Abstract
Prostate cancer is a growing public health concern in Kenya, where it is frequently diagnosed at advanced stages and managed within resource-constrained health systems. This study examined the lived experiences of men diagnosed with prostate cancer, focusing on how the illness shaped their identities, relationships, and daily lives. We conducted a qualitative study using in-depth interviews with 130 men recruited from oncology clinics across five counties (Nairobi, Garissa, Meru, Machakos, and Kisii). Audio recordings were transcribed and translated verbatim into English, where necessary, by trained research assistants. Thematic analysis was conducted following the Braun and Clarke’s six-phase framework, with NVivo 12 Plus supporting data management. Five core themes emerged: 1) emotional and existential disruption at diagnosis; (2) treatment as both a source of hope and hardship; (3) geographic and financial barriers to care; (4) challenges to masculine identity and dignity; and (5) the dual role of family and community as sources of both support and stigma. Prostate cancer precipitated profound identity shifts for Kenyan men, transforming lived experiences from those of strong providers to vulnerable patients and disrupting deeply rooted social and personal roles. These findings underscore the need for holistic, culturally responsive cancer care that integrates psychosocial support from the point of diagnosis and addresses structural barriers to access. Such approaches are essential for advancing patient-centered prostate cancer care in Kenya and similar settings.
Introduction
Prostate cancer is one of the most commonly diagnosed cancers among men globally, with an estimated 1.4 million new cases and 396,000 deaths in 2022. 1 The burden of this disease in Africa is rising, influenced by a combination of health system limitations, genetic predispositions, and socioeconomic factors that shape how men access and experience care. 2
In Kenya, prostate cancer is frequently diagnosed at advanced stages, often after significant delays in screening and diagnosis. Barriers such as limited access to diagnostic services, gaps in health communication, and stigma associated with cancer contribute to this pattern.3,4 Despite evidence on screening behaviors and structural obstacles to early detection,3-5 less is understood about how men experience life after diagnosis, particularly how the illness and interactions with care systems influence their sense of self, relationships, and daily functioning.
Understanding patient experience in this context requires attention to the subjective and culturally mediated aspects of illness. Drawing on the distinction between disease as a biomedical condition, and illness as the lived, experiential reality of being unwell, 6 this study adopts a phenomenological lens to explore how Kenyan men interpret and navigate prostate cancer.
From this perspective, disease extends beyond clinical encounters to encompass personal, social, and emotional dimensions of experience.5,7,8 By centering men’s voices, this study sheds light on the multifaceted patient experience of prostate cancer in Kenya, from diagnosis through treatment and beyond, offering insights that can inform patient-centered care practices, support strategies, and health system improvements.
Materials and Methods
Study Design
The design was chosen to foreground patients’ perspectives and capture how men make sense of their diagnosis, navigate interactions with healthcare systems, and cope with the physical, emotional, and social consequences of illness. In-depth interviews were conducted to elicit detailed narratives of participants’ experiences, with particular attention to how prostate cancer influenced identity, relationships, and everyday life.
Study Population and Setting
The study included 130 men diagnosed with prostate cancer who were recruited from oncology clinics across five counties in Kenya: Nairobi, Garissa, Meru, Machakos, and Kisii. Participants were recruited from referral hospitals during routine follow-up visits. Eligibility required a confirmed diagnosis, informed consent, and a willingness to share personal experiences. The five counties were purposively selected to capture geographic, ethnic, and cultural diversity that may shape men’s responses to prostate cancer diagnosis and treatment. The diverse participant group represented a range of ages, disease stages, and sociocultural backgrounds. Interviews were held in designated, familiar and accessible spaces within the hospital to facilitate comfort.
Researchers Positionality and Reflexivity
The research team comprised social scientists as well as medical professionals with experience working in oncology and health services in Kenya. Understanding that these diverse professional backgrounds could shape data collection and interpretation, the team maintained a reflexive stance throughout the study.
Field researchers maintained reflexive notes following interviews to document personal assumptions, emotional responses, and potential sources of bias that arose during data collection. These reflections were used to critically examine how researchers’ positions, experiences, and expectations may have shaped interactions with participants and interpretation of their narratives.
During data analysis, the research team held regular meetings to discuss emerging codes and themes, allowing for collective reflection and critical dialogue across disciplinary perspectives. This iterative process helped ensure that interpretations remained grounded in participants’ accounts rather than researchers’ preconceptions. Together, these reflexive practices enhanced the transparency, rigor, and credibility of the analytic process.
Data Collection
In-depth interviews (IDIs) were used to collect rich, personal accounts of patient experiences. An interview guide structured the conversations but allowed flexibility for participants to highlight significant aspects of their illness. Interviews lasted between 45 and 90 minutes and were conducted in English, Kiswahili or local languages. With participant permission, all interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and translated into English where necessary, with cross-checking to preserve cultural nuances.
Data Analysis
Audio recordings were transcribed and translated verbatim into English by trained research assistants. Data were analyzed thematically using Braun and Clarke’s six-phase framework. Analysis began with repeated reading of transcripts to achieve familiarization with the data.
Initial coding was conducted independently by two members of the research team using NVivo 12 Plus to support data organization and management. 7 Coding followed a hybrid approach, combining inductive coding, allowing themes to emerge from participants’ narratives, with deductive coding informed by phenomenological concepts and the study objectives. An initial coding framework was developed after review of the first set of transcripts and iteratively refined as additional interviews were analyzed.
Regular debriefs meetings were held to compare codes, discuss interpretations, and resolve discrepancies through consensus. Emerging themes were reviewed across transcripts to ensure they were firmly grounded in participants’ lived experiences and reflected shared and divergent realities. Final themes were agreed upon collectively by the research team following iterative refinement and critical discussion.
Results
Study Participants’ Socio-Demographic Background
A total of 130 men diagnosed with prostate cancer participated in the study. Participants were recruited from five counties in Kenya: Kisii, Machakos and Meru study sites recruited (30 participants each), and Garissa and Nairobi interviewed (20 participants each). This large sample was purposively designed to capture diversity in lived experiences across different sociocultural, geographic and health-system contexts, including both urban and rural.
Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Study Participants
Educational attainment varied:19 participants had no formal education, 49 had completed primary education, 45 had attended secondary school, and 17 had a college or university-level education. Regarding employment, the largest group was unemployed (88), followed by those who were self-employed (32). Six participants reported full-time employment, one reported part-time employment, and two did not disclose their employment status.
This socio-demographic diversity provided an important context for understanding how age, marital status, education, and employment shaped men’s experiences of prostate cancer diagnosis, treatment, and daily life.
Themes
The analysis identified a set of core themes that characterized the lived experiences of men diagnosed with prostate cancer. These themes illustrate how the illness disrupted participants’ sense of self, bodily functioning, relationships, and expectations for the future. Despite differences in age, geographic location, and disease stage, participants described a shared experiential reality marked by emotional, physical, and social upheaval.
Diagnosis as a Life-Changing Moment
For many, diagnosis marked a significant turning point, bringing shock, disbelief and a sense of mortality. As one participant from Kisii stated, “When the doctor said the word cancer, I went blank. Everything stopped. It was like my life ended there.”
This immediate awareness of mortality prompted some to prepare for death by dividing property. In contrast, others found solace in spiritual faith or a more rational approach, comparing cancer to manageable illnesses. As one participant from Machakos stated, “I took it as any other illness because it is something that a lot of people are suffering from, and I have accepted that.”
Treatment as Both Relief and Burden
Treatment offered hope but also brought challenges. Physical side effects like fatigue, pain and impotence, as well as mental anguish, were a source of frustration and shame. As one participant stated: I felt very uncomfortable when I was introduced to my medications. It gave me fevers and almost stopped the medications. But now I am all good (Participant, Garissa)
Men also frequently described breakdowns in the supply of medication, leading to delays or incomplete treatment routines. Despite their willingness to make clinic visits, they were not fully cared for. I came yesterday and found that the drugs were not available. The medicines had not yet been delivered and asked to go back home. I was only prescribed the available drug (Participant, Kisii)
In some cases, participants reported sourcing medicines from private facilities, which meant that they had to pay out of pocket. This placed a huge financial burden on those already living with limited means. Some men described having to choose between purchasing medication and leaving the hospital without treatment due to cost. Last time I went to my clinic, the Casodex (the participant was referring to Zoladex but confused with Casodex) injections were not available, and I was told I would have to wait. I knew I could not go long without the injections and had to source money to get the injections from a private clinic, which was a bit costly, especially since the NHIF [National Health Insurance Fund] was not working (Participant, Machakos)
Beyond access to medicine, some men also struggled to follow dietary recommendations, especially those requiring food that was thought to be scarce in rural areas. I was advised on what to eat, but in the village I come from, some foodstuffs are very hard to find. I take what is available to avoid starving (Participant, Meru)
Treatment involved more than just taking medications-it required constant financial and logistical struggles with healthcare systems. Many men persevered out of necessity, but not without fatigue. As one participant put it, “I thank God for the treatment. But sometimes I wish it were simpler. Everything feels like a fight” (Participant, Nairobi).
Disrupted Masculinity and Identity
The physical and functional limitations caused by the illness clashed with cultural expectations of masculinity, which emphasize strength and self-reliance. As one participant put it, “A Kisii man should be strong as the head of the family, but when you are attacked by this disease, you start to question your value as a man, if you are still a man or half a man” (Participant, Kisii).
Another man explained how his reliance on a catheter compromised his role and respect in the home “This condition is not doing well for me, this catheter; it is not respectful to the children. I feel that they view me differently, not as before this condition” (Participant Machakos).
Men also noted that prostate cancer was a source of shame, and dependency on their spouses for personal care and hygiene. There was a sense of loss of dignity around their children and friends. One participant reflected, “I have difficulties in walking, and this has caused disrespect to my friends and children. Sometimes I wonder who will even carry me outside for a short call or a long call if my wife is not there. If she is not there, then I will have problems. I would not want to be carried around by my daughters whenever I want to go for a call” (Participant, Garissa).
The inability to satisfy one’s spouse sexually also strains relationships, leading to feelings of guilt and inadequacy. Prostate [Cancer] has destroyed me. Even if we are done giving birth, we are supposed to be happy together as adults. But now, there’s no respect, and one sees the partner as a burden (Participant, Nairobi)
These feelings of emasculation were also compounded by the silent suffering men endured due to the private and taboo nature of incontinence and sexual dysfunction. “Cancer involves private matters such as passing urine and stool. Most men don’t know how to talk about such issues with anyone” (Participant, Meru)
Shifting Social Relationships: Support and Stigma
While many men found crucial support from their families and faith-based communities, others experienced social withdrawal and stigma. Others described how their children ensured clinic attendance, proper diet and emotional encouragement. They support me; without them, I could have had difficulties in my life. My financial status could be a problem. My family have played a critical role, especially my wife, also my daughter-in-law, who talks to me and gives me hope (Participant, Kisii)
Several participants mentioned receiving prayers, emotional support and even financial contributions from churches. These helped to instil hope and a sense of belonging. As one participant put it, “The support is good because you know they give you courage. You don’t feel ignored (Participant, Kisii).
However, this support was not universal. A few men reported abandonment by friends or even the community. You will let the community and your friends know, and they will help. But after some point, they get tired of constantly fundraising for your treatment and will abandon you (Participant, Meru)
Coping Mechanisms
Men described a variety of coping strategies in response to their diagnosis. Some chose to remain silent to protect loved ones, preserve dignity or avoid appearing weak. I have not told my children. They will worry. I would rather carry the burden alone (Participant, Nairobi)
Others were concerned about how the broader community would react. In most communities, cancer was associated with imminent death. For these men, disclosing a cancer diagnosis risked being treated as someone already “marked” by death. Once people hear it’s cancer, they think you are dying soon. They start treating you like a dead man walking, making you feel worse (Participant, Kisii)
Many participants turned towards faith as a primary anchor. Prayer, belief in God’s will and surrender to divine plans offered a way to reframe suffering not as punishment or failure, but as part of a larger spiritual journey. I surrendered my life to God and told Him, let your will be done. I didn’t make myself, so I leave it to Him(Participant, Kisii)
While some coped alone, others found strength in connecting with fellow patients, especially during clinic visits. These moments allowed for mutual encouragement, sharing, understanding and emotional relief. Talking to other men at the hospital helped. I realised I am not alone. We encourage each other, and we joke. That makes the day easier (Participant, Machakos)
This peer-based relational coping helped normalize their experiences and reduce isolation among men who may not be comfortable speaking openly about their illness.
Some men coped by focusing on the practical aspects of illness: adhering to treatment or maintaining routines. Accepting the diagnosis meant managing it, not being consumed by it. I take my medication, make my clinic visits without fail, and eat what I am asked to eat by the nurse. I go to church. I do what I can. The rest is God’s work (Participant, Kisii)
A few participants described changing the way they thought about cancer, viewing cancer not as a death sentence but as manageable or ordinary.
Cancer is like any other illness. People have diabetes and HIV and still live. I told myself that I will live too if I follow my treatment and stop overthinking (Participant, Nairobi)
Outlook on the Future: From Fear to Acceptance
The diagnosis of cancer changed how men viewed their future. They felt their future was bleak, plans were paused or abandoned, and a sense of helplessness emerged. However, over time, some participants moved from fear, discouragement and loss of control toward acceptance and making peace with their diagnosis. When I was told I had cancer, I thought about all the things I had not done. But then I realized, maybe that’s not my path. Now I live for today, I do what I can, and leave the rest to God (Participant Nairobi)
Discussion
Summary of five key themes That characterize men’s lived experiences With prostate cancer in Kenya
Diagnosis emerged as a pivotal moment marked by shock, fear, and confrontation with mortality. Treatment was experienced ambivalently, as both a source of hope and a new burden, introducing physical, emotional, and social challenges. These experiences disrupted masculine identity by undermining culturally valued ideals of strength, independence, and productivity, while also reshaping social relationships, where family and community functioned as sources of both care and exclusion. Over time, many men described a gradual shift from fear toward acceptance, using varied coping strategies to reorient themselves to life with illness.
Our findings demonstrate that for many Kenyan men, a prostate cancer diagnosis represents far more than a medical event; it constitutes a profound reconfiguration of everyday existence. Participants described an abrupt transition from being perceived, and perceiving themselves, as strong providers to occupying the position of vulnerable patients. This shift was deeply unsettling and often experienced as a confrontation with mortality, generating fear and emotional distress at the point of diagnosis.
While the initiation of treatment offered reassurance and hope for survival, it simultaneously introduced new hardships. Treatment-related side effects, including diminished physical strength and functional limitations, disrupted men’s sense of masculinity and autonomy. The sudden reliance on others for care and support challenged culturally embedded expectations of independence and authority, intensifying feelings of loss and vulnerability. Many men described suffering in silence, motivated by a desire to protect their families from emotional burden and to maintain a sense of control, reflecting deeply ingrained gender norms.
Despite these challenges, men demonstrated adaptive coping over time. Participants described a gradual movement toward acceptance, often grounded in faith, reframing of priorities, or focusing on the present rather than an uncertain future. This transition underscores the dynamic nature of illness experience, where meaning-making evolves as men navigate the realities of diagnosis, treatment, and survivorship.
Taken together, these findings highlight the importance of patient-centered prostate cancer care that extends beyond clinical treatment to address the emotional, relational, and cultural dimensions of illness. Supporting men through diagnosis, treatment, and adaptation requires sensitivity to how prostate cancer disrupts identity and social roles, as well as recognition of the diverse ways men cope with vulnerability and uncertainty.
The study explored the lived experience of men with prostate cancer in Kenya and found that the illness constitutes a profound disruption affecting all dimensions of life. For many participants, the moment of diagnosis was deeply unsettling, marked by shock, disbelief, and emotional distress. This finding aligns Hughes et al., 9 who identified diagnosis as one of the most psychologically distressing phases of the cancer journey.
Our findings extend this perspective by illustrating how the communication of a prostate cancer diagnosis in Kenya was often experienced as abrupt and insufficiently supported. Participants described the diagnosis as disrupting not only their physical bodies but also their sense of self, social roles, and future expectations. This reflects the phenomenological understanding of illness as a lived experience that reshapes how individuals perceive themselves and their place in the world. 6 These insights underscore the need for health systems to move beyond a narrow focus on biomedical disclosure to address the psychosocial and existential dimensions of diagnosis. Supporting patients at the point of diagnosis requires attention to how information is communicated, how emotional responses are acknowledged, and how men are guided through the initial meaning-making process following a life-altering diagnosis.
Another key finding was the dual nature of treatment, which both mirrors and adds new nuances to the literature. While treatment offered hope for survival and symptom control, it simultaneously introduced significant physical, emotional, and social burdens. Participants described treatment-related side effects, particularly those affecting sexual function, urinary control, and energy levels, as major sources of distress that disrupted daily life and diminished overall well-being.
It offered hope, it also presented significant burdens. The treatment side effects, particularly those affecting sexual function, urinary control, and energy levels, were a major source of distress.
These experiences add an important patient-centered perspective to discussions of prostate cancer treatment within African cultural contexts, where masculinity is closely tied to sexual capability, physical strength, and independence. A study from Nigeria examining sexual functioning among men undergoing radiation treatment for prostate cancer reported marked declines in sexual activity and quality of life following diagnosis and treatment. 10 Our finding echo and deepens this regional evidence by showing that loss of sexual potency was often experienced not merely as a physiological change, but as a profound erosion of social and symbolic manhood within participants’ communities.11-14
Consistent with these findings, Chambers et al., 15 similarly reported that erectile dysfunction was a source of shame, anxiety, and emotional distress, particularly in cultural settings where virility is central to masculine identity. In our study, men’s accounts revealed how treatment-related bodily changes intersected with cultural expectations, amplifying feelings of vulnerability and threatening deeply held notions of self-worth and dignity.
Together, these findings highlight the importance of addressing treatment side effects not only as clinical outcomes, but as lived experiences with significant psychosocial and cultural implications for men undergoing prostate cancer care.
Beyond the physiological effects, participants faced systemic barriers to care, including inconsistent drug supplies, long travel distances, and high out-of-pocket costs, aligning with broader research in sub-Saharan Africa, which has documented limited access to consistent cancer care, high out-of-pocket costs, and infrastructural constraints as significant barriers to treatment. 16 Such barriers not only hinder continuity of care but may exacerbate distress, uncertainty, and feelings of abandonment among patients. Geographical barriers were particularly pronounced for men from rural areas, where distance to health facilities and transportation costs compounded the burden of illness.
Our findings further extend existing literature by highlighting a contextual mismatch between biomedical recommendations and patients’ lived environments. Participants from rural counties such as Garissa and Meru described dietary guidance that was difficult to follow due to limited food availability and environmental constraints, rendering some recommendations impractical.
These experiences underscore the importance of locally grounded, context-sensitive care strategies that account for environmental, cultural, and economic realities. Addressing prostate cancer care in African settings requires approaches that are responsive not only to clinical needs but also to the everyday conditions shaping patients’ ability to adhere to treatment and lifestyle recommendations. 17
The illness also profoundly disrupted masculine identity. Physical limitations such as reliance on catheters and urinary incontinence were seen as threats to their manhood, consistent with findings from Ghana and other African contexts. 14 The silence surrounding these struggles reflects gender norms that value stoicism, a pattern echoed in prior studies.14,18 For many participants, dependence on others, particularly family members, precipitated a crisis of dignity, conflicting with deeply ingrained cultural expectations of being a provider. These findings highlight the need for prostate cancer care to address not only physical symptoms, but also the psychosocial and identity-related dimensions of illness.
Social relationships were also significantly reshaped by prostate cancer. While some men described experiencing strong support from family while others faced isolation and stigma. The crucial role of close family in providing financial, emotional, and physical support aligns with previous research studies.15,19 However, this reliance was often met with gratitude, it caused internal conflict, highlighting the tension between masculine independence and the reality of illness-related dependency. This tension between masculine ideals of independence and the realities of illness-related dependency underscores the importance of family-centered and relational approaches to prostate cancer care.
Men used various coping strategies to manage the emotional and social impact of prostate cancer. Many described remaining silent about their illness as a way to protect their families from distress and to preserve a sense of dignity, a pattern consistent with findings from other studies.14,15
Many described remaining silent about their illness as a way to protect their families from distress and to preserve a sense of dignity, a pattern consistent with findings from other studies. 15 For some participants, spirituality emerged as a central coping resource. Faith practices and beliefs provided emotional comfort, helped men make sense of their diagnosis, and reduced feelings of isolation. Peer support from fellow patients also offered reassurance and a sense of shared understanding, aligning with global literature on the role of social and spiritual support in cancer coping. 15
Our findings extend this literature by illustrating how spirituality in the Kenyan context functioned as a primary, rather than supplementary, framework through which men navigated illness, uncertainty, and fear. 20 Others adopted a more pragmatic coping approach, focusing on treatment routines and viewing prostate cancer as a manageable condition. This perspective reflects patterns of acceptance described in other studies, where reframing illness helps individuals regain a sense of control and continuity in daily life. 19
The diagnosis of prostate cancer also reshaped how men envisioned their futures, with many initially experiencing fear, uncertainty, and helplessness. Over time, however, several participants described a gradual transition toward acceptance. This shift often involved a conscious focus on living in the present and finding meaning through faith and spirituality.
These findings align with Chambers et al., 15 who observed that men adopt different strategies to manage uncertainty—some seeking information to regain a sense of control, while others deliberately focusing on daily life to avoid emotional overwhelm. By situating these coping responses within the Kenyan context, our study highlights men’s adaptability in the face of illness and resource constraints.
These insights underscore the need for prostate cancer care models that acknowledge and support diverse coping strategies. Patient-centered care in resource-limited settings must remain flexible, recognizing that men navigate uncertainty in varied ways shaped by personal beliefs, social roles, and healthcare access.
Limitations and Strengths
This study has several limitations that should be considered when interpreting the findings. The qualitative design and purposive sampling approach limit the generalizability of the results across Kenya’s culturally diverse population. Although participants were recruited from geographically and culturally distinct regions, including Kisii, Machakos, Meru, Garissa and Nairobi, the findings represent a contextual snapshot rather than a comprehensive account of experiences across all ethnic and cultural groups in the country. Given Kenya’s cultural pluralism, differences in beliefs about masculinity, cancer stigma, and health-seeking behaviors may shape illness experiences in ways not fully captured in this study.
Despite these limitations, the study has important strengths. The large qualitative sample drawn from multiple counties enabled rich, in-depth exploration of men’s lived experiences across diverse geographic and health-system contexts. The phenomenological approach and rigorous analytic process strengthened the credibility of the findings, while centering men’s voices provided nuanced insight into patient experiences that are often underrepresented in prostate cancer research. These strengths enhance the relevance of the findings for informing patient-centered care in Kenya and similar resource-constrained settings.
Conclusion
The findings of this study underscore the need for policy frameworks that integrate psychosocial support to prostate cancer care at the point of diagnosis and strengthen culturally sensitive communication within oncology services. At the practice level, healthcare providers should be equipped with skills to recognize and respond to the emotional, social and cultural aspects of prostate cancer. Routine clinical encounters should incorporate psychosocial screening and counseling to support men as they navigate diagnosis, treatment, and adaptation to illness.
Future research should explore longitudinal coping processes to better understand how men’s experiences and support needs evolve over time. Comparative studies between urban and rural settings may further illuminate contextual differences in access to care, stigma, and treatment adherence. In addition, research that incorporates caregivers’ perspectives and examines health system constraints would broaden understanding of how to design more responsive and patient-centered cancer services.
By centering the lived experiences of men, this study challenges the dominance of purely biomedical approaches to prostate cancer and contributes to a more holistic, patient-centered understanding of what it means to live with the disease in the Kenyan context. Integrating psychosocial care alongside clinical treatment is essential for improving patient experience and advancing equitable prostate cancer care in resource-limited settings.
Footnotes
Acknowledgement
The authors wish to thank all the participants who generously shared their time and experiences for this study. We are grateful to the staff at the oncology clinics across Nairobi, Garissa, Meru, Machakos, and Kisii counties for their support in facilitating participant recruitment and interviews. Special thanks to the research assistants who contributed to data transcription and translation. We also acknowledge the invaluable guidance and feedback provided by colleagues and mentors during the study design and manuscript preparation phases. Finally, we appreciate all the institutional support from our various affiliations and the Mayo Clinic that enabled this research.
Ethical Considerations
The study protocol was approved by the Institutional Scientific and Ethics Review Committees (ISERCs) of Mount Kenya University, Meru Teaching and Referral Hospital, and the Mayo Clinic Institutional Review Board. A national research permit was obtained from the National Commission for Science, Technology and Innovation (NACOSTI). Permissions were also obtained from the participating health facilities. All participants provided written informed consent, and their confidentiality and anonymity were maintained. Quotes are attributed to the geographic region to preserve anonymity.
Consent to Participate
Written informed consent was obtained from the patient(s) for their anonymized information to be published in this article.
Author Contributions
Diana Njuguna: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Ann Muthiru: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Bahaty Riogi: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Omar Abdihamid: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Charles Waihenya: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Stephen Chege: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Rukia Kibaya: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Sharon Mweni: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Idah Kinya: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Lydia Nyabuto: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Jennifer N. Murithi: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Ibrahim Kuno: Conceptualization, data collection, formal analysis, software, and writing – review and editing. Francis Makokha: Conceptualization, formal analysis, funding acquisition, software, and writing – review and editing. Amanda Caballero: Writing– review and editing, and editing, and Ewan Cobran: Conceptualization, formal analysis, funding acquisition, software, and writing – review and editing.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by a sub-grant from Mayo Clinic (MOU-326692) and National Cancer Institute Grant 1K01CA230193. The funders had no role in the study design, data analysis and interpretation; in the writing of the manuscript; and in the decision to submit the manuscript for publication. The findings and conclusions do not necessarily represent the views of the funders.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
This study is based on in-depth qualitative interviews with men diagnosed with prostate cancer across five counties in Kenya. The interviews generated rich narrative data that provided detailed insights into participants lived experiences, cultural contexts, and personal health journeys. Due to the highly sensitive nature of these narratives, as well as confidentiality agreements established with participants during the informed consent process, the raw interview transcripts and full datasets cannot be shared publicly. Sharing them could risk compromising participant privacy and trust, especially given the small communities from which many participants were recruited. To ensure transparency while protecting participants, de-identified excerpts have been included within the manuscript to illustrate key themes and support the reported findings. Researchers interested in exploring similar topics are encouraged to contact the corresponding authors for a discussion of methodological approaches, coding strategies, and lessons learned from conducting qualitative research in resource-limited and culturally diverse settings. Any secondary use of data would require new ethical approvals and participant consent, in accordance with both local and international standards for research ethics.
Statement of Human and Animal Rights
All procedures in this study were conducted in accordance with the Institutional Scientific and Ethics Review Committees (ISERCs) of Mount Kenya University, Meru Teaching and Referral Hospital, and the Mayo Clinic Institutional Review Board.
