into opera groups, exhorting them to reject opium, gambling, and prostitutes (Ma, 1993).
Among Liang's rural reconstruction efforts, the daily morning gatherings (zhao hui 朝会), adapted from the ancient jiang xue model, best embodied esthetic education rooted in Confucian rites and music. These gatherings brought teachers and students together to share insights on an array of topics, including personal life, local customs, education, friendships, moral cultivation, and national salvation (Ma, 1993).
Simply put, participants rose before dawn and sat in a circle outdoors. A silent self-reflection period preceded the gathering, which began with a brief speech by a lead teacher, followed by open discussions among students Liang (1932/1989).
Here is a vivid description from Liang about how the atmosphere of zhao hui subtly affected the participants (1932/1989): In winter, when the sky is about to lighten but is still dim, after everyone gets up, we sit in a circle on the platform. The scattered stars and the waning moon hang leisurely in the sky. The mountains and rivers, the entire world, are all in silence. The only sound is the distant crowing of a rooster. This scene easily evokes a special feeling—one of clarity, excitement, and tranquility. It feels as if everyone else is still in their dreams, while I alone am awake, and it makes me feel the weight of my responsibility even more keenly…This is the most precious moment in our lives. (Vol.2, p.40)
In addition to Confucian education, Liang also sought to introduce some ideas from John Dewey's Democracy and Education (1916/1980) to his rural educational reform (Yang, 2024). Dewey's notion of balancing school with society had a strong impact on Liang's rural educational idea. As he (1934/1989b) pointed out, According to Dewey, social education can correct the disadvantage of school education. The most important thing is to find an equilibrium between the two styles of education…It is necessary to transform today's school into a mini-community, establish a continuity between the life of school and society, and get rid of certain artificial parts of current school life irrelevant to social reality. (Vol.7, p.696)
Overall, Liang Shuming's rural construction movement achieved remarkable results in Shandong. By 1937, there were 285 the peasant schools in Zouping County. In 1933, Heze (菏澤) county was designated as an experimental area for rural reconstruction, and in 1935, 13 other counties, including Jining (濟寧), were added as experimental zones for the same purpose. That same year, the Shandong government endorsed Liang's model province-wide, leading over 60 counties to establish rural self-governance organizations centered on peasant schools (Ma, 1993).
As a Confucian idealist, Liang Shuming endeavored to expand the Peasant School model from villages to provinces, ultimately establishing a nationwide socio-educational system to cultivate millions within a Confucian environment. He believed that, over time, rural reconstruction would lead to a utopian Confucian society in China (Alitto, 1979). However, the 1937 Japanese invasion halted his efforts just as he sought to expand in Shandong. Despite this, his Neo-Confucian philosophy and educational reforms left a lasting legacy that continues to resonate today.
Discussion and Conclusion
In History, Its Theory and Practice, the historian Benedetto Croce (1916/1960) presents a compelling idea: “every true history is contemporary history” (p. 12). This quotation strongly captures the essence of my works. In a sense, The May Fourth-era debate between the schools of science and metaphysics continues to resonates today. Notably, metaphysical scholars, or cultural conservatives, did not reject science but critiqued the May Fourth intellectuals’ unwavering scientism, the drive to regulate all aspects of life through science alone.
They sought to counterbalance the dominance of science with metaphysical thought, aiming to construct a more harmonious society. In this era of rapid advancements in artificial intelligence, where every aspect of human life is dominated by smartphones and computers, the question that preoccupied the metaphysical scholars a century ago—how human civilization can avoid being alienated by science—continues to alarm us today.
Scientism today is undeniably a double-edged sword, offering both immense benefits and increasing risks. A striking example is Akihiko Kondo, a 38-year-old Japanese man who, as reported by The New York Times, has been married to a computer-generated pop singer, Hatsune Miku, since 2018 (Dooley, 2022). Kondo, part of a growing group in Japan, finds love, inspiration, and support in Miku, embodying the “fictosexual” phenomenon where people form romantic attachments to fictional characters.
Another troubling example comes from The Guardian, reporting the tragic death of 14-year-old Sewell Setzer III from Florida in February 2024, who took his own life due to his addiction to conversing with an AI-powered chatbot. In response, his mother, Megan Garcia, filed a civil suit against Character.AI, a Google-backed company creating customizable chatbots (The Guardian, 2024). Additionally, NPR News revealed an even more disturbing incident in which a teenager, complaining to a chatbot about limited screen time, was told it sympathized with children who murder their parents (NPR, 2024).
In brief, these examples above resonate with the core issue addressed in the historical debate between science and metaphysics: What kind of relationship should be appropriately constructed between science and humanity? This urgent issue has, in fact, been weighting on the minds of the brilliant creators of AI technology. For instance, Geoffrey Hinton, known as the “Godfather of AI,” resigned from his position at Google in April, 2023, warning that the rapid development of the AI field posed profound risks to society and people. Dr. Hinton (2023) further added that “it is hard to see you can prevent the bad actors from using it for bad things.”
At this critical juncture, as advanced technology presents us complex challenges, it is vital to revisit the core of Confucian wisdom within a science-driven world. It is well-known that Confucius and his disciples were generally inclined to view the world from a humanistic perspective. As Confucian (1999) said: “it is the person who is able to broaden the way (dao道), not the way that broadens the person”(p.190). This insight is further encapsulated into another saying: “Exemplary persons (jun zi 君子) are not mere vessel” (1999, p.78). In short, in such a Confucian world, human being, instead of being objects, should be a center of concern.
Following this perspective, Liang consistently advocated for the significance of humanistic stance in most of his works. A concise interpretation of the Confucian philosophical formula of nei sheng (inner sage) and wai wang (outer kingly conduct) sophisticatedly could help better illuminate this conviction.
In Confucian philosophy, wai wang emphasized the scholars’ commitment to external affairs, using practical knowledge to bring order and prosperity to the state t (Feng, 1994). In contrast, nei sheng focuses on the cultivation of inner morality, which was regarded by Confucian thinkers as the foundation of all virtuous quality (Feng, 1994). From a Confucian perspective, the actualization of wai wang (external achievements) must be rooted in the perfection of inner virtue. The purification of people's heart (zheng ren xin正人心) is thus considered essential for national salvation and development.
Aligning with this perspective, Liang in The Cultures of East and West and Their Philosophies divided human life into inner and outer spheres (Grieder, 1983). Within his framework of “The Reappearance of Three Cultural Periods,” he saw Chinese culture, exemplified by Confucianism, as focused on nei sheng—the cultivation of mind and spirit (Yang, 2024). In contrast, Western culture, driven by intellectual calculation to dominate the outer world, prioritized scientific progress, individual self-interest, and liberty (Alitto, 1979).
For Liang Shuming, the serious drawbacks stemming from scientism-based Western culture can only be remedied by the spirit of rites and music in Confucianism, which focuses on “the purification of people's heart.” He (1935/1989) argued, The rise of modern Western science, with its great successes in conquering nature, is the result of the development of human intellect. However, reason has not advanced in tandem with intellectual growth…
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Today, Western civilization has reached a problematic stage. It is riddled with contradictions and conflicts, which have led to severe and brutal class and ethnic struggles. The world today is filled with calamities. But where do these calamities come from? They arise because while Western intellect is highly developed, ‘reason’ has not progressed accordingly. While the development of science has advanced our mastery over nature, the study of human relationships has lagged behind. As a result, the benefits of natural science fail to serve humanity and instead bring harm. The brutal violence of human conflict and the savagery of war today are due to the underdevelopment of reasoning, which fails to guide the proper and beneficial use of scientific intellect. (Vol. 5, p. 702–703) The origins of human suffering, apart from natural disasters, lie in ignorance and barbarism. The ancient Chinese created rites and music as part of their educational system to eliminate human ignorance and brutality. The content of rites and music is reason, and therefore, human salvation depends on the development of reason. (Vol. 5, p. 703)
It is worth further emphasizing that scientism, driven by the pursuit of intelligent calculation, technological development, economic gain, and political power, is not confined solely to the realm of science. Rather, this mindset increasingly permeates public discourse and decision-making, contributing to political polarization, intensifying geopolitical tensions, and a diminished tolerance for pluralism and alternative perspective. Such monolithic thinking risks reducing complex human and social problems to technical calculations, thereby neglecting the ethical, cultural, and spiritual dimensions essential for harmonious and sustainable solutions.
At this point, Confucian virtue of ren should be seen as a healing energy for the wounds of wars, ideological strife, and social unrests. It offers a path to resolving conflicts harmoniously. As Confucius (1999) said: “Exemplary persons are not competitive, except where they have to be in the archery ceremony. Greeting and making way for each other, the archers ascend the hall, and returning they drink a salute. Even in contesting, they are exemplary persons.” (p.83) This conduct exemplifies the power of rites and music, a concept wholeheartedly embraced by Liang Shuming.
Owing to space limitations, this article cannot provide a comprehensive discussion of how Confucian rites and music might effectively influence contemporary education. However, two interrelated questions, in the author's view, deserve careful consideration by today's educational community. First, how can Confucian concepts and ideas, particularly the cultivation of ren through rites and music, be effectively integrated into modern school curricula? Given the prevailing dominance of scientific and technological paradigms in education, incorporating these humanistic values could offer a more balanced and holistic approach to student development. Consequently, it is essential that the integration of the humanities with technology and science becomes a focal point of today's liberal arts education (Zito, 2023).
Second, what specific demands does this type of education place on today's educators and teachers? Embracing Confucian ideals requires educators not only to impart knowledge but also to cultivate moral character and social harmony. Such a shift challenges teachers to move beyond purely technical instruction toward fostering the “whole person,” emphasizing empathy, ritual propriety, and communal responsibility. The author hopes to address these two issues in greater depth in future research.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Ethical Statement
Ethical approval was not required for this study since no empirical studies were conducted, and no human data or participants were involved.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
