Abstract
The ideals and fundamentals of urban planning are largely to ensure habitable and liveable environments for the citizens. However, while planning is an apolitical profession that is supposed to advance human well-being and urban liveability, we argue that the planning process has been compromised by political interference that jeorpadises the realisation of the envisaged planning outcomes. Applying an exploratory qualitative research design in the context of Harare, Zimbabwe, this article interrogates the nexus between politics, ethics and urban planning, focusing on the provision of land and space. The article uses a desktop study with literature and document review as the major methods of reference to explore the nexus in land provision and ethics. The findings of the study show that land barons are exploiting the hard-earned monies of the desperate Harare residents together with the space barons who take advantage of the street vendors. Therefore, this article recommends the resuscitation of ethics and values in urban management to foster fairness and satisfy the public good.
Introduction and background
Urban planning is critical in placemaking. It is a process that attempts to address contemporary and future problems confronting society. In this regard, Levy (2016: 6) has argued that “planning is about trying to serve that elusive and controversial – but very important – item known as
Scholars (Lewis and Nel, 2020; Matamanda et al., 2024) have indicated that ethics guide the professional conduct of urban planners and regulate their practice encouraging them to advance public interest. At the center of ethics and urban planning is the need to consider “
Fainstein (2014) indicated that spatial justice is a major theme in urban planning. Spatial injustice emerges when the distribution of resources in cities is skewed and disadvantages certain individuals and groups thereby compromising the ability to achieve the envisaged public interest. Focusing on the distribution of resources in cities, Soja (2009: 62) pointed out that “spatial (in) justice represents both outcome and process, as geographies or distributional patterns that are in themselves just/unjust and as the process that produces these outcomes.” Planning is the process that produces these outcomes of justice or injustice as evidenced in South Africa where apartheid planning perpetuated racial segregation (Mphambukeli, 2019). Therefore, many proponents have highlighted that planning contributes to initiating positive change, building fair institutions, and enhancing equal development (Berisha et al., 2021; Jones et al., 2022). Moroni (2020) argued that institutions play a crucial role in urban planning and outcomes in spatial justice. The role of institutions is evident in how power is used by those individuals to determine what can or cannot be implemented.
Many factors compromise the work of planners, especially politics which greatly impedes effective planning in Africa because of conflicting rationalities and limited resources. For example, researchers (Kotani et al., 2024; Matamanda et al., 2021) have highlighted how certain individuals, manipulate and influence planning processes and outcomes, thus compromising spatial justice. Albrechts (2016) argues that planners face challenges in trying to manoeuvre their way into the development arena as politicians become too involved in planning processes. Similarly, McGregor and Chatiza (2020) have also highlighted how political power negatively affects the planning profession, thus compromising spatial justice. Politics refers to the exercise of power by state actors who exercise authority and influence collective decision-making (Heywood, 1997). It also represents how scarce resources are allocated, together with the practice of deception and manipulation often exercised by those with power and authority as highlighted by Foucault (1981). Therefore, it has been shown that interference of politics and corruption has made the distribution of resources unfair, leaving the poor at a loss (McGregor, 2013; McGregor and Chatiza, 2020). This has been due to illegal land occupiers, also known as
Muchadenyika and Williams (2017) highlight that many development procedures requiring planning professionals’ consent have been bypassed due to political influence. Politics in planning has exacerbated ethical problems and corruption in urban management (Cirolia, 2020; Kotani et al., 2024). However, there are instances when politicians have spurred enhanced accountability and promoted just cities (Fox et al., 2023). In most urban areas, the poor infrastructural state has been attributed to a lack of financial management, ineffective planning practices, and the meddling of politics in planning matters (Bandauko and Arku, 2023; Goodfellow, 2014; Jonga, 2014). Due to political interference in planning, many poorly planned settlements have been created, for example, Hopley Farm Settlement in Zimbabwe (Matamanda, 2024; Muchadenyika and Williams, 2017). The same is true for Ghana where Kotani et al. (2024) and Cobbinah and Darkwa (2017) have shown that chaotic scenes and urban blights across Ghanaian cities result from instances where political elites with little or no urban planning background take control and dictate urban planning activities.
It has been stated (Matamanda et al., 2020; Muchadenyika, 2020) that one example where the intense impact of political interference has been largely felt in Harare. Harare is Zimbabwe’s central urban hub which has been facing urban land challenges, corruption, and public exploitation in the form of rights violations by illicit land developers and demolitions (McGregor and Chatiza, 2020). Many politically connected land developers have been performing planning duties, such as allocating land, layout designing, and approving construction activities without the planning consent (Cirolia and Berrisford, 2017; Muchadenyika and Williams, 2017). Such practices indicate the compromise of the urban planning profession as incompetent and unethical practices are normalised contrary to the norms and standards expected from the profession (Howe and Kaufman, 1979). In contrast to Harare and despite some challenges, Rwanda’s political landscape has been described as benign and has been the bedrock for effective planning, ethics, values and land delivery, especially in Kigali city (Tsinda et al., 2021). Therefore, this shows the need for strict adherence to planning ethics at all levels of leadership from the local to the national level to ensure transparency and accountability toward meeting the public interest (Gokcen et al., 2009). When accountability measures are put in place, it becomes mandatory for planning authorities and development organizations to improve their social responsibility.
Therefore, based on this background, this article examines the interface of urban planning, politics and ethics. This examination is conducted in the context of Harare, the capital city of Zimbabwe. The study is critical and makes an empirical contribution by drawing insights on the interface of urban planning, politics and ethics through the lens of land and space. This perspective is critical considering the contestations of land and space in cities that are increasingly identified as engines of economic growth. The article also makes a theoretical contribution by situating the discussion in the context of the urban regime theory and urban governance which reveals how different stakeholders, especially the elites manipulate and influence planning outcomes. Lastly, the article provides empirical findings that are critical in understanding the events in Harare which can be used to draw parallels with other contexts in other parts of the world on the issues of planning, ethics and politics.
Following this introduction, we provide a background literature review. Next is the presentation of the theoretical framework, followed by the research methodology. The findings are then presented, then the discussion and conclusion.
Background literature review
Urban planning is the main tool for creating habitable and liveable environments for people when conducted professionally (Cobbinah and Finn, 2023). Despite its relevance to development, urban planning has been trampled upon by politics. Ethical standards in planning have not been observed leading to the loss of good urban governance. The meddling of politicians in planning issues is evident through corruption which has consequently lowered the ethical standards of planning (Kotani et al., 2024). Despite the problems associated with corruption in a nation, Zuniga (2018) states that such corrupt activities lure some investors as cheap and easy land deals are promised. Moreover, cartels are formed through which land and space are partitioned and distributed on a clientism basis. High-profit revenues are earned with poor urban governance and ineffective land laws. For example, Owoeye (2023: 7) indicates how ‘land warriors’ of Lagos engage in land grabs and illegal activities including “illegal transfer and sales of property without appropriate authority, professional misconduct, and demand for fees at every stage of construction”. However, despite bringing economic benefits to some, these corrupt tendencies are bad for a nation.
Balogun (2019) observes that the practice of manipulating city management “is as old as city-states”. This has made it difficult to separate politics and planning, particularly in less developed nations. However, the lack of transparency and poor urban development cannot be blamed on the political figures alone but on the council officials who also engage in embezzlement of public funds and other corrupt activities. For example, McGregor (2013) highlights an alleged corruption incident in which the City of Harare Town Clerk and other council officials were involved in the illicit collection of rates for personal gain at the expense of public interest. Upon inquiry, the town clerk denied involvement, although the council was heavily involved in the illegal process. Likewise, Alexander et al. (2022) highlighted how urban corruption compromises the work of professional planners in South Africa and Zambia.
Trends in corrupt activities are continuing in their diverse nature across the globe. This calls for urgent action by planners and policymakers to rectify and initiate a sustainable and transparent institutional framework. The continued scarcity of urban resources will exacerbate corruption at the expense of the poor, thus worsening inequalities (Davidson-Harden et al., 2011). According to Droste (2015), Germany has successfully implemented an inclusive and transparent urban management system through collaboration with citizens and local journalists to expose secret and illicit real estate developments. This has promoted transparency and a sense of worth for the involved citizens.
The prevailing economic challenges bombarding African nations are usually used as a justification for corruption. Ganahl (2013) denotes that the existing corruption in African cities can be explained only when poor economic development and too much dependence on external support are considered. However, poor economic development cannot justify corruption. Good governance knows no economic development and as such whether the economy is poor or well developed, where there is good governance, equitable development is a result. In most African nations, there is a lack of political will to pursue economic development that satisfies all social classes sustainably (Cirolia and Harber, 2022). Ganahl (2013) denotes that good urban governance thrives where political will support the economic efforts of local citizens and where there is a practical rule of law to facilitate transparent economic activities and transactions.
There should be a complementary relationship between the government and the citizens. However, in most African cities, citizens are made to believe that they should wholly depend on the government for support (Arbour, 2007). But they should feel secure and protected through sustainable and equal opportunities offered by the authorities. Gukurume and Maringira (2024) point out how the authorities in Zimbabwe reward their patrons with residential plots, trading stalls in urban markets and some forms of power only supposedly vested through the politicians. The growth of corruption is the principal reason civil society has been at the forefront of fighting for transparency. Nigeria has moved against corruption by supporting locally marginalised people to voice against corruption (Hoffman and Patel, 2017).
Professional ethics are important in the planning and management of resources. However, despite the call for transparency and ethics in planning, most cities, particularly Harare, have become notorious for misusing power and breaking ethical rules (Matamanda et al., 2024). Sound planning requires impartial planners who cannot deviate from being ethically upright (Albrechts, 2016; Lauria and Long, 2019). However, Gokcen et al. (2009) observe that a planner is always ‘political’, affecting ethical values. The public must be well informed of their rights because informed stakeholders provide for an environment that allows for sustainable development that meets the demands of all stakeholders. Emphasizing that, Muchadenyika and Williams (2017) highlight the need to have a well-informed public regarding the proper and legal procedures to be taken in trying to acquire housing stands and any other public service.
Ethical considerations in the planning and development arena work effectively when the political and civil society groups are involved. Lewis and Nel (2020) highlight that such public domains should be incorporated into the planning profession. According to Gokcen et al. (2009), most planners fail to act within ethical standards. Still, they instead focus on moral values that are typically concerned with how planners ought to work. Such failure to appreciate ethical values has opened the profession to corruption, especially in the distribution of land. The ethical loopholes have seen the creation of many land barons who are corrupt in their dealings with land and civil society (Gokcen et al., 2009).
Theoretical framework
Cities became the playgrounds for local businesses, civic interests and public sector actors, and business and civic groups operating nationally, leading to a rise in the need for proper management of the cities (Djordjevic, 2006). The shift to governance has taken course slowly since the 1990s opening ways for the involvement of various stakeholders in political decision-making as compared to the “government” way of managing things (Djordjevic, 2006). The realization that various classes of people tend to be affected by situations led to the composition of the governance theory led to the governance theory (Matyszak, 2017). Governance ensures the understanding of the mechanisms related to governing rather than authoritative government sanctions (Lu et al., 2019). It depicts the important inter-dependent and complementary relationship between the state and the non-governmental forces (Edwards, 2001). Stoker (1989) points out that governance moves from top-down autocratic governing to bottom-up approaches to finding solutions. This is because it promotes the inclusion of various stakeholders by acknowledging overlapping responsibilities and boundaries in decision-making (Stoker, 1998). Once a government understands the value of interdependence and collective action in policymaking, it becomes easier to ensure effective policy implementation that satisfies all classes. However, most less-developed nations still withhold power and deny acknowledgment of citizen contribution (Cirolia and Berrisford, 2017).
The urban regime theory brought about distinct ways of assessing urban politics (Stone, 1989). It has become a widely known paradigm of analysing urban politics by exploring the ways development can be achieved through collective participation and action. Mossberger and Stoker (2001) highlight that the theory is embodied with rich analytical instruments relevant to urban politics. The urban regime is “the informal arrangements by which public bodies and private interests function together to be able to make and carry out governing decisions” (Stone, 1989: 6). These enable the smooth management of conflicts that ensure social transformation. However, this does not imply that business entities work alone, Marichal (2000) points out that the success of urban development initiatives requires the support of business elites, and this improves policy implementation effectiveness. Policy effectiveness requires a shift from dependence by politicians on voting to networking as this alone is inadequate (Stoker, 1989). The theory promotes the division of labour between private and public entities to work towards a common policy goal (Mossberger and Stoker, 2001).
Research methodology
This article applies an exploratory qualitative research design. This design helped bring out more insights and explore how land baron activities and ethics in land management were employed. The exploration focuses on how land and space are managed and governed in Harare. Data was collected from secondary sources through desktop research. The secondary data was collected from peer-reviewed articles, policy documents and acts of parliament focusing on politics, ethics, urban planning and land management in Harare. Policy documents including the Constitution of Zimbabwe of 2013, Regional, Town and Country Planning Act of 1976 (RTCPA), Zimbabwe National Human Settlement Policy of 2019 and Urban Council’s Act are among the legislation that was consulted for this study. In addition, grey literature such as the Uchena Report and other government reports were used to gain insights into land governance and ethical issues in Harare. Newspapers and peer-reviewed articles published between 2000 and 2024 focusing on land, urban planning and ethical issues in (Harare) Zimbabwe were used to gain more insights. Content and thematic analysis were then used to analyse the findings from the literature and document review. The steps outlined by Erlingsson and Brysiewicz (2017) were used in the analysis. These steps included familiarisation with the data through reading the texts; dividing the text into meaning units; code formulation and lastly development of categories and themes.
The Zimbabwean context on planning and housing
At independence in 1980, the Government of Zimbabwe inherited the governance and planning system from colonial settlers. The planning system was guided by the RTCPA, which is still in use. However, this system was riddled with multiple problems chief among them being the racial segregation that was prevalent in cities and aligned with the apartheid system of South Africa. This system was oppressive in that Black Africans in the country could not participate in urban planning. Many proponents have questioned the efficacy of this legislation in addressing contemporary planning challenges in Zimbabwe (Gambe et al., 2023; Karakadzai et al., 2023). Others have pointed out that the democratic government has inherited this colonial system because it empowers the political elites by granting them powers to enforce development control and even overrule certain planning decisions (Kamete, 2003; Matamanda, 2021). This is evident from different sections that empower the President and Minister of Local Government. For example, section 3(1)(2) gives the President powers to establish a regional planning council when preparing regional plans and to amend the area for which a regional planning council has been established.
The continued use of colonial legislation perpetuated colonial segregation practices that marginalised the poor. Besides empowering the political elites, the legislation has been criticised for being too rigid, the planning process fraught with bureaucracies and the standards still too high (Karakadzai et al., 2023). In the first decade of independence, there was an influx of Black Africans into urban areas which created major planning problems, especially for cities that were designed as enclaves for the white minority (Bandauko and Arku, 2023). For example, Harare was originally designed to accommodate 300,000 people and is now home to more than 1.5 million people. With the increase in the urban population, the planning issues also became complex and the planners were challenged to address these challenges (Mbiba 2017a; 2017b). Land and housing shortages have remained the major challenges that urban planners have grappled with, especially considering the colonial laws where Africans had no claim to the city and could not own urban land (Cirolia and Berrisford, 2017). While the urban population and challenges continued to soar, the government focused more on rural development considering the colonial neglect of the rural areas and as a populist strategy since most of the Zimbabwean population resides in rural areas (Nyarota, 2018). Yet, most Africans who came to the urban areas could not afford housing, they either rented or stayed in employer-provided housing. The government followed Western planning ideologies of aesthetics and order and informal settlements were never tolerated (Matamanda, 2020).
The adherence to strict planning laws, regulations and standards delayed the development of housing projects as beneficiaries could not occupy housing before they were fully developed or when bulk infrastructure was installed (Gambe et al., 2023). To some extent, this practice ensured the development of habitable settlements serviced before occupation. However, following the land reform programme in 2000 and the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as an opposition political party that got to control urban constituencies, the housing development and urban planning practice and ethical standards were compromised in Zimbabwe (McGregor and Chatiza, 2020). First, land grabs became a common phenomenon across the country mainly through the establishment of cooperatives that often-robbed people just as highlighted by Owoeye (2023) in the Nigerian context. Second, like in most sub-Saharan countries, strict planning laws and high standards persisted in Zimbabwe resulting in many people failing to cope with the expected standards (Garcia and Sakoda, 2023). This situation somehow encourages some planning officials to take bribes and contravene statutory regulations and approve land uses not designated in certain areas to proceed (Kadungure, 2021). The proliferation of informal settlements while the rising cost of living and economic crisis between 2000 and 2008 exacerbated the economic woes of many urbanites in Zimbabwe. Economic challenges usually contribute to the bypassing of ethical regulations, and this has seen political figures, for personal benefits, entangling in city management and planning issues at the expense of the public good (Gokcen et al., 2009).
The housing policy of 2012 somehow provided relaxations in land development regulations as parallel development was permitted (Government of Zimbabwe, 2012). This meant beneficiaries could occupy houses before the bulk infrastructure was installed. In the same manner, several provisions were made in the 2013 constitution that was people-centered and aimed at advancing and protecting public interest through placing human rights at the center of all development initiatives. Lastly, the human settlement policy of 2020 recognises the need for protecting public interest and ensuring people have access to habitable spaces that does not compromise the wellbeing (Government of Zimbabwe, 2020).
The failure of planning and development in most African countries, particularly Zimbabwe, is largely caused by the unnecessary meddling of politics in planning issues (Machakaire, 2015). Jonga (2012) argues that political banditry and autocracy have overshadowed transparency and accountability in Zimbabwe. Legitimacy and transparency are characteristic of good governance, and this implies active participation of all stakeholders, especially the public (Jonga, 2012). However, this is foreign to the Zimbabwean governance system where autocracy rules. Gokcen et al. (2009) suggest simplifying bureaucratic levels as one of the effective ways to improve ethical values as service delivery efficiency is enhanced through public participation than many protocols. Zimbabwe’s urban challenges continue to worsen due to poor governance with a lack of transparency (McGregor and Chatiza, 2020). That poor management can also be ascribed to the poor remuneration of public officials. Higher remuneration becomes one of the motivating factors for public workers to work transparently for the public good without corruption as their needs will be satisfied. Gokcen et al. (2009) support the notion highlighting that financial increments on public employees effectively improve the moral and ethical behaviours of workers. However, reaching satiation levels and satisfying every corrupt individual may be difficult. The upgrading of ethical standards requires more than external benefits to be achieved but a decisive personal change to attain equity (Nel and Lewis, 2020).
Findings from Harare
Harare is Zimbabwe’s largest urban settlement and a capital city continuously experiencing rapid population increases. This has resulted in the encroachment of nearby rural areas (Marondedze and Schütt, 2019). The population of Harare urban as of 2022 was approximately 1,491,740 million (ZimStats, 2022). It is shown by Mbiba (2017b) that the population of Harare continues to increase with the poor economic conditions exacerbating rural-urban migration in Harare. Harare is identified as exhibiting the highest intercensal in-migration rate and net migration rates showing a high prevalence and influx of migrants into the city (Mbiba, 2017b). Potts (2020) pointed out that Harare has been facing housing shortages as the available land has become inadequate and the population has increased. Muchadenyika (2020: 132) highlights how this urbanisation in Harare has created contestations over land access as the demand for housing land has increased. Muchadenyika (2020) has revealed that these contestations include the City of Harare and the central government contesting on land development responsibilities that have resulted in undesignated responsibilities and eventually chaotic development and emergence of land barons, for example, in Caledonia. According to Chitekwe-Biti (2009), there has been contestations between the government and ZANU-PF-aligned co-operatives which grabbed land, especially in peri-urban areas and established residential settlements outside the city plans. Muchadenyika (2020) shows how the contestations around previous commercial farms on the periphery of Harare has been dominated by political elites who use the ZANU-PF party to grab, allocate and development land. At times these developments are undertaken without planning approval, for example, Hopley Settlement in Harare South which has been eventually dominated by ZANU-PF aligned co-operatives, together with areas such as Caledonia (Bhanye et al., 2023; Matamanda, 2024).
At independence in 1980, the government sought to redress the colonial inequalities by investing more in rural development. However, some would argue that focusing on the rural areas during the early years was a populist agenda (Nyarota, 2018). Moreover, the local authorities adopted the colonial administrative system that was institutionalised through the RTCPA and other urban legislation such as the urban councils’ Act. The local authority is mandated to administer land allocation and planning for housing. In this regard, waiting lists must be compiled and land allocation is supposed to be informed by this list. However, Chitekwe-Biti (2009: 353) has pointed out that “this system is viewed by most local authorities as a management tool and the most equitable way to allocate a scarce resource. However, it is overly bureaucratic and marginalizes the urban poor and new immigrants into the city, especially, who often do not have the requisite documentation or information to enlist.” Thus, inheriting this setup, the government lacked a forecast and projection of future urban scenarios for Harare.
The inconsistency in the land administration system thus created opportunities for illegal land allocations and compromising of ethical standards by some professional planners. The result has been the issue of unscrupulous individuals illegally occupying and selling land to home-seeking Harare residents that has been prevalent in Harare (Muchadenyika, 2020; Toriro, 2005). These individuals are now commonly known as land barons in Zimbabwe (Chirisa et al., 2021). Muchadenyika and Williams (2017) reveal that as land shortages begin to emerge and high demand created, there is an increase in unscrupulous land developers. According to Matamanda (2021), where there is an effective governance system, land scarcity and allocation problems are efficiently tackled to satisfy the public interest. Braukov and Tanjevic (2013) emphasise the importance of transparent dealings in allocating land to benefit all regardless of social status. This lowers poverty levels as most citizens will be able to secure property. The failure to distribute resources fairly leads to the continued economic downturn as the elite and well-connected are the only ones who benefit from public resources (Jonga, 2014).
At the forefront of the land transactions in Harare have been land barons who emerged largely after the land reform program. According to the Uchena Report of 2019, land barons are usually politically connected, powerful, self-proclaimed illegal state land ‘authorities’ who illegally sold state land in and around urban areas without accounting for the proceeds (Uchena, 2019: 22). Land barons are tenants who buy land at very low prices and sells it at exorbitant prices. These are usually politically driven efforts to exploit people and the state. Majogo (2017) reveals that land barons appeared around 2000 after the popular land reform program. By then, state land was given freely or even sold at very affordable prices such that those who had more money would purchase much land and resale it for profit (Chakwizira, 2021). Land in urban areas is one of the most priced resources as it is scarce and making it a highly contested commodity by all parties (Chiweshe, 2017). The Land Reform Program of 2000 led to the mushrooming of government-affiliated corrupt individuals who have grown to exploit people. This is evident from the Uchena report that highlighted that the government of Zimbabwe recovered less than 10% of the intrinsic value of land that was converted from farmland to urban residential land. Specifically, the state was supposed to realise approximately US$3 billion, but only got less than 10% meaning more than US$2.9 billion is still owed and has largely been taken by land barons (Uchena, 2019: 22).
Muchadenyika (2020: 104) has shown that the FTLRP “unfastened the bureaucratized process of formal planning and land access in cities.” This situation also had implications on urban planning because there was substantial compromise of the planning laws and regulations and a lot of ambiguity. Moreover, social movements also got involved in the planning process, a situation that has seen planning ethics and values being marginalised at times with developments being approved in areas not befitting human habitation. For example, parts of Hopley Farm settlement were occupied before providing bulk infrastructure such as water and sanitation (Matamanda, 2024). While taking charge of the emerging settlements, little was done to provide basic services – a situation that greatly compromised the living conditions in these settlements compromising public interest as people were forced to reside in areas that contradicted their basic human rights to water, sanitation and decent life as espoused in the bill of rights of the constitution of Zimbabwe (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013).
At this juncture, one can thus postulate that the political influence in the mid-1990s and early 2000s exacerbated the urban crisis in Zimbabwe as the government sought to penalise the urban citizens, especially in Harare, for sympathizing and supporting the emergent opposition political party – the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) (Potts, 2011). Several sections of the RTCPA were used to justify the demolitions. For example, section 24 focuses on
Zimbabwean local authorities have been unable to deliver efficient services to the communities and have resorted to Public-Private-Partnerships (PPP) while social movements have also taken over some development projects (Bandauko and Arku, 2023; Muchadenyika and Williams, 2017). Moreover, the ruling ZANU-PF party has also used land to win elections as pointed out by Chirisa et al. (2015: 12) showing how ZANU-PF has encouraged the establishment of cooperatives among individuals in need of land for housing development. However, joining some of these cooperatives has come at a cost for some members who are then forced to join and pledge allegiance to vote for the party without which the cooperatives risk losing their land. Therefore, aside from the planners’ missing the point as illustrated by Kamete (2013), this case exemplified by Chirisa et al. (2015) shows a shrewd setting premised on clientism and devoid of the public interest as the primary role of encouraging the formation of the cooperatives has been to mobilise people and have constituencies that vote for the ruling party. This has been the case in settlements such as Hopley where residents are obliged to vote for the ruling party, lest they lose their land rights. Chavunduka and Chaonwa-Gaza (2021) have shown how political structures have dominated Hopley in Harare South which since 2008 has been a ZANU-PF controlled constituency. In Hopley, it seems residents are frequently forced to vote for ZANU-PF and must remain loyal to the party, lest they lose their right to land and face eviction if they do not support ZANU-PF (Matamanda, 2024).
This has seen the mushrooming of many land developers, with most of them scrupulous and not sensitive to community needs and struggles (Mjanga, 2016). The land barons’ acts have gone unregulated due to the over-reliance on the role of the land developers (Muchadenyika and Williams, 2017). However, this has proved to derail the public interest as land developers are after personal profit and overlook the community and public needs. A case to note has been the involvement of prominent politicians such as Phillip Chiyangwa 1 in land development. In some instances, unsuspecting home seekers were robbed of their lifetime savings and some have not managed to be compensated. The innocent residents are manipulated, cheated on and lose everything without compensation. An example is the case of Odar Farm where occupants had to be evicted after having paid some subscriptions to the land developer (Muchadenyika, 2020).
Despite evidence of land developer inefficiencies, Mjanga (2016) highlights that many planning authorities still depend on land baron activities due to a lack of finance and the political support enjoyed by the land barons. Illicit land developers exploit the innocent and desperate public for their gains (Chirisa et al., 2021). Salahub et al. (2018) reveal that many citizens have lost money with the hope of securing urban land. Others have lost even more resources when municipalities demolish their houses due to the failure of land barons to comply with development conditions. Land barons sell stands illegally in undesignated areas to ignorant members of the public who end up losing their hard-earned money. The land deals by the land barons are not legitimate hence the public ends up homeless when their homes are demolished (Mjanga, 2016).
Another controversial issue in Harare is the issue of space, especially in the CBD. Many spaces have been invaded and occupied by vendors and enterprising middlemen who sublet to genuine vendors. Chirisa et al. (2021) highlight the existence of space barons to whom street vendors pay money for the use of space. The city’s attempts to remove vendors from streets faced hiccups as the vendors resisted the directive with the argument that their spaces were designated by space barons (Kamete, 2013). Matyszak (2017) highlights the unnecessary involvement of the government in all urban issues as most political figures in the two main political parties are said to relate to the space barons and siphoning money from vendors. Muchakaipe (2015) denotes that politicians continue to enjoy benefits from corrupt activities and public exploitation such that the government itself has failed to consider the importance of empowering citizens and giving them economic independence. These barons give out vending space to vendors without considering the illegalities of such actions. As a result, the vendors have been facing challenges from the police as they are always on the run (Matamanda et al., 2020).
Discussion
Urban challenges have become the definitive feature for Harare. This confirms the findings by Chirisa et al. (2021) that many municipalities consumed by poverty and poor housing have resorted to privatisation which has seen the rise of many land and space barons. For Harare, the municipality’s failure to support and provide public services has made the city vulnerable to exploitation by illicit developers connected to political officials. In this regard, as pointed out by Salahub et al. (2018), the close relationship between land barons and politicians is visible in Harare, showing the perpetuation of colonial injustices and oppressions. The findings also reveal the government rot and poor governance as stipulated by Edwards (2001) showing how governance moves away from top-down autocratic system to a bottom-up approach as residents and stakeholders seek solutions. However, the bottom-up approach is contrary to the arguments by Stone (1989) on urban regime theory as there are limited collaborations that happen in adverse. Rather, the elected officials preach equity and equality in the distribution of public resources which is only a lip service undertaken mainly to win elections. These events are mainly in stark contrast to the ideals of spatial justice, good governance, and effective planning premised on accountability and good moral values by the institutions as explained by Moroni (2020) and Soja (2009) in the perspectives on spatial justice.
Also, ethical issues seem to be challenging factors, primarily in bureaucratic systems lacking public participation. This is unfortunate because when public participation is prioritised in development in most local authorities, transparency levels increase, and planning officials and politicians uphold ethical values as they become accountable to the public. According to Braukov and Tanjevic (2013), if the politicians in central and local government were sensitive to the needs of the public, there could be great social transformation and development. The situation in Harare regarding compromised ethics by the politicians speaks of the persisting inequalities in the city. As Mphambukeli (2019) pointed out, referring to the persistence of segregation in post-apartheid South Africa, politicians in Harare continue to employ the same injustices characteristic of colonial times. The distinguishing factor now is political affiliation and economic class, not race which was the barometer for segregation and oppression.
Land in Zimbabwe is bounteous. According to Chiweshe (2017), the high demand for land is not a direct result of land shortage but rather poor planning and development policies. Proper planning becomes difficult due to political meddling thus raising huge desperation for land (Jonga, 2012). The bureaucratic processes have given room for corruption and bypassing of ethical standards (Balogun, 2019). The bureaucratic actions affirm the postulates of Foucault (1981), who explained how the ‘elites’ define the norm. For Harare, this is consistent with studies by Goodfellow (2014) and Cirolia (2020) that showed how politicians have absolute power that makes it difficult for engagement and sustainable planning as political affiliation and politics of difference determine the winners and losers in land allocations and access to basic services. The evils of land barons are difficult to tackle as the land barons are connected politically, leaving the planner without any option to fight for justice and fairness (Machakaipe, 2015). The institutional setup is also problematic, as noted by Moroni (2020), where institutional arrangements perpetuate marginalisation and subsequently spatial injustices where specific individuals are privileged while others are not. Also, institutions that are not premised on good governance like Harare city have failed to maintain good ethical standards over the past few years. This is explained by Cirolia and Berrisford (2017) and Stoker (2000) that politicians employ planning officials; thus, it becomes difficult to go against the decisions of the politicians despite them being wrong thus leading to the lowering of ethical standards.
Muchadenyika and Williams (2017) note that centre-local relations are stipulated in the Regional, Town and Country Planning Act. The government focuses on monitoring planning developments and the local authorities performing planning and development functions. However, that only exists on paper as the power relations between the two are poisoned (Muchadenyika and Williams, 2017). The politician is the employer, and the planner ends up succumbing to political demands even when these demands go against the greater public good (Jonga, 2014). Thus, planning principles are trampled upon leading to social and spatial injustice, disorder and inharmonious developments (Muchadenyika and Williams, 2017). These findings represent a situation where there is poor governance as there are limited bottom-up initiatives and processes as postulated by Stoker (1998). The same applies to the urban regime theory that emphasises collaborations in urban transformation.
Most local planning authorities are failing to implement effective urban policies due to lack of political support. Yet, political will in development fosters the effective implementation of public policies. However, most government offices have political power and private gain as the driving force behind their contestation for office. Politicians take advantage of planning resources, particularly land, and use it as a campaigning tool to lure many voters while benefiting only the political interest. Politicians do not contest for power to push forward important public policies but to achieve personal interests, which asserts Matyszak’s (2017) different classes of people tend to be affected differently by situations. In the case of Harare, it is apparent how certain individuals and groups have been disadvantaged thus compromising the public interest which is supposed to be impartial. The result is skewed urban transformation and development in which conflicts are never resolved, even through formal ways. Such a situation brings to attention the regime theory showing how negotiations and social movements could be pathways towards effective planning, ethical values and standards and sustained development.
Conclusion and recommendations
All spatial resources require a sound fair and ethical planning framework to be efficient. Many powerful people in Zimbabwe are affecting the efficient distribution of housing, livelihoods space and water at the expense of the poor. A sustainable solution to the prevailing urban challenges needs a vibrant and strong planning profession that is regulated by a neutral professional institute that cannot be easily cowed by political interference. The built environment in Zimbabwe is affected by several issues and conflicts and the Zimbabwe Institute of Regional and Urban Planners (ZIRUP) must be recognised and respected by major settlement management stakeholders in Zimbabwe.
The article recommends strengthening ethics and values in urban management to foster fairness and satisfy the public good. The process of planning is political and inevitably affects planning. It is important, however, that the connection between planning and politics impacts positively on sustainability. The link between the two must remain in the public interest. Zimbabwe and Harare’s housing and land development challenges emanate from the tensions existing between local authorities and the central government. The influence and power of planning authorities in the country have been affected by the current poor central-local political power matrix, which has affected development outcomes. The article recommends strengthening of ethics and values in urban management to foster fairness and satisfy the public good. There is a need for a new approach to planning that does not abuse planning.
First, there is need for development of a set of standards for public officials that would enhance good governance. This would also be achieved through formulating a set of standards and checks that public officials can subscribe to. These standards would then be used to develop an ethical framework for regulating urban planners and other public officials.
Second, the public, journalists, researchers and investigative lawyers need to be capacitated to gain expert knowledge on the governance of cities to facilitate effective uprooting of corrupt figures. While the public officials can be capacitated, it is also critical to focus on citizen science and spur awareness programmes that help to development the skills and knowledge of the citizens to make them more competent and involved in the governance and planning of issues that affect them.
Third, proper and effective policies focusing on law enforcement are required, such as economic development policies that reduce the unemployment rate, which will lower some space challenges, like street vending. To this effect, there would also be a need to reconsider the salaries of staff working in the public service to ensure there are appropriate salary scales commensurate with the private sector. This would help to minimise the instances of corrupt tendencies as it is revealed that some of the cases of corruption and kickbacks are a result of disgruntled and underpaid public officials trying to make ends meet.
Fourth, ensure integrity, rule of law and transparency through intense anti-corruption efforts. For example, mandatory training on good governance could be used to foster and inculcate sense of accountability and transparency among officials. This could include online training or workshops to help the public officials to be educated and trained on the need for and values of upholding ethics and integrity in their work.
Lastly, there is a need to formulate registries accessed by the public that reveal information on land ownership thus ensuring transparency. In this way, online platforms and databases become effective and these can be real-time and help to curb unscrupulous deals and corruption as data on land ownership becomes easily access and informative.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers and Catherine Comiskey who provided very helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper which the authors have used to improve the paper.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
