As the Elders Sang: Exploring the Continuity and Novelty in the Folk Musical Performances of Goa

Abstract

Music, society and culture are intimately linked with each other. Music not only fulfils its primary need as a source of entertainment but also serves as a powerful medium for human communication. Music today has come to represent more as a commercial product, thus transforming its role in the socio-cultural domain of society. This article aims to explore the folk musical performances of the Christian Gawda, with special focus on one form of folk performance locally known as ghumata vazop. While presenting in brief the ideas put forward by some sociologists on music, ethnomusicology and folk music, the article attempts at a conceptual clarification between the two tribal identities of Gawda and Kunbi. Lastly, it explores aspects of continuity and novelty in the folk musical traditions of the Gawdas.

Introduction

There have been numerous research conducted in the field of ethnomusicology in Goa. Themes often investigated are related to Goan diaspora and the syncretic mando–dulpod love songs or fado songs, indicating the strong Portuguese legacy in Goa (Sardo 2007, 98). According to Sardo (2007, 98), irrespective of the issues addressed, conclusions frequently point to the critical role of music in consolidating social and identity ties within groups. Music and society have always been intimately linked (Francis 2008). Music plays an important role in defining who we are and how we determine our identity (Hanson 2015). It is often a medium through which we communicate emotions, beliefs and thoughts that we may not be able to do otherwise. According to Hanson (2015), many African societies recognise music as a living force. Friedson (1996) noted that many African tribal people experience sickness and healing through rituals whose essential core is music. Music plays a meaningful role in most people’s lives, regardless of their cultural origin (Boer 2009, 1). It can foster relationships between people and communicate values and identity (Boer 2009, 1). In many societies, music is not an independent art form to be enjoyed for its own sake but is an integral part of culture. Music accompanies every human activity, from the cradle to the grave (Ferring 2014; Hargreaves and North 1997). In other words, it is a part of every life cycle of all human groups, including the people of Goa. Music also reflects and creates social situations that can either facilitate or impede social change (Francis 2008). Music is a very vital medium, and in some societies, there have been efforts to manipulate and control its use (Francis 2008). Apart from impeding social change, it has also been used as a means of political mobilisation, as evident during the historic Opinion Poll of Goa, ¹ where the awareness among the locals regarding the different political agendas of the political parties was channelised through music. Along with music, dancing is found in wide variety of forms in different cultures. It is difficult to know which is a primary aesthetic activity, music or dancing, but certainly in many societies, music and dance are intricately linked (Ferring 2014; Hargreaves and North 1997).

In Goa, dance, movies, plays, tiarts and khell-tiatros ² serve as forms of entertainment. Interestingly, among the people of Goa, nature has played a vital role by serving as a source of inspiration to produce music, as people went to the seashore to watch sunset, sat on the pat mari (sail boat) and sang songs (Fernandes 2007, 4). Before, there was very little or no music-based entertainment; only songs of birds and animals, sounds that evolved while working, cooking, monkeys hopping on trees and so on were the source of music for people (Fernandes 2007, 4). According to a popular belief, music originated from such natural sounds and rhythms as the human heartbeat, the songs of birds and the rustling of the wind. For instance, the Bagurumba, a folk dance performed by the Bodos of Assam, is inspired by their natural surroundings; it contains dances of plants, animals, birds, butterflies, wave of flowing river, wind and so on (Singh n.d.). The first musical instrument was the human’s voice, as the human voice can create rhythms through humming, singing, whistling, coughing or yawing. The first instrument was a percussion instrument; clapping of hands and hitting of stones evolved later (Fernandes 2007, 4).

How should we define music? The youth interviewed in this study considered music to be something that gives peace and calmness to your soul, an art of healing a person’s mood. While others consider it as the best medicine that heals all types of pain, grief and an answer to every question. Music is a language through which one expresses his/her emotions and desires that cannot be explained through words. Others considered it as an emotion, art, form of culture and a way through which they can praise God. In short, it is a language that has great beats, conveys stories, emotions and expression, and it is a flow of dance based on the rhythm.

Defining music is difficult as there are different conceptions of music in different culture around the world. Every culture in the world has its own conception of what constitutes music. Music has different connotations around the world. In the Greek tradition, ‘musiqa/musiqi refers to musical practices that were imported into Islamic societies’ (Bohlman 2002, 1). In the recitation of the Quran, the word used for music is qira’ah, literally ‘reading’ or ‘calling’. The Arabic word ‘Sama’ is translatable as both ‘hearing’ and ‘listening’ (ibid, 1). Similarly, the Arabic word Zikr is literally translated as both ‘memory’ and ‘remembering’ (Bohlman 2002, 1). Sufi ritual in which the Muslim believer draws physically and spiritually closer to God by chanting the name of Allah with ever-increasing intensity (Bohlman 2002, 1). In Sanskrit, the word Sangeet is used for ‘music’, but in ‘early theoretical treatises the Indian music contained a range of practices that included Brahmanical ceremonial song, instrumental music, dance and a certain type of theatre depicting scenes from the two great epics that are Mahabharata and Ramayana’ (Bohlman 2002, 1–2).

According to the recitation of the Hebrew Bible, the torah, music is called Ta’ameh ha-mikrah, whereas Judaism never considered music (Bohlman 2002, 1–2). Thai Buddhist performance of ritualised music and dance that crosses and mediates religious and other categories is called Wai khruu (Bohlman 2002, 1). This article is about the folk music in Goa.

Methodology and Method of the Study

The main objective of this study was to investigate the changes that have taken place in the folk musical tradition of Goa, with a special emphasis on the folk musical performance called Ghumata Vazop performed by the Christian Gawdas. This ethnographic study, drawing insights from ethnomusicology, is aimed at exploring Goan society through the folk musical performances in Salcete Taluka. Both primary and secondary data were used. The primary data were gathered through such tools as participant observation, unstructured interviews and transcription of songs’ lyrics. Snowball sampling method was used for selecting groups performing folk music in Nuvem and Verna villages of Salcete Taluka. Structured questionnaire was used to elicit information on the changing trend among the Goan youth, with regard to their knowledge of music in general and folk musical performances in particular. Books, journals and newspaper articles were consulted for secondary data. Members of four folk musical groups, two groups each from Nuvem and Verna, were interviewed.

Sociology of Music and Ethnomusicology

In all societies around the globe, music is the driving force; it is an important element of social and cultural life. The study of music in society with reference to its social– cultural meaning has been of interest to such thinkers as Max Weber, George Simmel and T. W. Adorno. Pierre Bourdieu (1993) wrote a collection of 10 essays on art, literature, cultural works and the importance of culture for intellectuals. Bourdieu (1984) argued, ‘Nothing more clearly affirms ones “class,” nothing more infallibly classifies, than tastes in music’, as clearly seen in the difference of taste in music among the Goan Brahmin elite aristocrats who preferred mando and fado, while the Gawda, Kunbi and Velip felt more homely with their indigenous Dekni and Fugdi songs.

Sociologists of music have been concerned with the importance of musical taste for embarking status, distinguishing cultural hierarchies, how musicians and the music industry organise to provide music and influence taste and the education and working situations of musicians. DeNora (2000) drew ethnographic evidence to assess the affective and embodied aspects of music and analyses music as an independent force in structuring women’s inner and social lives. The use of music as an independent force in structuring women’s innermost and social life is most clearly visible in Goan scenario, especially with the folk songs in dalho and fugdi, where the participation is specific to only women, who take up roles of men. In these folk performances, women bring out their everyday experiences and their inner feelings and emotions. It is not only related to giving thanks to Mother Goddess, but over the years singing has also become a platform where women voice their opinions outside their inner domain. According to DeNora (2000, 17), music at the level of everyday life has power. Music can also portray social–cultural identities, stereotypes and the structure of society. As observed in Georges Bizet’s opera Carmen, the story reveals patriarchal obsession. According to McClary, the music of Carmen manifests certain sexual stereotypes. The character of Carmen is seen as low-status, non-conformist, sensual and disorderly (DeNora 2000, 25). The aesthetic construction of music disconnects the character, musically, from the discussion on high culture and musical respectability (ibid). This work methodically portrays how music is produced and consumed as a capital which provides interpretations about non-musical matters are depicted (DeNora 2000, 24). McClary also highlight how music is by no means inert and how it helps to construct our perception and imagination of non-musical matters—social character and status, pleasure, longing and so forth (DeNora 2000, 26). McClary has suggested medium through which musical works stand in inter-textual relation to the history of traditional musical practices and how these practices may be mobilised to non-musical effect (DeNora 2000, 26).

George (1993, 12) emphasises the ritual music in Mappurondo while discussing a vocalic tradition of inclusion. Although the mappurondo culture fairly portrays an egalitarian gender principles that stresses on the complementarity of women and men, the rituals place enormous emphasis on gender differences. Among the Mappurondo, music is a powerful and dangerous medium, enclosed with very a rigid set of taboos that restrict performance along with gendered organisation of musical practice (George 1993, 14). Music-making plays a significant part in moulding, defining and calling forth gender differences (George 1993, 14). The gender difference is not only seen in ritual organisation but also in the ritual language. Speech and song lyrics of men’s rites are in the common tongue and are readily understood by all, but the women sing in obscure verse taken from waters believed to flow from the sky world. These mysterious chants of women’s ceremonies can rarely be understood by villagers. Trance-talk, too, is a specifically female oration (ibid, 14). The principal difference between men’s and women’s ritual oration and song is that in genres associated with men, it is the speaker who talks, whereas in genres associated with women, the speaker is being spoken by gods and spirits (George 1993, 14). George summarises his views in a way that highlights the principles of ritual speech and song, which differentiate male and female modes of performance, where masculine genres are linked with control and everyday language and feminine genres with sensitivity and exogenous language (George 1993, 14).

Culture and music flow together. Music as an aspect of culture has been studied in the field of ethnomusicology. But we find no single authoritative definition of ethnomusicology. It is often seen as a process used to understand not only what music is but also why it is and how meanings are conveyed by the different social groups. It is an interdisciplinary approach to study the interface of music, culture and society.

Folk Musical Tradition of Goa

Goa has a unique cultural heritage with a rich cultural synthesis where a blend of East and West can be witnessed in a uniquely creative manner (Gawas and Velip 2015, 574). From the folk songs of the tribes to the syncretic mando love songs, from Indo-Portuguese mandolin to the traditional ghumat, indeed Goa is unique blend of culture. Music and dance, form the very core of rural Goa, are distinct for each occasion, and each region has its own distinctive forms (Gawas and Velip 2015, 574). Goan music not only maintained the tradition and enlarged it by amalgamating the experiences of conversion and colonialism but also overflowed with both social and political aspects (Couto 2005, 267).

Folk music, just like folk literature, lives through oral tradition, and it is learned through hearing rather than reading. Folk music is usually transmitted by word of mouth or oral tradition. Folk music exists in all cultures of the world, like Japan, China, India, the Middle East, etc. The folk music of Goa bears a tradition of thousands of years, characterised by multitudinous forms, reflecting lifestyles, cultures and aspirations of different strata, religions and castes of Goan society. Most of the elements of culture are narrated through music, from bhajans, ovis and kirtans to ladains.

According to Lucio Rodrigues, as quoted by Couto (2005, 272), affirmed that the popular folk music of Goa, mando, is a harmonic blend between upper caste mando and the folk music as represented in dulpod. He perceived that modern life has no place for leisure, and romanticism of the mando and the folk music will grow (ibid, 272). Before the popularity of mando, folk tradition thrived in Goa’s villages. Though banned along with other forms of folk entertainment, the zagor, fugdi and dhalo survived among the Christians of Goa (Couto 2005, 272). The most common and popular zagor performance is still performed jointly by Hindus and Christians in the village of Siolim. Similarly, another widely known folk performance that is still celebrated by the Chardo gaunkar families of Cotta Chandor and Cavorim of Salcete taluka, Mussalam Khell or pestle dance (Couto 2005, 272). Despite several edicts to suppress the pagan culture and tradition by the colonisers, traditions remained alive, which gave Goa’s Christianity its special character, especially in the villages and tribal areas (Couto 2005, 272).

The most popular Goan folk tradition is represented in the folk songs and dances of the tribal population of Goa. In the absence of historiographical sources, history of these tribal groups can be constructed with the help of songs in the form of folklore such as Jagor, Dhalo, Fugdi, Shigmo and other tribal folk dances. The traditional tribal folk songs shed light on tribal history. For example, there are folk lore like Ghantavoilean yeylo Gawdo, Khuti Marun Muthi Jodli and Gawdi gela voilea ranan Gawdin gelea kudya pona, Gawdo re, Gawdo re, Kormole pona (Gawas and Velip 2015, 564). In every traditional song of Gawda, Kunbi and Velip folk dance, we get reference to the hidden history of tribes in Goa (Gawas and Velip 2015, 564). The Kunbis would sing at different stages of cultivation, such as noddhi that is weeding, mollin that is threshing and luvnni means harvesting (Braganza 2017, 88–89). Besides the traditional tribal folk songs of the Gawda, Kunbi and Velip, the Mitta geeta of salt makers and Goan fishermen have their own folk musical tradition. The Goan fishermen stage their folk tradition for the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul on the 29th of June every year, known as the Sangodd. The workers have another type of song called Tandani, which is sung randomly at the time of siesta or recreation (Braganza 2017, 89). The toddy tappers song, locally called the Rendrachim kantara, is another form of folk song (ibid, 89–90). The traditional folk music and dances have continued uninterruptedly, while the influence of Portuguese music and dance on the local culture has helped evolve new forms. Such a blending and coexistence of cultural traditions gives a unique character to the music and folk dance of Goa (Gawas and Velip 2015, 574).

Who Are the Gawda and Kunbi Tribes of Goa?

During the field work, the researcher encountered the issue of conceptual distinction between the Gawdas and Kunbis of Goa. Who are they, and how are they different from each other? One group from Nuvem regarded themselves as Gawdas, while others considered their group to be associated with Kunbi, as their dance was called Kunbi dance. We often encounter that both these tribal identities of Gawda and Kunbi are used interchangeably. The popular local belief is that the tribal population of Salcete Taluka in villages like Nuvem, Verna and Nagao belongs to the Kunbi tribe and is famous for their traditional folk dance called Kunbi dance. But through the personal interviews, the groups had a different notion of their identity, as some considered themselves Scheduled Tribes either belonging to Gawda or Kunbi, while there were still others who considered themselves Other Backward Classes.

The Gawda, Kunbi and Velip are considered the first settlers of Goa. It is very difficult to reconstruct their early history due to a lack of literary sources. The available sources have proved that these tribes are autochthones of Goa. It is said that the Gawda, Kunbi and Velip tribes of Goa were originally from Chota Nagpur region of Madhya Pradesh (Gawas and Velip 2015, 264).

The Gawdas are predominantly farmers. The majority of them are Hindu (57%), with the remaining Christians (Government of Goa 2005; Pereira 2017, 128). The Gawdas can be divided into three groups, namely Hindus, Catholics and Neo-Hindus (Nav Hindu Gawdas). The Hindu Gawda are known as the Konkanne Gawda, a term that refers to an inhabitant of the Konkan area as well as to Hinduism. The Catholic Gawda is the part of the Gawda that was converted to Catholicism during Portuguese rule. The Neo-Hindu (Nav Hindu Gawda) are the Catholic Gawda who underwent the Shuddi, a Hindu purification ceremony, between 1926 and 1932 and became Hindu (Pereira 2017, 128). The Christian Gawda has two divisions known as the Christian Gawda and Kunbi Gawda (Gawas and Velip 2015, 568).

The Gawda are placed on the lower fringes of the social strata of the caste hierarchy, or regarded in the social space between the Sudra and the Untouchables, at the very bottom of the social stratification (Pereira 2017, 128). The Kunbis principally reside in the Salcete Taluka.

In recent times, both the dances of Gawda and Kunbi are referred to as Kunbi Dance, as they are usually presented in the Kala Akademi-organised Lokotsav (Folk Festival). Kurumbim is the Portuguese word used by the Catholic elite of Goa to translate from Konkani both Gawda and Kunbi (Pereira 2017, 132). However, Gawda and Kunbi are distinguishable by their religion, the villages and regions of Goa they inhabit and also their economic status (Pereira 2017, 132). In some villages, the Gawdas consider themselves higher compared to the Kunbi, as they regard the Kunbi as backward and as the settlers of the top of hills. The Gawda claim that they are called Kunbi by outsiders due to their social and cultural proximity, although they are in fact Gawdas (ibid, 132–133). Pereira (2017) made an attempt to clarify the distinction between the two tribal identities. Both Gawda and Kunbi tried to put their own notions of their identities. On the basis of religion, the Catholic Gawda say that the Kunbi are Hindu, and the Hindu Gawda say that the Kunbi are Catholic (Pereira 2017, 132–133). With respect to demography, in a village like Canacona, there are no Catholic Gawdas, and the Hindus define themselves as Kunbi. Similarly, in the villages of Ponda taluka (central Goa), it is believed there are no Catholic Kunbi, and the Hindus declare themselves to be Gawda (Pereira 2017, 132–133). There appears to be a greater number of Kunbi in Canacona, and the number of those who identify themselves as Gawda appears to increase as one proceeds from the south to the centre and north of Goa (ibid, 133). On the basis of economic status, the Kunbis are considered backward as they have traditionally been living in secluded areas, and the Gawda a higher status comparatively (Pereira 2017, 133).

From the overview of literature and the field data, we can discern that most of the respondents in Nuvem and Verna regarded themselves as Gawda rather than Kunbi. An elderly respondent of the Nuvem village hinted that the dress of both the tribal groups (Gawda and Kunbi) could provide some clarification. The saris worn by the Christian Gawda ladies have big square or checks, whereas the other tribes have small checks, as observed in the folk musical performance in Nuvem. No doubt, their popular folk dance in Salcete is frequently referred to as Kunbi dance. None of the respondents regarded their folk musical tradition as the so-called Kunbi dance but designated it as ghumata vazop/vazop. All the musical groups interviewed today identify themselves with their troop names, which they have formed themselves, rather than with their tribal identities. In their performances at the folk festival organised by Kala Academy, they were introduced as ‘tribals of Goa, Kunbi–Gawda’, bringing the two categories together. In another festival organised in the village of Nuvem every year on the 15th of December, the whole event is recognised not as Gawda–Kunbi dance but advertised as ‘Traditional Folk Festival’. Thus, the tribal identity of the Gawda and Kunbi has been negotiated, and a new neutral identity has been adopted by these folk performers.

The Socio-Cultural Dynamics in the Folk Musical Performances of Christian Gawda

Tourism is one of the fastest-growing service industries, which plays a dynamic role in the global economy as it contributes to the development of nations. The development and growth of this industry depend on the products offered by the host community. Most destinations try to showcase their products and product potential for tourists so that visitation can increased. Goa came into the limelight of international tourism in the 1960s and 1970s, when the state’s palm-fringed coast became a haven for western hippy travellers (Routledge 2000, 2649). With the realisation of the economic benefits from the tourism sector, the Government of Goa in the mid-1980s began to consider seriously the possible economic benefits of promoting international tourism and, by 1986, had decided to exploit Goa and its beaches for the purposes of charter tourism. The government of Goa’s Master Plan of 1987 targeted Goa as a tourist site and sought to intensively develop luxury tourism within the state (Routledge 2000, 2649). The proposed master plan for the development of tourism in Goa met with local opposition, and thus only the central objective of starting direct charter and luxury tourism was retained (ibid, 2649–2650). Goa is one of the most successful examples of the development of luxury and coastal tourism. Today, Goa offers numerous products to visitors, which range from its pristine beaches, to adventure tourism that includes a range of water sports, fishing, go-karting, hiking, dolphin sightseeing, scuba diving, paragliding, rock climbing, safaris and trekking (Ransley 2012, 5). Similarly, another aspect that has largely been promoted is the traditional dance and music of the State, which range from mandos/dulpods, fugdi, dhalo to the kunbi dance, which are often staged in different star hotels and museums of Goa.

Tourism in the globalised world order has both positive and negative impacts on folk music in Goa. On the positive side, it has led to the popularity of Goan music throughout the globe, as replicated through the festival celebrated in the United Kingdom called Goa Day. But on the flip side, exposure to the different genres of music of the world, along with occupational dynamics and the availability of different and advanced modes of entertainment, resulted also in the decline of Goan music, especially among the youth who prefer western music.

According to popular belief, the folk musical performances of the Christian Gawdas are often associated with the Kunbi dance. Apart from the so-called Kunbi dance, the Kunbis or Gawdas of Chandravaddo, a ward from Fatorda in Salcete Taluka, also perform the dandla dance with sticks during the Carnival (Couto 2005, 275). But it was firmly noted that the Gawda tribes of both Nuvem and Verna do not have this tradition of performing and staging the dandla dance. But there were instances where they did join the groups from Fatorda for the Carnival and other events if the number of dancers and singers in the original group was less. The respondents from Nuvem referred to this dance form as dandeani (bamboo dance) and not as dandla dance. Another instance noted by Couto was of songs heard during the rath procession of Goddess Shantadurga of Cuncolim, referring to her as Saibin Mai, the Virgin Mary (Couto 2005, 275). This instance indicates the syncretic blending of two belief traditions in folk performances. From all these different illustrations, we can come to certain conclusions that the continuity of these folk performances is village and region-specific and is not a common feature of the Gawda tribe of Goa, as it was not evident in the areas investigated.

All respondents did not consider their folk music as Kunbi dance but rather preferred to call it ghumata vazop/vazop. This form of folk performance was staged earlier only during the marriage celebrations held in their respective houses. Traditionally, Goan Catholic wedding receptions were mostly held in the groom’s house and not at a formal venue or hall as they are now. One of the elderly respondents remarked that earlier for the wedding, three types of these traditional vazop were staged: One was called mattova vazop, held when wedding shade, or locally called mattov, was installed; second was played at the reception of the wedding, called kazarache vazop and the third was called soijea zevona vazop. All these musical performances were held only at the groom’s place.

Earlier, there were no specialised professional groups that would perform these performances, but any person who knew the art of playing traditional instruments like ghumat, madane, tal or kasale would voluntarily join and perform. Similarly, all the women of the household or ward would willingly participate, wearing the traditional dentli sari.

Apart from the marriage reception, folk performances were also a speciality of the three-day carnival festival or Intruz. For the Intruz, it was performed in the sacred space-maand. Maand is the sacred place of the Gawda tribe. Be it Catholic or a Hindu gawda, maand was a sacred place where all the tribal folk performances and festivals like dhalo, intruz and intruzmeji, which is commonly called zagor, were performed by the groups. After conversion to Christianity, the Catholic Church believed that maand was an element of pagan culture, something related to evil spirits. The Church banned the newly converted from performing any devotional ritual near the maand (Couto 2005). It was termed as superstitious belief in evil spirits. Because of the Christianisation process, the Gawda tribe has lost a great part of its folk musical tradition. In the field, we found out that only the group from Verna performed the traditional zagor but not the sacred maand.

But today, these performances during the marriage are no longer performed for the reception or for the intruz but only for the traditional Catholic roce ceremony. ³ This transformation occurred due to the popularity of formal reception venues and professional wedding music bands. For the Catholic roce, there are groups that perform gumta vazop who are invited and paid. One of the respondents vividly recalled that the last performance that was held was in the 1990s for her wedding. Besides, traditional roce, these groups today perform for all social functions and gatherings like birthdays, Christenings, First Holy Communion, confirmation, silver weddings and especially for 21st birthdays. With the booming tourism in the coastal areas, these groups are hired by star hotels to perform their traditional folk performance or ghumata vazop/gumtacho nach, as a way of showcasing Goan culture and heritage to the tourists. Similarly, these folk performers also perform at various cultural events and museums, like Goa Chitra Museum in Benaulim, where it is staged as a welcoming event for foreign tourists. The respondents firmly remarked that with the development and growth of the tourism industry, especially with the star hotels, they could procure more bookings and have steady income.

The base of the folk musical tradition of Goa is dependent greatly on Konkani language. With the exception of a few mandos–dulpods, Konkani is the main language in which the songs are written and narrated. According to Couto (2005, pp. 166, 169), Konkani had never been the language of power as it was suppressed and neglected both by the State and Church. But it definitely served as a powerful medium of communication through music among the local population. Christianity, the new religion, flourished gradually only when the language, music, ceremony and rituals accommodated the local identity (Couto 2005, 70). The resilience of both the language and its speakers enabled the survival. Although western and church music was promoted by the Portuguese in Latin, the performances of folk musical traditions helped to keep the Konkani language thriving among the newly converted Christians. Konkani written in the romi script is still the medium of composing and writing lyrics of the songs (Couto 2005, 70–71).

With regard to the songs that are sung today, the respondents remarked that the themes of the songs have changed. Earlier, through the songs, the musicians made the locals aware of the day-to-day happenings in their immediate surroundings. Themes on extramarital affairs, alcoholism, stories of tarvottis (seamen), bhatkars-mundkars relationships and stories of devadasis or Kalvantas were narrated. Almost all the elderly respondents affirmed that most of their songs contained vulgar words and directly referred to the person by name. The two most popular themes on which these songs were based were extramarital affairs and overseas occupations. Each group had two or more songs on these themes. Some songs narrating extramarital affairs were like:

Lawrence keso hadlam re tuvem goru,

dog zan chedvank dhorun ankvaru.

tenger asai khui ran dhukoru,

yeshmun sangtai xezarche dukonkaru (2)

The lyrics narrate the story of Lawrence, a widowed man who has two unmarried daughters. Instead of marrying off his daughters, he has brought another lady to his house, the last two lines indicate the talks going around in the neighbourhood regarding the relationship between Lawrence and the girl, who is here referred to as ‘goru’, with the literal meaning of cow in the lyrics.

Ghorkar mozo tarvar gela ravta hanv teka,

bomble sokol chodon yeta kona maka.

Tu tori mak topasun ge, thor soglem tuka,

Ani hanv sumbrachem zal bhogor tu gara vochonaka (2)

The lyrics narrate the story of a lady whose husband is working overseas as a Tarvotti (seamen). She is not able to control her sexual urges. She asks the doctor who is treating her not to go home untill she is healed. This story hints at the conditions of women who were left behind by their husbands who were overseas and the negative outcome of migration on families.

Xhezeria ambia toram zalai gosani, Ghov nah bailek bhurgim dilaim rashini (2)

Zalo khobor voson sangili Rockeni, ragan voson bailek budoil jakini (2)

This song too mentions the story of a woman who has many children and whose husband is not at home (overseas). Here, raw mangoes (toram) are used to compare to the children (bhurgim) in the family. The second line of the song indicates that the husband, named Jaki, is informed about his wife’s affairs with a person named Rocky.

The locals believed that through these songs and musical performances, the villagers were made aware of happenings in their village. It severed as a medium of human communication. But today almost all affirmed that they have stopped singing songs that can hurt people and prefer singing on topics that are neutral, like songs on traditional occupation like agriculture, tarvottis (seamens), fishing and so on. Some songs also mention the reasons for the decline of agriculture and narrate stories of women whose husbands were tarvottis. It was only the Nuvem group that sang songs on themes like extramarital affairs or the status of kalavants, which are believed to represent authentic folk tradition. The rest of the groups are responding to the changing trends and the need to be assimilated into the mainstream society. The neutrality in the lyrics of these songs can be attributed to their exposure to a larger society. Earlier, these were part of group celebrations, but today they perform outside their immediate surroundings for others. Earlier, the songs even contained narrations of the atrocities and exploitations committed by the upper caste members of the village, but such songs were omitted on the ground not to hurt any of their customers who could belong to these castes. The ambition of these folk performers is to increase their earnings to make a livelihood and also to be a part of the general mainstream society. They take up issues that are neutral and guided by marketability. Sometimes the themes and lyrics of these songs are modified during the performances, depending on the location and the social background of the audience. All the respondents admitted that no songs are sung on political themes and also religious topics.

None of them acknowledged the fact that they sang songs invoking Hindu gods, but some elements of Hindu traditional dance, like fugdi and a dance form called dedh Payani, also called peacock dance (associated with Lord Krishna), do hint at post-conversion traditional continuity. Even in one of the songs, there was reference made to the Kalvantas or Devdasi from Zambaulim temple, which is a part and parcel of Hindu tradition rather than Christianity in Goa, indicates the existence of Hindu folk tradition.

Dogai kolvontam ami Zambavlim devdatulim,

voi ragan bair soron hailim, ek rath vosti ravlia shimbria note getelim. (2)

voir voir dongra pipam tolo, pipam sandun morh gelo dhongrar. (2)

sangechea pilank tini pato, sorpan mandvan dhnu vato.

Upon further probe, one of the elders narrated that these were songs of pre-Portuguese Goa invoking Hindu gods, but today, these songs are not sung, and only upon request, songs invoking Our Lady of Valankanni, St. Anthony or any other Catholic saint were sung for the Roce.

The groups from Nuvem and Verna played the same musical instruments, which are ghumat, madane, kasal and Tal. Both groups maintained their own instruments, while the groups from Verna ordered them from Rivona village in Salcete Taluka. The main musical instrument for this folk music is the ghumat, which serves as the base; every group would have more than four ghumats.

A change is witnessed with regard to the duration of their performances. In the past, there was no specific duration for the performances. Generally, during the wedding reception, it would begin by 8.00 p.m. in the evening and go on till the next morning. But today, when it is performed for Roce, their performances are scheduled from 8.00 to 11.30 p.m. Earlier and even today, if during the performance a person experiences trance (in Konkani, bhar ivop), the music should not stop, as there was fear that the person dancing to these tunes of music may die, as the locals believed. Almost all the members of these group narrated instances of psychedelic music, trance or bhar ievop in Konkani. The musicians, especially, had to go through a lot of pain, as their hands would swell and some would get wounds, but in spite of this, the music continued.

Be it Dhalo, Fugdi or Kunbi, dance is incomplete without the red checked sari commonly called the kunbi sari. This six-yard sari, commonly called the kapad in Konkani, is worn by the folk dancers. It has no pallu or drape, is pleated at the waist and is drawn across the chest and back over the right shoulder to form a knot called a dentli. Interestingly, untill 1940, these saris were worn without blouses, but the colonial Portuguese government made it compulsory to wear a blouse. The simplicity of this kunbi sari makes it unique, as it does not contain any motifs. The only design that it has are the squares. This pattern varies from one tribal group to another. For instance, the saris worn by the Christian Gawdas have big squares compared to other saris, which have small squares. While the men from the Christian Gawda community used a loin cloth known as Kasthi, the head was tied with a scarf made from the same textile called nes.

Upon further inquiry, the dancers of the group cited the significance of the red colour in the kunbi sari. The red colour of the sari was associated with married life; similarly, it also signified fertility. All the female dancers affirmed the fact that everything may change with time, but not the dress of female dancers. Along with the traditional red sari, women would carry a duputta, which is held in their hands. Today, the traditional attire is worn only during the folk performance and by a handful of elderly Gawda women.

All the women wear jewellery consisting of glass bangles, necklaces and earnings. One of the elderly informants added that earlier spinsters, married women and widows had different saris. Usually, the spinsters and widows were not encouraged to join the performance. Menstruation was another taboo. But today, all the women are allowed to perform, and there are no taboos attached. There are some differences observed among the married and widowed women; married women would wear fresh flowers on their heads, while widows would wear plastic flowers. The married women would wear red bangles, and the widowed women would wear black bangles.

The traditional folk musical performances of the Christian Gawda are divided into a number of sets. All the four interviewed groups had a unique style of performing and each had a different number of sets. Each musical piece or set has a total of 15–20 songs. Each set had different dance steps and foot and hand movement. The names for these sets are derived from the dance performed or the steps. The first step is called Danvtto, which signifies an entry dance in Konkani, davon ievop. Second, the musical piece is called Utto, comprising both fast and slow beats. One of the songs from the Utto:

ganvche chedyache hanv kona careu,

kazar zainastona tu azun asai ankvaru.

tuja moga lagon ugot dovot deru,

amge ponsa voilian gara yetai choru (2)

This song narrates the story of an unmarried girl who does not fancy anyone in the neighbourhood. The singer confesses his love for her, waits for her arrival and keeps his house door open. But instead of his lover, robbers enter the house.

The third set is called Udkayani, which has a slow beat. The fourth set Dedh Payani is also referred to as peacock dance, as the foot movements resemble those of a peacock. This piece was found to be common among all the groups interviewed.

The fifth piece is called Dangani, which has a fast beat. The sixth set comprises a fusion of mando and dulpod locally called ‘mix dance’, where songs of Goan singers like Alfred Rose, C. Alvares and others are sung. The last piece is fugddi, which is very similar to Hindu folk music and was commonly performed for Zagor.

While the other groups had four sets of folk music that differed from those mentioned earlier. The first set is named Chaltem, followed by Uttea or Utto, third is Danganim and finally Devon-Choddon. The last set, Devon-Choddon, was considered as unique and difficult to sing.

Example of Chaltem:

maka kazar zalear vorsan zali bhara,

Ghov mozo Africa asa nu yevcho asa ghora. (2)

khumaru motintu chitna tuge gal ge pora, Ghov tuzo yevchea pavnaka, moro tho doria lara. (2)

Kavdian shirabo gailia kedna lagna ghora, dogai ami atanch yelai asloi shirdanv gara. (2)

This song narrates the story of a lady who was married for the past 12 years, and her husband, who is working in Africa, is coming home. Her overseas husband is having an affair with another lady (here referred to as Khumaru/kuman in Konkani). The Kuman curses the lady that your husband will die in the sea and will never come home. The wife replies to her by saying that a crow’s cruses will not affect them and after her husband’s return they will go to Siridao.

The third group had four sets of traditional folk music, that is, Chaltea, Utto, Ded painchem and lastly fusion of dekni and mando. A unique feature of this group was there was no gender difference with regard to playing music and dancing. Both men and women were allowed to play musical instruments, and similarly, men also danced along with the group. Another rare phenomenon observed was the enthusiasm and active involvement of the younger generation, both boys and girls. This group has members who are in the age group of 11–18 years old and who play traditional ghumat. They are in the process of training the younger generation, and the zeal observed among these youngsters was not witnessed among the other groups. Both groups from Nuvem were uncertain about their traditions being carried forward by their children.

Goan Society Mirrored Through the Christian Gawda Folk Music: Transcription of the Songs

The first group, Ghumat Vazta Naach Dakoi, has a total of three musical instruments—namely Ghumat, Mhadane (tabla) and Kasal. They have a total of seven sets, namely Dhanvto, Udto, Udkeanni, Dedh Payanni, Dhanvto, Dhanganni, mix dance and Fugdi. Each of these sets has different combination of five to six songs. In this section, the songs from the different sets are transcribed in order to understand the meaning and stories behind each song, which portray Goan society in general and Christian Gawda lifestyle and culture in particular. Some of the songs of the first group are transcribed below.

1. Utto

ganvche chedyache hanv kona careu,

kazar zainastona tu azun asai ankvaru.

tuja moga lagon ugot dovot deru,

amge ponsa voilian gara yetai choru. (2)

This is a conversation between a girl and a boy. The girl is not interested or does not want to be in any relationship with the boys in the local neighbourhood. The boy says to the girl, because of your love, I have kept the door of my house and heart open, but instead of you the robbers have entered the house through the jackfruit tree.

2. Dedh Payani

Goem ravon pot bona go, yeabashenu dekun hanv bomoi voita, rav bor bashenu. (2)

Murgosanv pachek yeta petu genu, Pavtoch chitt mak bhoroi Address ganu. (2)

Eetolo hanv don char vorsam, viag mamu. (4)

This story talks about a person who says that by staying or living in Goa, they cannot fill their stomachs or live a better life. And as a result, he decides to migrate to Bombay and earn some money so that he can support his family. His wife tells him to write a letter when he reaches by putting the address. And he ends by saying that he will come home after two or four years.

3. Dhangani

Akshea sanu, taxintu ganu, hadlolo choraku,

zaitim vorsam sodilo teka, yenaslo ghoraku. (2)

Dukrabashin Bandunu teka, dorlolo dhoraku. (2)

(Tempo of the last line is fast and slow)

This song narrates the story of a wanted thief who escaped to Aggassim village. In Aggassim, the same robber was caught in a taxi, and he was tied like a swine so he could not escape again.

4. Fugdi

Dogai kolvontam ami Zambavlim devdatulim,

voi ragan bair soron hailim, ek rath vosti ravlia shimbria note getelim. (2)

voir voir dongra pipam tolo, pipam sandun morh gelo dhongrar. (2)

sangechea pilank tini pato, sorpan mandvan dhnu vato.

According to this song, the devdasis of Zambaulim temple left the place in anger. They are planning to stay one night in the village and earn 100 rupees (second stanza). In the third and fourth stanzas, references has been made to the peacock and peepal tree on the high mountain peak.

The second group had a total of four sets, namely chaltem, utto, dangani and Devoin chodoin. The transcription of the songs is attempted.

1. Utto

Dapa dapa dapa korun paper shapota, papera voili khobor sangonk loz disota. (2)

yetem jakinage chedum tuim apol vinkita, ani te aplam coin philipa ge chedo tinga disko nachota. (2)

The rumour is spread in and around the neighbourhood that Jakin’s daughter, who sells apples, is admired by Philip’s son, who has a crush on her and is ready to do whatever he can in order to win her heart (disco nachota). Disco is a mordern dance form.

2. Dhangani

Mahadam voita go, sangota moti dori,

hanv yevcho fud, modso kadun dovori. (2)

Teazalear pai, power na mojeshim, soro sovai zavun potam zainai bore. (2)

Madh mugele todia bandari, tinga san yevpa mak zat bai rathi.

In this verse, there is a casual conversation between a father and a daughter. The father has a quite good business of alcohol. He tells his daughter that he is going for work of climbing the trees to bring down toddy. He also added by saying that the trees are too far, and it might be late for him to come home, and he also says that before he reaches home, she should prepare nice and fresh modso (lemon fish). The daughter replies saying that today the sale of alcohol (Fenni) was very low, and as a result she could not buy fish.

3. Devoin chodoin

Main maka kazar kela., dovorlam kazar zavun ankvar asa keso voru. (2)

Tugelia dia mugo, hanv aha tenkonu, ani tuka polon kudik mhoje bar ho codlo. (2)

jiv mozo dhados kelia upkar vodlo hanv tuka sodpanare tu mugelo. (2)

This is a conversation between a married man and a girl. The man tells the girl that his mother has forced him to get married to a woman. He says that if he was not married, he would be free and would do whatever he could. He also added by saying that he is not happy with his married life.

The third group has total of three sets, namely chaltem, utto and dedh payani.

1. Chaltem

Atanch poi yelai ami africa vosonu,

Atanch ami goem pavolai, Aviyan-vacher bosonu.

inga konem sangil amkam rosa vazop asa mhunu,

ami ani vogot kelona, rokdech yelai davonu.

Ragar amcher zato tumi, vogot matshea zalo munu,

vazop amge komes kotai, nachat tumi bore konu.

This conversation mentions about the seamen who have come down to Goa from Africa and heard about the roce ceremony, but they got delayed, so in order to make up for the time, they had to start immediately with the roce ceremony.

2. Utto

Ami xhetkar vodtotaie, xheant Kam korun pott bortaie,

bailio amorecher amkam utaitaie, goda tizan korun amkam ditaie.

kai bor vavr amge xhetacho, Kam korun gham ghodoitai angacho,

Sokani pejekode amkam zai toracho, dempra

soro pitai mhadancho.

This song tells a story of Goan farmer who is dependent on his wife to wake him up in the morning. The wife woke him up in the morning, and prepared food for him and he poured water for her.

3. Dedh payani

Kulia kulo agile re baba mhadar ravonu,

ekui kulo portun yena, yelo-ga devonu. (2)

Kit kai mulear jaki geli bhail sust asa nhidonu,

Vochon hanven tichea tondar udok gailem rokoinu. (2)

This verse is about two toddy tappers, one of whom has climbed the coconut tree. From the top of the tree, he calls Jackie loudly but he does not listen, so the man gets angry and comes down and throws a bucket full of water on Jackie, as he was the only one working and his partner was sleeping without any worries.

The fourth group had a total of five sets but performed only three during the time of the interview. The transcription of the songs is as follows:

1. Utto

Addim shetkar khushal aslole,eka meka adhar ditale,

atam kon nu konale zalia lokale, tode xhet son gulfa danvole.

tode xhetkar ami urlole, novian xhet rovonk suru kelem,

amge montri bhavan amkam khushal kele, visorpanai upkar kelole.

During the olden days, all the villagers were involved in the traditional occupation of agriculture. All the farmers would help each other during all the stages of cultivation, indicating unity among the villagers. But after a few years, most of them started to go abroad and, hence, did not care for each other. Some farmers still cultivate the fields, as they had the support of the minister and were thankful to the minister.

2. Chaltem

Poru modi galun Bombai gelo maya mhoiniantu, ravta teka hanv dodyan mhoja telu galunu.metro city hanv bor kam kota boson officisanu, ani metro sanu churo hadla tuka godyak galunku

This is the conversation between a boy and a girl. The girl says to the boy that it has been a year since they got engaged, and he went to work in Bombay, and she was waiting for his arrival eagerly. The boy is boosted by his job in the metro city, where he has a high post. In order to please the lady, he has bought a necklace for her.

Conclusion

The traditional folk musical performance of Christian Gawdas is indeed a unique art form whose aesthetic and social relevance warrant its continuity. With rapid transformations during the colonial encounter, the traditions continued with transformations. The folk musical traditions, too, have undergone tremendous transformations in the late modern period. The changes have been observed in multiple dimensions, which the article attempted to explicate. The folk performers have stopped singing songs that contained vulgar words or would hurt someone. A significant change was observed in the dressing style. These folk traditions are transitioning today into commercialised products, and this transition itself has helped in preserving the traditions. A change was also witnessed in the lyrics of the songs. Narrations related to extramarital affairs and kalavants are avoided. More and more songs are sung about changes of dietary habits of children, college life and loss of traditional occupations. Even if the name of the person is to be narrated in the song, the names of any group members or the leader’s name will be used, which also adds to the publicity of the group. The neutrality in the lyrics of these songs was attributed to the changes that are taking place, as earlier the folk tradition revolved around their own tribal group, but today they perform outside their immediate surrounding, and hence most of the caste and other sensitive identities are avoided. The songs even contained narrations of the atrocities and exploitations committed by the upper caste groups, which are omitted now. With ambition of these folk performers to augment their earnings and yearnings to be a part of the mainstream, they take up issues that are neutral and have the major goal of commercialisation. With the booming tourism industry and more spending power among the rest of the population, folk performances have now become sources of livelihood.

Similarly, a change has been observed in the art of making traditional instruments, as many would procure these instruments from other places instead of making their own. With respect to the dress, no transformation has been witnessed in the attire of female dancers who still wear the traditional kunbi sari called dentil; the only difference is that now most of the women, instead of wearing fresh flowers, prefer to wear artificial flowers because it is economical. The dress code of musicians did have a variation, as they no longer wear their traditional dress but wear westernised attire like formal pants and colourful shirts. The dress code, especially for women, would serve as an identity maker.

All groups narrated their difficulties in upholding and continuing the tradition. None of these groups interviewed are part of the Directorate of Art and Culture of Goa. According to one group, its application to register has been pending in the Directorate of Art and Culture for the last year. In the absence of external support, they need to rely on their own personal expenses for the performances. A variation was observed in the rates of performances, as they differed from one group to another and varied with regard to the distance to travel as well. A variation was indeed observed in the different musical traditions on the basis of caste, occupation and gender, but with increasing modernisation and also with the motive of commercialisation, most of these folk performances are no longer the monopoly of the tribes. In Goa, the traditional differentiations on the basis of caste, tribe and occupations are no longer in force. For instance, in the folk-dance competitions organised by the educational institutions, all students, irrespective of caste, occupation or religion, perform.