Rediscovering the Spiritual in Religious Conversion Studies

Abstract

This article is a review of conversion research and how it views the spiritual within conversion. Central to missions is the understanding of the process of conversion. Missiologists, psychologists, sociologists, and theologians have all studied the process of conversion. An evaluation of conversion studies shows that researchers tend to ignore or downplay the role of spiritual agency or the supernatural in the process of conversion. Recent studies in a majority world context have identified spiritual agency or the supernatural as central to conversion. We need to reexamine our models of conversion and further study the universality of spiritual agency in consideration of these results.

Introduction

The young man attending the University of Hawaii followed a cute girl to church. He was attending the church simply because she was attending. He had no interest in God or religion. As a matter of fact, he thought he knew much more than any Christian. He was studying science and intended to continue graduate studies in chemistry or biochemistry. He was much too smart for Christianity. But one Sunday, after morning worship, lunch, and a quick volleyball game at the church gym, the young man had an interesting experience. Before he had even left the church property, he heard a voice. The voice was clear and distinct, like nothing he had ever encountered before. It was in his head, but it was real in a way he had never previously experienced.

The voice said, “She (the girl you are dating) is mine. Not yours. Get out of my way or I will take you out of my way.” The young man knew it was the voice of God. How he knew, he did not know, but he knew and was scared beyond expression. The God of the universe had just made a direct threat against him.

Panicked, he ran back to the university dorm, planning to pack his bags and return home to his parents. But then another thought crossed his mind. Maybe if he went God’s way, then the problem would be solved. Shortly thereafter, the young man visited the church pastor and told him that he was ready to become serious about Jesus and wanted to learn more.

That story is mine and I married that cute girl. We are in our fourth decade of a very happy marriage. However, I do not tell my conversion story to just anyone. I am concerned that most people would not understand. I am afraid people might think I am bragging or even crazy. After all, I am claiming God spoke to me.

However, after studying conversion stories in both Asia and Hawaii, I am beginning to see that my story is not unique. Among people who have converted from another religion (Buddhism, Islam, or Hinduism) to Christianity, conversion stories regularly include accounts of a supernatural or existential experience with God. ¹

Central to the purpose of missions is understanding the process of conversion. The call to make disciples of all nations ² includes understanding how people respond to the gospel message and what attracts people to Jesus Christ as Savior. Missiologists, psychologists, sociologists, philosophers, and theologians have all studied the process of conversion. Modern studies of conversion have been conducted since the late nineteenth century. ³ However, we have much more to learn and many more questions to ask.

This is a call for more research to be done on the spiritual agency factors that lead to religious conversion, specifically conversion to Christianity. How prominent are spiritual or supernatural factors, not only in the majority world, but also in the West? In our research, do we dismiss consideration of spiritual encounters with God because of certain secular presuppositions? Do participants in conversion studies fear to tell others about spiritual encounters with God because they fear rejection or judgment? This is a call to seek answers that impact how we do evangelism and mission. This is a call to broaden our research paradigm.

Conversion studies

As an evangelical Christian, my focus of interest is primarily on conversion to Christianity from another religion or no religion. However, studies on conversion often do not distinguish the goal or outcome of conversion. Brian Zinnbauer and Kenneth Pargament conclude that “most researchers do not specify whether the process is a uniquely religious one, or what role religion plays in the process; it seems one could just as easily have a religious conversion to a political movement or to a philosophical society.” ⁴ Many studies on conversion treat religious conversion no differently than ideological conversion; for example, from being a communist to becoming a capitalist or switching political parties. ⁵

Although the spiritual or the perception of the spiritual is acknowledged, conversion studies have traditionally focused more on human-centered factors or aspects. ⁶ In an overview of recent conversion studies, Daniel Snook, Michael Williams, and John Horgan stated, “In an effort to be empirical and unbiased, and to assert testable theories and hypotheses, many scholars hold that any supposed influence of religion as a unique and valid contributor to phenomena of conversion can be accounted for by psychological and sociological factors.” ⁷ The factors are often not spiritual at least in the sense of a spiritual agent impacting conversion. Religion, or the spiritual, seen as is a goal of religious conversion, not a factor or influence leading to that change.

While seeking to be rigorous in our research methodology, we must not ignore spiritual agency as a factor in religious conversion. The social and psychological sciences acknowledge agency as a legitimate factor for study. But what happens if that agency is spiritual? How do we discern spiritual agency in research? These questions will be explored below.

Definition of conversion

We must first define conversion. Researchers have adopted various nuances in their definitions of conversion. However, religious conversion is generally defined as the adoption of a new set of religious beliefs, rituals, and traditions that differ from one’s previous beliefs and practices. ⁸

I might add to the definition that religious conversion is a change of loyalties from one religion to another religion and from one religious community to another religious community. In the case of a conversion from secular ideas or commitments, conversion is still a change of loyalties and communities. A secular person switches loyalty from a certain community with their beliefs and practices to another community with their beliefs and practices. The change often causes tensions in relationships with the old community.

Theoretical models

Although the focus of this article is on conversion to Christianity, conversion studies have been more varied, studying conversion to religions other than Christianity. Studies have been done on conversion from Hinduism to Islam, ⁹ European female conversion to Islam, ¹⁰ as well as conversion of Westerners to Buddhism. ¹¹

In recent times, many theoretical models have been proposed to understand conversion more broadly. Lewis Rambo outlined several of these theories or research perspectives: globalization theory, post-colonial theory, feminist perspective, cross-cultural perspective, intellectualist, narrative, identity, ritual, psychoanalytic, archetypal, attribution, attachment, process/stage, and Islamization theory. ¹²

According to Rambo, conversion is “a process of change that takes place in a dynamic force field of people, events, ideologies, institutions, expectations, and orientations.” ¹³ Conversion is a complex process including many factors, but a spiritual conversion must acknowledge the spiritual as a possible factor. Zinnbauer and Pargament state unequivocally that “spiritual conversion involves a spiritual force.” ¹⁴ However, the spiritual force is vaguely defined. For example, Chana Ullman proposes that the spiritual force may be a powerful charismatic spiritual leader, a loving and accepting peer group, or a “loving transcendental object.” ¹⁵

An early model for understanding conversion was outlined by John Lofland and Rodney Stark. ¹⁶ However, Rambo’s process model of conversion is the present standard for understanding religious conversion in all contexts. ¹⁷ Rambo presents a seven-step model for understanding conversion. The process begins with context, understanding the religious, economic, social, cultural, and family background of the potential convert. The second phase is crisis. The potential convert will experience a destabilizing event or series of events that allows the convert to question present beliefs and assumptions. Third, the person will become a seeker, beginning a quest for answers or alternatives to current beliefs or faith traditions. Fourth, the seeker will encounter someone from a new tradition or faith and be attracted to a person or community of a new faith tradition. Fifth, the seeker will interact and attend the rites, rituals, or gatherings of this new community. Sixth, the seeker will make a commitment to this new community of faith and join in its practices and rituals. The final step is outcome. The new convert may experience persecution or opposition from the old community or family members. Thus, the new believer may leave the new community or, conversely, the new believer may grow more deeply committed to the faith depending on the depth of commitment and satisfaction found in the new community.

However, Rambo’s model excludes a specific or well-stated spiritual component. Joshua Iyadurai’s model is a revision of Rambo’s and was developed from his study of conversion to Christianity in India. The Iyadurai Step Model “has seven steps: Exposure, Disenchantment, Crunch, Pursuit and Test, Hostilities, Participation, and Maturation.” ¹⁸ In what may not be a sequential process, those who are progressing towards conversion will be exposed to the ideas of Christianity as they are growing disenchanted with the religion of their birth. Similar to Rambo’s model, this disenchantment with one’s birth religion becomes critical via a significant physical, emotional, or social crisis.

However, at the “Pursuit and Test” stage the seeker will pursue knowledge of the new religion and test to see if God is true and real. Eventually, according to Iyadurai’s research, the seeker will have a divine–human encounter. Iyadurai writes, “The divine–human encounter—is central to religious conversion.” ¹⁹ Iyadurai refers to this as “the Spark.” “The Spark is the event—the turning point in the conversion process. . . . The Spark could be a supernatural experience with sensory elements or a mild experience of a realization, a flash of spiritual insight, or an awareness of the divine presence.” ²⁰ Is this divine–human encounter present in all religious conversions? Is it unique to conversions to Christianity? Is it a unique situation found only in India?

My own research answered the last question. I found similar results among Buddhist background believers in Thailand.

Discerning spiritual agency

When I moved to Thailand in 1999, I was told multiple barriers exist preventing Thai people from becoming Christian, and several articles were published outlining the hinderances to Thai people becoming Christian. ²¹ Even the Huffington Post published an article on why Thai people are not Christian. ²²

However, in opposition to the prevailing opinion and historical evidence, I was seeing Thai people become Christian not only in my own church but throughout the country. Although the number of Christians in Thailand is still a small fraction of the total population, the church in Thailand is growing exponentially. According to one measure, the population of Christians has more than doubled in less than twenty years. ²³ I wanted to know why Thai Buddhists were becoming Christian, and I wanted to study the positive reasons and factors that led Thai Buddhists to become Christian.

My findings unsurprisingly aligned with the general process of conversion found in other studies, most notably Rambo’s. ²⁴ Conversion is a process that includes many psychological and sociological factors, including a crisis, either subtle or extreme. However, as I interviewed participants in my study, I found a consistent supernatural theme that aligned with the results found by Iyadurai. ²⁵ Participants encountered the spiritual in various ways. Experiences ranged from dreams, visions, answered prayer, deliverance from addictions, an existential experience with God, or hearing an inner voice, to the more spectacular—healings, miracles, and angelic visitations.

So, how do we discern spiritual agency? In conducting qualitative research, we must not discount or dismiss the perspective or expressed experiences of our participants. To do so would be to violate a central tenet of qualitative research. “A phenomenological understanding of conversion takes the actors’ understanding of their experience into consideration in defining the process of conversion.” ²⁶ In other words, in doing faithful qualitative research, we must not discount or explain away the existential experiences of our participants.

In my larger study, 76 percent of participants recounted a significant supernatural experience that led them to believe in Jesus. ²⁷ However, every participant recounted an affective or existential encounter with God as a confirmation of their belief, if not before conversion, then afterwards.

During what Iyadurai called the “Pursuit and Test” stage, participants often challenged God through prayer. ²⁸ I call this the “prayer challenge.” A “prayer challenge” is a prayer that asks God to prove himself to the seeker. It is simply expressed as “God if you are real, please do the following. . .”

One of the more interesting stories includes a carpenter who had damaged his hand in a work accident. The carpenter “challenged God to heal his hand. . . . He could no longer grasp a hammer. After prayer he recounted, ‘When I started to grab the hammer and then began to hammer nails, the swelling disappeared. I shouted to the people in the factory that God is real! This God will be my God for the rest of my life.’” ²⁹

A recent unpublished doctoral dissertation studied the factors of conversion among Northeastern or Issan Thai. ³⁰ The twin factors found were attraction and power. This phrase was first coined by Martin Visser and Jurjen de Bruijne in an earlier study. ³¹ Participants were attracted to the character and lifestyle of Christians or the Christian message. Yet that was not the only factor involved in their conversion. Participants reported supernatural encounters with God, answered prayers, and miracles.

Two participants were Buddhist monks who were suffering from severe weakness and pain but healed by the prayers of Christians. The first monk reported to the researcher that he “was weak and had no energy; he could not walk. He also could not eat food or drink.” ³² Doctors had no cure. Everyone waited for his inevitable death. However, a former Buddhist brought the monk to a Christian church. “The pastor prayed for him. At that moment, he . . . felt happiness and freedom for the first time.” ³³ The other monk told a similar story of deliverance from pain. Both left the temple and are now Christian leaders.

Often participants were attracted to Christianity but hesitant to join. So, they challenged God to reveal Himself. “Lord if you are the real God, please show yourself to me. Nothing happened at first, but I had a dream that night. I felt the presence of God. I was unhappy and felt hopeless after my husband died. . . . I felt hope again after God touched my life.” ³⁴

Like Iyadurai, I was not expecting to find the supernatural as a central element of conversion.

As I ventured into my research, in order to see conversion experience as a true phenomenologist I tried my best to set aside the rational bent of my evangelical orientation and my skepticism of Pentecostal and supernatural experiences. On the other hand, hearing converts speak of their conversion experiences and the price they paid for their conversion drew me closer to believe them. Though I do not identify myself as a Pentecostal, towards the end of my research I became sympathetic to considering Pentecostal or supernatural experiences favorably. ³⁵

Similarly, I was personally looking for sociological processes that were culturally conducive to leading people into the church and into a relationship with Jesus. I was not expecting to find the supernatural as a pervasive element in the process.

Extraordinary phenomena are frequently reported in the conversion stories of Muslims as well. ³⁶ Muslim converts recount dreams, visions, and hearing the voice of Jesus both internally and audibly. “One night somebody touched my hands and told me: ‘Do not be afraid. I am here for you.’ Jesus was talking to me.” ³⁷ These experiences were sometimes defined as mystical or mystical-affective experiences. ³⁸

In the desire to publish results, researchers might be hesitant to connect divine or spiritual agency with these experiences. Psychologically oriented scholars will sometimes refer to these experiences as an “acute hallucinatory episode.” ³⁹ Priscilla Choi explains the dreams and mystical experiences among Muslim as culturally appropriate psychological processing of the stress in changing religions. ⁴⁰ However, I contend we should not so easily discount the reports of participants as hallucinations or psychological processing and thereby exclude the possibility of spiritual agency.

The Western context

The question remains: Is this phenomenon universal or confined to the non-Western experience? The above studies were done with from non-Western contexts. In the studies featured above, converts that experienced an affective mystical experience or divine–human connection were not born or raised within a Western context.

To begin answering whether this phenomenon is universal, I did a study of Asian American Buddhist background believers in Hawaii. ⁴¹ I wanted to compare Buddhist background converts in Asia with Buddhist background converts raised in a more Western context. Hawaii is part of the United States, but some might argue that Hawaii is not an exclusively Western cultural context. I acknowledge that criticism, but I wanted to compare Buddhist converts with Buddhist converts in a “more” Western context. Furthermore, Hawaii has the highest percentage of Buddhists in the United States. ⁴²

My question was, “Would Asian American Buddhist background believers tell similar conversion stories?” The simple answer is yes.

As an example, my sister-in-law’s mom passed away and the church did the funeral service at Valley of the Temples Memorial Park. They were singing with the guitar and singing songs . . . I couldn’t understand why I was feeling so calm. I asked my husband, “Why do I feel this way? Why do I feel peace?” It was a funeral service like I had never experienced before. There was hope. There was love. There was peace. I never knew peace in my mind. ⁴³

Participants told stories of an existential connection with God that, in my opinion, were just as astounding as what I found in Thailand. Ten out of fifteen participants expressed having a clearly supernatural encounter that led them to convert from Buddhism to Christianity. “These participants spoke of the miraculous encounter as a voice, a feeling, an angelic visitation, spontaneous speaking in tongues, a vision, miraculous protection, deliverance from the demonic and supernatural answers to prayer. ‘I saw many miracles. He showed me provision like with the fish and the loaves. I saw miraculous healing.’” ⁴⁴

I remember waking up in the middle of the night sitting up in my bed next to this window with Venetian blinds . . . and saying God, “I don’t know what to do. What should I do?” I remember this gust of wind came in. It made the blinds make a lot of noise, and in the wind, I heard a voice. It was audible. It said, “trust me, just trust me.” I opened the window and I asked, “Who’s there?” Because I literally thought somebody was outside my window and then I thought, “Oh my God, was that God?” ⁴⁵

There were things that happened that were not coincidental. I felt a presence. . . . Before that I didn’t believe in Christ. ⁴⁶

My mom had just passed away. I was at school and it was after lunch. I was walking out the door to get back to my classroom and I heard this voice, not out loud. “What are you going to do when you die?” I thought, “That’s right! What am I going to do?” . . . It woke me up. ⁴⁷

Even those participants who did not share a distinctly supernatural experience had what could be identified as an affective/mystical connection with the divine.

I was at my mom’s place . . . all I can remember . . . was praying out loud, calling to God for his help. I pleaded. I cried. Maybe it was because of all the emotion coming out, but when I arrived home, I was at peace. Sometimes I feel this presence. It’s a peaceful feeling. It is a good feeling. ⁴⁸

A call for further research

These more recent conversion studies have raised many questions for further enquiry, theological and practical. The primary question I want to raise is the universality of these experiences. Researchers of the conversion experience “are interested in understanding how people interpret their experiences, how they construct their worlds, and what meaning they attribute to their experiences.” ⁴⁹ We must also not discount how they interpret their experiences. Missiologists and the church in general need to understand how people become followers of Christ. This information informs our evangelistic approaches and can focus our practices.

Has a non-supernatural approach to conversion studies limited our findings? More research needs to be done. What about secular or nominal Christians who experience a conversion? Do secular or nominal Christians report similar experiences before truly committing their lives to Christ? Is it possible for someone to make a truly cognitive decision to follow Jesus? In the United States and Europe, how prominent or pervasive is the supernatural element in conversion? Anecdotal evidence seems to suggest that the supernatural/mystical affective is more pervasive than we realize among Europeans. We need to confirm or disconfirm this theory. Furthermore, what about conversions to other religions? Do converts to Islam have similar experiences or are they unique to Christianity?

Furthermore, the church needs to rediscover the role of the supernatural in evangelism and mission to be effective in the majority world. The charismatic/Pentecostal model of evangelism has been very effective in the majority world, because it takes seriously the role of the supernatural in conversion. ⁵⁰ How can non-charismatic traditions embrace the supernatural in evangelism within their own traditions and missiological values?

In conclusion, the sixth-century monk Cosmas travelled to Africa, India, and possibly Sri Lanka (Ceylon) visiting and examining the churches and the growth of Christianity in the East. The early Christian monk proclaimed:

They do not accept or practice it [Christianity] except for proofs which they have witnessed, signs which they have known, and miracles which they have recognized, which compelled them to submit to it and practice it. ⁵¹

We who are on the mission field and studying those who come to Christ are finding the same.