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Abstract

Gendered racial microaggressions refer to subtle, yet psychologically injurious, interpersonal experiences rooted in racial and gender oppression. As a manifestation of gendered racism, Black women commonly report such experiences, yet this research primarily focuses on younger (e.g., college-attending) adults. Whether gendered racial microaggressions are most salient at specific life course stages (i.e., emerging versus older adulthood) remains unclear. Drawing from intersectionality, social stress, and life course perspectives, this study investigated whether life course stage (e.g., emerging [18–29 years], established [30–45 years], midlife [46–64 years], and older [65+ years] adulthood) differentiated (1) exposure to gendered racial microaggressions and (2) the association between gendered racial microaggressions and mental health (i.e., anxiety and depression symptoms). Data were from a national sample of Black women (N = 415), and linear regression analyses were conducted. To assess moderation by life course stage, we performed statistical interactions. Our findings revealed that gendered racial microaggressions are most salient among relatively younger Black women (18–29 years). However, middle age (i.e., 46–64 years old) Black women are most psychologically affected by specific kinds of gendered racial microaggressions (i.e., Strong Black Woman Stereotype, Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification). Compared to their younger counterparts, older Black women (i.e., 65 years and older) report less frequent experiences with gendered racial microaggressions and are less psychologically vulnerable to them. We emphasize the need for measurement development to elucidate gendered racism experiences among older Black women.

Keywords

intersectionality stress theory life course theory Black women mental health gendered racism

The untimely death of Dr. Antoinette Candia-Bailey, in January 2024, spawned national interest, drawing attention to the noxious mental health challenges confronting Black women. Former Vice President for Student Affairs at Lincoln University, Dr. Candia-Bailey experienced harassment in the workplace. Yet she was ignored when she expressed concern for her mental health prior to her demise (Asmelash 2024). Her workplace experiences are but a microcosm of the pervasive macro-level injustice of gendered racism. As a Black woman, Dr. Candia-Bailey’s treatment can be conceptualized as interpersonal gendered and racialized microaggressions, experiences encountered by many Black women in America (Harvey Wingfield 2010; Melaku 2019; J. A. Lewis and Neville 2015).

In her classic 1991 monograph, Philomena Essed introduced the concept gendered racism to capture interlocking injustices of racism and sexism that confer intersectional inequalities for racially minoritized women in general and Black women, specifically. Since then, social scientists and nonacademic constituents have utilized the term to describe the unique disadvantages faced by Black women in the labor market (Harvey Wingfield 2010; Melaku 2019), economic mobility (Women’s Fund of the Greater Cincinnati Foundation N.d.), and wellbeing (J. A. Lewis and Neville 2015). Because mental health is a pressing issue among Black women that receives limited attention in sociological research (for exceptions, see D. Brown and Keith 2003; Spates and Slatton 2023), in this study, we focus on the psychological impact of gendered racism, bringing voice to Black women’s experiences with gendered racism and their palpable consequences.

Dr. Candia-Bailey’s death in middle adulthood, specifically at 49 years old, elucidates a critical nexus between life course stage, Black women’s psychological wellbeing, and experiences with gendered racism. Although mental health risks differ by age (Ferraro and Wilkinson 2013; Thomas Tobin et al. 2022), there is a dearth of sociological literature on how gendered racism influences Black women’s mental health at different life stages (e.g., midlife, older adulthood). Most research examining mental health and gendered racism focuses on a specific age group: college-attending Black women (Erving et al. 2022; Newton 2023). Although critical for understanding how higher learning institutions serve as conduits of gendered racism, research focused on relatively younger Black women may inadvertently underestimate the impact of gendered racism on all Black women and obscure implications of gendered racism at later stages of life. In a rare exception, Hill-Jarrett and Jones (2022) examined the association between gendered racism and cognitive complaints among older Black women (i.e., between 50 and 75 years of age), demonstrating that gendered racism in later life negatively influences cognitive health. We build on this work by utilizing the gendered racial microaggressions (GRMs) scale to assess the “prevalence” of interpersonal gendered racism among Black women at four life course stages: emerging adulthood (18–29 years), established adulthood (30–45 years), middle adulthood (46–64 years), and older adulthood (65 years and older). Drawing data from a national sample of Black women, we integrate three research traditions (i.e., intersectionality, social stress, and life course theories) to investigate how life course stage patterns exposure to and the mental health impacts of gendered racism. Knowing more about variation in psychological wellbeing among a racially minoritized group across the life course can aid in developing tailored interventions to address the needs of specific groups of Black women.

Background

GRMs, Age, and Mental Health

A small, but growing, literature draws attention to the psychological harm of gendered racism for Black women. Prior research confirms more frequent experiences of GRMs are associated with heightened depressive symptoms (Erving et al. 2022; Williams and Lewis 2019), anxiety symptoms (Burke, Chijioke, and Le 2023), worry (Williams et al. 2024), trauma symptoms (Moody et al. 2019; Sissoko et al. 2023; Watson and Henderson 2023; Williams et al. 2023), psychological distress (Burton et al. 2024), substance use (Shahid and Dale 2024), and suicidality (Thompson and Dale 2022).

This literature has also made significant strides in recognizing demographic heterogeneity within Black women (J. A. Lewis and Neville 2015; Martins, Lima, and Santos 2020), including by sexual orientation (Matsuzaka et al. 2022) and HIV/AIDS status (e.g., Wright et al. 2022). Despite our enthusiasm for this scholarship, we observe two key gaps: (1) life course distinctions are absent, and (2) older Black women are rarely a population of focus. While quantitative studies typically adjust regression models for age, there is little to no engagement with the possibility of differential exposure to gendered racism across age groups. Furthermore, while a few studies included older adults (Moody et al. 2022; Moody and Lewis 2019; Thompson and Dale 2022; Watson and Henderson 2023), to our knowledge, no study has focused on GRMs among older Black women (i.e., 65 years and older). Hill-Jarrett and Jones (2022) investigated how gendered racism was related to cognitive complaints among older Black women (i.e., between 50 and 75 years of age), yet the measure of gendered racism was based on a scale originally intended to assess sexist (but not racist) events. We build on this scholarship to examine GRMs across Black women’s life course while also drawing attention to how gendered racism impacts older Black women’s mental health.

Understanding life course and age differences in interpersonal experiences of gendered racism among Black women is critical for several reasons. First, acknowledging GRM experiences across the life course recognizes the dynamic nature of stress experiences at distinct stages of life. The meaning and perception of a microaggression may vary depending on personal development, societal context, and generational shifts in attitudes and norms. For instance, younger Black women may encounter microaggressions in educational settings or at early career stages (Burke et al. 2023; Burton et al. 2024; Newton 2023), while older Black women may be exposed to GRMs in healthcare environments as they manage chronic physical health conditions (Lotson et al. 2024). Second, recognizing age-related variations in GRM experiences can facilitate targeted interventions. Tailoring interventions to specific age groups may enhance their effectiveness and relevance. Additionally, studying age differences in GRMs shed light on the cumulative impact of microaggressions over the life course, informing efforts to mitigate long-term consequences such as mental health challenges and diminished socioeconomic opportunities for Black women. Ultimately, investigating life course dynamics contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the intersectional experiences of Black women and informs strategies for fostering inclusivity, equity, and wellbeing across the lifespan.

Theoretical Framework

This study draws from intersectionality, social stress, and life course theories. Rooted in Black feminist thought (e.g., Combahee River Collective 1977; Collins 1990, 2000), intersectionality emphasizes how multidimensional systems of inequality (e.g., racism, sexism, ageism, heterosexism) influence life chances (Crenshaw 1989, 1991). To contextualize intersectional processes undergirding health disadvantages of multiple marginalized populations (i.e., Black women), we draw from Jioni A. Lewis’ (2023) biopsychosocial model of gendered racism. This model leverages intersectionality to better understand gendered racism as a social determinant of Black women’s health. Building upon Essed’s (1991) initial concept, J. A. Lewis (2023) posits that gendered racism can manifest as a noxious stressor for Black women. To capture interpersonal aspects of gendered racism, Jioni A. Lewis and Helen A. Neville (2015) developed the gendered racial microaggressions scale (GRMS) which quantitatively assesses Black women’s experiences with micro-level insults.

GRMS identifies four manifestations of gendered racism. First, Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification (AB&SO) reflect pressures for Black women to adhere to Eurocentric standards of beauty (e.g., wearing processed, straight hair) while also experiencing hyper-sexualization (e.g., others drawing attention to their physique such as having a large derriere). Second, the Silenced and Marginalized (SAM) dimension speaks to Black women’s ostracization in professional and educational settings, which contributes to their invisibility in such spaces. Third, the ostensibly positive image of the “Strong Black Woman” is captured in the next dimension. Despite traditional interpretations of “strength”—which reflect an ability to overcome adversity—the Strong Black woman persona places undue pressure on Black women to perform despite feelings of inadequacy and vulnerability. Last, the Angry Black Woman characterization is rooted in controlling images of Black women (Collins 1990) being portrayed as “angry” even when their behavior suggests otherwise (e.g., when speaking calmly). Overall, the “micro” insults on GRMS operate at the interpersonal and structural levels to minimize Black women’s agency (J. A. Lewis and Neville 2015).

Social stress theory would conceptualize GRMs as a stressor emanating from inequalities in Black women’s lived experience. The stress process model specifically is the dominant framework for understanding the relationship between stressors and mental health in sociological research (Pearlin et al. 1981). Two premises of the stress process model are relevant here. Social stress exposure is associated with poor mental health (Pearlin et al. 1981), and exposure to stressors is differentiated based on status characteristics such as race and gender (Pearlin and Bierman 2013). Although prior sociological stress research has focused on stressors rooted in inequalities based on racial (e.g., perceived discrimination and vicarious discrimination; M. D. Moody, Tobin, and Erving 2022) and gender (e.g., “cost of caring”; Taylor 2015) statuses, we build on this literature by contributing an intersectional stressor operating at the race and gender nexus (i.e., GRMs).

Although insights from the intersectionality framework and stress process model suggest that GRMs will be psychologically harmful for Black women, these perspectives do not speak directly to the role of life course variation in the processes undergirding stress exposure and psychological wellbeing. Merging life course theory with intersectional and stress process perspectives can help us theorize how stress exposure may be nuanced within and across age categories among Black women (Pearlin and Skaff 1996; Pearlin et al. 2005).

Life course processes (e.g., aging, birth cohort) differentiate important life experiences (Elder 1975, 1998) with sociological life course research and lifespan developmental psychology identifying four broad adult stages. First, emerging adulthood describes a period of development, experienced by most people in Westernized cultures, from approximately ages 18 to 29 years (Arnett, Žukauskienė, and Sugimura 2014). Emerging adulthood is a critical period because numerous major life transitions can occur including pursuing higher education and entrance into the workforce (Arnett 2001, 2007).

Second, established adulthood, often associated with ages 30 to 45 years, is referred to as the “rush hour” of life due to heightened responsibilities across work, spousal, and parenting domains (Mehta et al. 2020; Mehta and LaRiviere 2023). Some women in established adulthood are caught in the “sandwich” generation, caring for their children and parents simultaneously (Horowitz 2022). Stressors in established adulthood might be particularly heightened for Black women due to their disadvantaged racialized and gendered statuses (Erving et al. 2024). For instance, Black women in this stage are less likely to be married yet more likely to experience financial strain and debt relative to women from other racial groups (Erving et al. 2024).

Third, middle adulthood generally refers to individuals between ages 46 and 64 years, though the specific age span is a contested terrain (Infurna, Gerstorf, and Lachman 2020; Lachman 2004; Willis and Martin 2005). For instance, Sherry L. Willis and Mike Martin (2005) reference 40 to 65 years, while Margie E. Lachman (2004) pinpoints 40 to 59 years as “midlife.” Despite distinctions in age boundaries, coherence converges around this stage entailing “gains” and “losses” (Lachman 2004:306). Gains encompass increased life satisfaction, confidence, transitioning into grandparental roles, and a peak in earnings (albeit these earnings are potentially accompanied by impending concerns about financial stability in preparation for retirement) (Infurna et al. 2020). Losses include decreasing fecundity (e.g., menopause for women), parental death(s), and gradual health declines (Lachman 2004).

Fourth, older adulthood generally refers to ages 65 years and older. Older adulthood is often accompanied by health declines, mobility challenges, spousal loss, and pleasant experiences such as retirement and grandparenthood (Carr 2019). Nevertheless, compared to their race/gender counterparts, older Black women experience unique disadvantages like worse physical health, disproportionately higher rates of poverty, and widowhood alongside significantly less wealth (T. H. Brown et al. 2016; Carr 2019). More optimistic research draws attention to the potentiality of successful aging for segments of the older Black women population (Baker et al. 2015; Lewis, Drentea, and Warner 2024). Unique later-life disadvantages experienced by Black women, however, may increase vulnerability to stress exposure. Given these nuances, we theorize that Black women will experience differential exposure and psychological vulnerability to gendered racism-related stressors (i.e., GRMs) at distinct stages of the life course.

Gender Racism, Mental Health, and Life Course Stage Processes

The current study builds on three theoretical perspectives (i.e., intersectionality, stress process, life course) to develop novel and previously unexplored connections among gendered racism, life course stage, and mental health among Black women. Leveraging insights from life course and stress process theories (Elder 1975, 1998; Pearlin et al. 1981), here we contextualize how life course stage may influence exposure and psychological vulnerability to gender racism-related stressors. On one hand, when integrated with the stress process framework, a life course perspective conjectures that stressors accumulate over time as people age (Pearlin et al. 2005). Although some life course research focuses on how structural benefits and obstacles contribute to variation in psychological health across race, gender, and life course phase (Liu and Lin 2023), we take a novel approach in conducting an intracategorical analysis (McCall 2005; i.e., examining life course stage variation within Black women).

We theorize the “frequency” of exposure to GRMs and variation in the strength of the association between gendered racism and mental health across the lifespan. Motivated by the cumulative (dis)advantage perspective which suggests stressors accumulate and compound with age (Ferraro and Wilkinson 2013), gendered racism could be experienced most frequently by the oldest segment of Black women’s population. Thus, following a life course-graded pattern, the oldest group (65 years and older) could report gendered racism with the greatest frequency (Hypothesis 1). Conversely, stressful transitions related to life circumstances (Chambers et al. 2023; OjiNjideka Hemphill et al. 2023), work (Bacchus 2008; Parker et al. 2022), or familial roles (Brantley 2023) might be present for Black women in younger life stages. These challenges might exacerbate stressors emerging from gendered racism. Since younger women are facing a confluence of stressors alongside gendered racism, we posit younger Black women, relative to their older counterparts, might report the highest frequency of GRMs (Hypothesis 2).

Importantly, prior research also reveals life course variation in mental disorder and psychological distress (Ferraro and Wilkinson 2013; Kessler et al. 2010; Mirowsky and Kim 2007). For instance, emerging adulthood is the life course stage characterized by the highest prevalence of a major depressive disorder and anxiety disorders (Ferraro and Wilkinson 2013), with lower prevalence in established adulthood and midlife, followed by a precipitous decline in mental disorder among older adults (i.e., 65 years and older) (Ferraro and Wilkinson 2013; Kessler et al. 2010). For Black women, a similar pattern is observed. Using nationally representative data, Thomas Tobin and colleagues (2022) reported that lifetime mood disorders are highest for Black women in emerging adulthood (17.5%), with a slight decline in established adulthood (14.8%) and midlife (15.7%) and substantially lower prevalence for Black women aged 65 years and older (5.8%). The same pattern was observed for lifetime anxiety disorders (Thomas Tobin et al. 2022). That said, life course distinctions in mental disorder risk (e.g., heightened prevalence in emerging adulthood) could mean that Black women at specific life course stages are more (or less) psychologically vulnerable to gendered-racialized stressors.

Regarding life course differences in the association between gendered racism and mental health, there is a possibility that younger women may be more psychologically vulnerable to gendered racism. The stress process model suggests resources and coping can mitigate the impact of a stressor on mental health. Therefore, as individuals age, they might respond in a less emotional manner to stressors (e.g., older adults have more time to develop extensive coping repertoires) (Pearlin and Skaff 1996; Pearlin et al. 2007). If so, there might be a weak association between GRMs and psychological health among older Black women. For younger Black women, stressors may have a relatively stronger influence on their mental health because women in these life phases have not developed a robust set of coping skills to mitigate the negative psychological impact of gendered racism. In sum, the GRMs-adverse mental health association could be weakest for Black women in older adulthood and strongest for Black women in emerging adulthood, with the other two life course stage groups falling in the middle (Hypothesis 3).

Data and methods

Data are from the Racial Stress and Gendered Racism among Black Women Study, a multi-method survey administered via Qualtrics between December 21, 2022, and January 16, 2023 (N = 422). For data collection, we contracted with Qualtrics LLC, a service increasingly used in social science research (Alang, McAlpine, and McClain 2021; Grace 2020). Qualtrics then invited respondents to participate by partnering with over 20 Web-based panel providers to access potential respondents based on the specified quota of obtaining a sample size of 400 Black women. Respondents were offered a $10 incentive to complete the survey. Prior to the research team receiving the data, Qualtrics performed quality checks on the data and removed incomplete responses. The data delivered to the research team included 430 respondents. We also performed quality control by removing eight respondents from the analysis who provided incoherent answers to four open-response questions asked of all respondents. The restricted sample for this analysis includes 415 respondents as seven respondents did not disclose their parental status or educational attainment. The length of time for completion of the survey averaged 46 minutes (median = 34 minutes).

Measures

Mental health

Dependent measures included two mental health indicators from the 21-item Depression, Anxiety, and Stress Scales (DASS) (Lovibond and Lovibond 1995). Here, we examine depression and anxiety symptoms. First, depressive symptoms included seven items that capture sentiments such as hopelessness, lack of interest, and anhedonia (e.g., “I found it difficult to work up the initiative to do anything”; α = .93). Second, anxiety symptoms entailed autonomic arousal, situational anxiety, and subjective experience of anxious affect and included seven items (e.g., “I was worried about situations in which I might panic and make a fool of myself”; α = .88). Response options for depression and anxiety items included: (0) Did not apply to me at all, (1) Applied some of the time, (2) Applied to a considerable degree, or a good part of the time, and (3) Applied to me very much or most of the time. Total scores were calculated (potential range: 0–21), with higher scores reflecting more frequent symptoms.

Gendered racial microaggressions

We assessed GRMs using the GRMS (Lewis and Neville 2015), a 26-item measure assessing Black women’s experiences of everyday and subtle gendered racism. Study participants reported the frequency of experiences in the past year on a 6-point Likert scale ranging from 0 = never to 5 = once a week or more. Scores were averaged to calculate mean frequency (α = .96) for overall GRMs. We also analyzed the four GRM subscales: AB&SO (11 items; e.g., “Someone assumed I was sexually promiscuous”), SAM (seven items; e.g., “I have felt excluded from networking opportunities”), Strong Black Woman Stereotype (SBWS; five items; e.g., “I have been told I am too independent”), and Angry Black Woman Stereotype (ABWS: three items; e.g., “Someone has told me to calm down”). All subscales have high reliability (α = .93 [AB &SO], .90 [SAM], .70 [SBWS], .79 [ABWS]).

Life course stage

Using guidelines from prior research (Arnett et al. 2014; Carr 2019; Lachman 2004; Mehta et al. 2020; Willis and Martin 2005), we examined four stages: emerging adulthood (18–29 years; N = 166), established adulthood (30–45 years; N = 114), middle adulthood (46–64 years; N = 85), and older adulthood (65+ years; N = 50).

Controls

All models adjust for factors associated with mental health. Region distinguishes between Southern (reference), West, Northeast, and Midwest residents. Sexual minority status distinguishes between sexual minority and heterosexual identity (reference). Relationship status includes three categories: Single/Never Married (reference), Married/Domestic Partnership, and Separated/Widowed/Divorced/Other. Parental status distinguishes between parents (reference) and nonparents. The number of household members is a count measure ranging from 1 (i.e., respondent lives alone) to 9. Three indicators of socioeconomic status are included in the analysis. Household income is a categorical measure including less than $20,000 (reference), $20,000 to $34,999, $35,000 to $49,999, $50,000 to $74,999, $74,000 to $99,999, and $100,000 or more. Employment status distinguishes among employed/self-employed (reference), retired, and other work statuses (e.g., student, unemployed, disabled). Educational attainment entails five categories: High school/GED or less (reference), some college/vocational training, associate’s degree, bachelor’s degree, and advanced degree.

Analytic Strategy

Our analysis reports means and, where appropriate, standard deviations for all study measures by life course stage (Table 1). To investigate whether there were meaningful differences in study measures by life course stage, we performed pairwise t-tests for continuous measures and chi-square tests for categorical measures. Significance levels are discussed at p < .05. Next, the linear regression analysis assesses the association between overall GRM frequency and each mental health measure (Table 2) and the association between the four GRM subscales and each mental health measure (Table 3). To investigate whether life course stage moderates the association between GRM frequency and mental health, we performed statistical interactions between life course stage and GRMs. Following the same model progression, we conducted the same analysis for each GRM subscale: AB&SO, SAM, SBWS, and ABWS. Although we use older Black women as the reference group in all shown regression models, we conducted ancillary analyses where we shifted the reference category (i.e., emerging, established, midlife) to identify statistically significant interactions that would not have been identified in our original analysis. For ease of interpretation, only statistically significant interactions are reported in Table 4. All analyses were conducted using STATA 18 (StataCorp 2023).

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics (N = 415).

	Emerging adults18–29 years(N = 166)	Established adults30–45 years(N = 114)	Midlifeadults46–64 years(N = 85)	Olderadults65 years +(N = 50)	Significance tests
Variable Name	Mean (SD)	Mean (SD)	Mean (SD)	Mean (SD)	Significance tests
Mental health
Anxiety symptoms (range: 0–21)	7.68 (5.54)	6.93 (5.79)	5.47 (5.53)	1.42 (1.82)	^a,b,c,d
Depression symptoms (range: 0–21)	8.61 (6.03)	7.38 (6.27)	4.85 (5.90)	1.94 (3.35)	^a,b,c,d,e
Gendered racial microaggressions (GRMs)
GRMS overall (range: 0–4.65)	1.75 (1.27)	1.74 (1.18)	1.31 (.89)	.89 (.84)	^a,b,c,d,e
AB&SO (range: 0–4.9)	1.72 (1.41)	1.60 (1.23)	1.04 (.90)	.66 (.82)	^a,b,c,d,e
Silenced and marginalized (0–5)	1.69 (1.32)	1.73 (1.36)	1.35 (1.04)	.96 (.95)	^a,b,c,d,e
Strong Black woman stereotype (0–5)	1.86 (1.35)	2.03 (1.42)	1.80 (1.33)	1.37 (.99)	^b,d,e
Angry Black woman stereotype (0–5)	1.93 (1.47)	1.99 (1.35)	1.64 (1.29)	1.03 (1.08)	^b,d,e
Controls
U.S. region					p = .24
South (reference)	.52	.49	.48	.60
West	.08	.11	.02	.08
Northeast	.27	.25	.33	.14
Midwest	.13	.14	.16	.18
Sexual minority status (sexual minority = 1)	.37	.12	.07	.02	p < .001
Relationship status					p < .001
Single/Never married (reference)	.78	.61	.40	.16
Married/Domestic partnership	.15	.33	.29	.26
Separated/Divorced/Widowed/Other	.07	.06	.31	.58
Parental status (parent = 1)	.33	.63	.80	.84	p < .001
Number of household members (range: 1–9)	3.24 (1.73)	3.29 (1.62)	2.28 (1.04)	1.84 (1.25)	^a,b,c,d
Household income					p < .05
Less than $20,000 (reference)	.39	.30	.24	.14
$20,000–$34,999	.12	.20	.21	.26
$35,000–$49.999	.27	.23	.22	.30
$50,000–$74,999	.04	.06	.08	.06
$75,000–$99,999	.14	.15	.12	.18
$100,000 or more	.04	.06	.13	.06
Employment status					p < .001
Employed/Self-employed (reference)	.67	.65	.54	.16
Retired	.01	.00	.11	.82
Other	.33	.35	.35	.02
Educational attainment					p = .33
High school/General Educational Development or less (reference)	.22	.22	.25	.32
Some college/Vocational training	.40	.29	.24	.28
Associate’s degree	.02	.06	.05	.06
Bachelor’s degree	.05	.06	.08	.04
Advanced degree	.30	.37	.39	.30

Source. Racial Stress and Gendered Racism among Black Women Study, 2022–2023.

Notes. “Other” employment status includes unemployed, disabled, homemaker, student, and “other non-specified.” “Advanced Degree” educational attainment includes MA, PhD, and professional degrees. AB&SO = Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification.

Emerging adults significantly differ from midlife adults.

Emerging adults significantly differ from older adults.

Established adults significantly differ from midlife adults.

Established adults significantly different from older adults.

Midlife adults significantly different from older adults.

Significance tests are based on a two-tailed pairwise-tests (p < .05) for continuous measures and chi-square tests for categorical measures.

Table 2.

OLS Regression of the Association between Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale (GRMS) and Mental Health (N = 415).

Variable Name	M1: anxiety	M2: depression
GRMS	2.04*** (.22)	1.92*** (.25)
	2.04*** (.22)	1.92*** (.25)
Life course stage (Reference = 65+ years)
Emerging adult (18–29 years)	3.99** (1.42)	3.52* (1.59)
Established adult (30–45 years)	3.36* (1.39)	2.69(1.56)
Midlife adult (46–64 years)	2.82* (1.26)	1.52(1.41)
Controls
Region (South = Reference)
West	1.25(.94)	2.03(1.05)
Northeast	.54(.59)	.25(.66)
Midwest	−.08(.72)	−.51(.81)
Sexual minority	−.01(.66)	.26(.75)
Relationship status(Single/Never Married = Reference)
Married/Domestic partnership	−.06(.65)	−.70(.72)
Separated/Divorced/Widowed/Other	.02(.77)	−.67(.86)
Parent	.06(.58)	−.18(.65)
Number of household members	−.15(.17)	.02(.19)
Household income(less than $20,000 = Reference)
$20,000–$34,999	−.04(.79)	−.40(.88)
$35,000−$49,999	.01(.68)	−.24(.76)
$50,000−$74,999	−1.04(1.17)	−1.77(1.32)
$75,000−$99,999	−1.25(.80)	−1.63(.90)
Over $100,000	−.55(1.13)	−1.19(1.27)
Employment status(Employed = Reference)
Retired	−.75(1.23)	−.74(1.38)
Other	−.52(.60)	−.58(.67)
Educational attainment(High School diploma or less = Reference)
Some college/Vocational training	1.01(.68)	1.10(.76)
Associate’s degree	−.17(1.30)	−62(1.46)
Bachelor’s degree	.47(1.14)	1.46(1.28)
Advanced degree	.75(.66)	.91(.74)
Constant	.09(1.62)	1.46(1.82)
R ²	.30	.28

Source. Racial Stress and Gendered Racism among Black Women Study, 2022–2023.

Standard errors in parentheses.

p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.

Table 3.

OLS Regression of the Association between Gendered Racial Microaggressions (GRMs) Subscales and Mental Health (N = 415).

Variable Name	M1: anxiety	M2: depression
Panel 1: Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification (AB&SO)
AB&SO	1.82*** (.21)	1.75*** (.23)
Constant	.81(1.63)	2.11(1.82)
R ²	.29	.27
Panel 2: Silenced and Marginalized (SAM)
Silenced and marginalized	1.77*** (.20)	1.69*** (.23)
Constant	.17(1.64)	1.51(1.83)
R ²	.29	.27
Panel 3: Strong Black Woman Stereotype (SBWS)
Strong Black woman stereotype	1.02*** (.20)	.88*** (.22)
Constant	.70(1.74)	2.17(1.93)
R ²	.20	.20
Panel 4: Angry Black Woman Stereotype (ABWS)
Angry Black woman stereotype	1.51*** (.18)	1.37*** (.21)
Constant	.54(1.65)	1.95(1.85)
R ²	.28	.25

Source. Racial Stress and Gendered Racism among Black Women Study, 2022–2023.

Note. All models adjust for life course stage, region, sexual minority status, relationship status, parental status, number of household members, household income, employment status, and educational attainment. Standard errors in parentheses.

p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.

Table 4.

Models With Significant Interactions between Gendered Racial Microaggressions (GRMs), GRM Subscales, and Life Course Stage (N = 415).

	M1	M2	M3	M4	M5	M6	M7
Variable Name	Anxiety:GRMS	Depression:GRMS	Anxiety:AB&SO	Depression:AB&SO	Anxiety:SAM	Anxiety:SBWS	Depression:SBWS
GRMS	.29	.35	.26	.50	.35	.04	−.12
	(.84)	(.94)	(.87)	(.98)	(.76)	(.76)	(.83)
Life course stage (Reference = 65+ years)
Emerging adult (18–29 years)	2.73	2.27	3.15*	2.71	2.81	3.93*	3.21
	(1.64)	(1.84)	(1.56)	(1.74)	(1.65)	(1.86)	(2.04)
Established adult (30–45 years)	2.04	2.06	2.20	2.14	2.21	4.66*	4.68*
	(1.67)	(1.87)	(1.58)	(1.76)	(1.67)	(1.87)	(2.05)
Midlife adult (46–64 years)	.25	−1.18	.95	−.40	1.97	.49	−1.25
	(1.59)	(1.79)	(1.48)	(1.65)	(1.58)	(1.75)	(1.92)
Life course stage × GRMS
Emerging adult × GRMS	1.72	1.64	1.40	1.17	1.61*	1.14	1.28
	(.89)	(1.00)	(.92)	(1.02)	(.81)	(.82)	(.90)
Established adult × GRMS	1.77	1.28	1.72	1.13	1.56	.35	.03
	(.93)	(1.04)	(.95)	(1.06)	(.83)	(.84)	(.92)
Midlife adult × GRMS	2.72**	2.76*	2.62*	2.51*	1.24	1.95*	2.24*
	(1.03)	(1.16)	(1.05)	(1.18)	(.92)	(.88)	(.96)
Constant	1.41	2.56	1.69	2.75	1.65	1.26	2.54
	(1.76)	(1.98)	(1.71)	(1.91)	(1.79)	(1.97)	(2.17)
R ²	.32	.29	.30	.28	.30	.22	.23
Post-hoc analysis ^a
Emerging vs. Established							p < .05
Emerging vs. Midlife
Established vs. Midlife						p < .01	p < .001

Source. Racial Stress and Gendered Racism among Black Women Study, 2022–2023.

Note. Standard errors in parentheses. All models adjust for region, sexual minority status, relationship status, parental status, number of household members, household income, employment status, and educational attainment. AB&SO = Assumptions of Beauty and Sexual Objectification; SAM = silenced and marginalized; SBWS = strong Black woman stereotype; ABWS = angry Black woman stereotype.

The post-hoc analysis alters the referent category for Life Course Stage to assess differences in the association between GRMs and mental health for Emerging versus Established, Emerging versus Midlife, and Established versus Midlife adults. Marginal and significant differences are reported.

p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.

Results

Descriptive Statistics

In Table 1, we include descriptive statistics for all study measures separately for emerging, established, midlife, and older adults. Regarding mental health, emerging and established adults have higher depression symptoms than their midlife and older adulthood counterparts. Older adults have significantly lower anxiety and depression levels than the other three age groups. For example, depression symptoms follow an age-graded pattern, with the highest symptoms being reported for emerging adults (mean [M] = 8.61; standard deviation [SD] = 5.36), followed by established (M = 7.38, SD = 6.27), midlife (M = 4.85, SD = 5.90), and older (M = 1.94, SD = 3.35) adults. These life course differences in depression and anxiety symptoms align with prior literature on age-graded patterns of lifetime mood and anxiety disorders among Black women (Thomas Tobin et al. 2022).

Regarding GRMs, overall frequency is highest for emerging adults (M = 1.75, SD = 1.27) who are indistinguishable from established adults (M = 1.74, SD = 1.18). Midlife adults report significantly fewer experiences with gendered racism (M = 1.31, SD = .89) relative to their younger counterparts. Finally, older adults report the least frequent GRM experiences (M = .89, SD = .84). Gendered racism among older adults is also significantly lower than that among adults in younger age groups. When examining GRM subscales, AB&SO and SAM follow the same pattern as the overall GRM measure. SBWS and ABWS, however, suggest similar levels across the three youngest groups and older Black women having significantly fewer experiences with these stereotypes. These descriptive findings yield empirical support for Hypothesis 2, as older (i.e., 65+ years) Black women experience less frequent GRMs than younger Black women.

Regression Analysis

What is the association between GRMs and psychological health?

Table 2 shows results from linear regression models predicting anxiety and depressive symptoms adjusting for covariates. In Model 1, more frequent occurrences of GRMs are associated with higher anxiety symptoms (β = 2.04, p < .001). Model 1 also demonstrates differences in anxiety across life course stages. Compared with older adults, Black women in the other three life course stages report significantly more anxiety symptoms (emerging adults = 3.99, p < .01; established adults = 3.36, p < .05; midlife adults = 2.82, p < .05).

We predicted depression symptoms in Model 2. Again, more frequent GRMs are associated with higher depression symptoms (β = 1.92, p < .001). With respect to life course distinctions in depressive symptoms, compared with older adults, emerging adults report more frequent depression symptoms (3.52, p < .05).

We present results for GRM subscales in Table 3. We predicted anxiety (Model 1) and depression symptoms (Model 2), adjusting for life course stage and controls. A higher frequency in each GRM subscale is associated with more severe symptoms. Specifically, in Panel 1, more frequent AB&SO experiences are associated with higher anxiety (β = 1.82, p < .001) and depression symptoms (β = 1.75, p < .001). In Panel 2, more frequent SAM experiences are associated with higher anxiety (β = 1.77, p < .001) and depression (β = 1.69, p < .001) symptoms. In Panel 3, more SBWS gendered racism experiences are associated with higher anxiety (β = 1.02, p < .001) and depressive (β = 0.88, p < .001) symptoms. Finally, in Panel 4, more frequent ABWS experiences are associated with higher anxiety (β = 1.51, p < .001) and depressive (β = 1.37, p < .001) symptoms.

Does life course stage moderate the association between GRMs and psychological health?

To explore whether the association between GRMs and psychological health varies across life course stage, we incorporated interaction terms. In Table 4, we present coefficients from regression models that include only statistically significant interaction terms, adjusting for all covariates. For ease of interpretation, we also present significant interactions as figures where we report predicted values using margins in STATA. In producing predicted values of anxiety or depression symptoms, all other measures in models were set at the mean. The model numbers presented in Table 4 correspond with Figure numbers (e.g., significant interactions in Table 4, Model 1 are visually presented in Figure 1).

Figure 1.

Predicted values of anxiety symptoms by GRMs and life course stage.

Results presented in Table 4 provide evidence that life course stage moderates the association between GRMs and anxiety symptoms. Specifically, in Model 1, statistical interactions between life course stage and GRMs reveal that compared to older Black women, the association between GRMs and anxiety symptoms is different for midlife (midlife adult × GRMs = 2.72, p < .01) adults. These significant interactions are visually presented in Figure 1 which shows predicted values of anxiety symptoms by GRMs and life course stage. For emerging (blue line), established (red line), and midlife (green line) women, there is a strong positive association between GRMs and anxiety. For instance, among midlife women (green line), when GRMs are never experienced (GRMS = 0), anxiety symptoms have a predicted value of 2. However, when GRMs occur a few times a month (GRMS = 4), anxiety symptoms soar to a predicted value of 14, increasing anxiety symptoms sevenfold for women in midlife. Among older adults, there is a weak association between GRMs and anxiety symptoms, as demonstrated by the near-flat yellow line that hovers around a predicted value of 2 for anxiety symptoms.

In Model 2, statistical interactions between life course stage and GRMs reveal that compared to older Black women, the association between GRMs and depressive symptoms is different for midlife women (midlife adult × GRMS = 2.76, p < .05). That is, the slope for GRMS is statistically significantly different for midlife and older adults. The significant interaction is modeled in Figure 2. Like results for anxiety symptoms, there is a strong positive association between greater GRM frequency and predicted depressive symptoms for midlife women (green line). For older women (yellow line), on the other hand, there is a weaker association between GRM frequency and depressive symptoms. Based on results for anxiety and depression symptoms, our findings yield partial empirical support for Hypothesis 3.

Figure 2.

Predicted values of depression symptoms by GRMs and life course stage.

GRM subscale analysis

Our next analysis identifies which kinds of gendered racial microaggression experiences are deleterious at which life course stage. Answering this question calls for statistical interactions between GRM subscales and life course stage. For this analysis, we start with AB&SO (Table 4, Models 3 and 4; Figures 3 and 4), then SAM (Table 4, Model 5; Figure 5), and conclude with SBWS (Table 4, Models 6 and 7; Figures 6 and 7). There were no significant interactions between life course stage and ABWS.

Figure 3.

Predicted values of anxiety symptoms by AB&SO and life course stage.

Figure 4.

Predicted values of depression symptoms by AB&SO and life course stage.

Figure 5.

Predicted values of anxiety symptoms by Silenced and Marginalized and life course stage.

Figure 6.

Predicted values of anxiety symptoms by SBWS and life course stage.

Figure 7.

Predicted values of depression symptoms by SBWS and life course stage.

Significant statistical interactions in Model 3 offer empirical support for life course stage moderating the association between AB&SO and anxiety. Relative to older adults, the association between AB&SO and anxiety is different for midlife (midlife adults × AB&SO = 2.62, p < .05) women. In Figure 3, for established (red line) and midlife (green line) women, there is a strong positive association between AB&SO and anxiety symptoms, but for older (yellow line) women, there is a weak association.

In Model 4 from Table 4, we turn to AB&SO and depression across life course stage. We show significant differences in the slopes for midlife (midlife adult × AB&SO = 2.51, p < .05) compared to older women. The significant interaction in Model 4 is modeled in Figure 4. Note the steep green linen representing midlife women and the nearly flat yellow line representing older women.

In Model 5 and Figure 5, we depict the association between SAM and anxiety symptoms across life course stage. The statistical interactions in Model 5 show that relative to older women, the association for emerging (Emerging adults × SAM = 1.61, p < .05) women is different. Figure 5 provides a visual depiction of these interactions. For emerging (blue line) and established adults (red line), when respondents “never” experience SAM, predicted anxiety symptoms are at 4, relative to a predicted value of 12 when SAM is experienced “a few times a month.” However, among older women (yellow line), predicted anxiety symptoms are low and nearly identical (i.e., 2), regardless of whether they reported the lowest or highest frequency on this subscale.

Life course stage also moderates the association between SBWS and anxiety symptoms. The significant interaction in Model 6 gives empirical support for a difference in the association between SBWS and anxiety symptoms between older and midlife (midlife adults × SBWS = 1.95; p < .05) Black women. The significant interaction is modeled in Figure 6. For women in midlife (green line), the association between SBWS and anxiety is strong and positive, but for women in older adulthood (yellow line), there is a negligible association between SBWS and anxiety. Our post-hoc analysis revealed that the slope for SBWS is significantly different for midlife (green line) and established (red line) women (p < .01). As evident from the relatively flat red line, there is a weak association between SBWS and anxiety for established women.

Finally, akin to results for anxiety, in Model 7, interactions show the association between SBWS and depressive symptoms is different for midlife (midlife adults × SBWS = 2.24, p < .05) and older women. In Figure 7, among midlife women (green line), the association is strong and positive, but for older women (yellow line), the association is weak and negative. Post-hoc analyses revealed that compared to established adults (red line), the association between SBWS and depressive symptoms is different for emerging (blue line) and midlife (green line) adults. There are strong, positive associations for emerging and midlife adults, compared with the weak, negative association for established adults. In sum, the GRM subscale analysis revealed additional nuance regarding which dimensions of GRMs were related to mental health for different life course stage groups, yielding partial but not complete empirical support for Hypothesis 3.

Discussion

The current study aimed to (1) examine whether there was life course stage variation in experiences of GRMs and (2) determine whether life course stage moderated the association between GRMs and mental health. We offered three theoretically informed hypotheses regarding variation across life course stages in GRMs exposure as well as the association between GRMs and psychological wellbeing. While some study findings confirm past research, the life course analysis elucidates previously unknown patterns regarding the frequency of and psychological vulnerability to GRMs for Black women at different life course stages.

First, we identified significant variation in GRM frequency across life course stages. Emerging and established Black women reported more frequent GRMs overall. Consistent with Hypothesis 2, GRMs were least frequently reported by older Black women (i.e., 65 years and older). Our findings draw attention to several plausible explanations related to context and agency. Regarding context, our measure of GRMs (specifically SAM) captures notable dimensions of microaggressions in workplace settings. This GRM measure does not explicitly pertain to contexts, such as assisted living facilities or experiences with social service agencies (Warren-Findlow 2006), where gendered racism might occur more frequently for older Black women. Thus, it is possible that older Black women are exposed to more GRMs, but the GRM measure does not capture contexts most relevant to this demographic. Alternatively, Black women in later life have more personal agency and control to decide who they will interact with in their daily lives. This hypothesis is consistent with lifespan development insights from selection, optimization, and compensation theory (Baltes and Baltes 1990) and socioemotional selectivity theory (Carstensen 1992) which posit that there are important age-related distinctions in social selection, particularly that older adults have a narrower range of actual and desired social network members and prefer familiar, longstanding social relationships over novel ones (Fung and Carstensen 2004; Penningroth and Scott 2012). Thus, older Black women, of their own volition, may encounter fewer perpetrators of gendered racism relative to their younger counterparts. Understanding how stress buffers like environmental mastery, social support networks, and other psychosocial resources are mobilized by older Black women is a crucial step forward for future research. For instance, Black women in later life may have strong social networks and highly esteemed social roles across contexts (e.g., serving as “matriarchs” of their families and “church mothers” in religious settings) that operate as strengths to shield them from the psychological assault of gendered racism (Baker et al. 2015; Bentley-Edwards and Adams 2024).

Although the primary purpose of our study was not to assess life course variation in mental health, our results revealed striking differences in depression and anxiety symptoms for Black women across the life course. Like past research on lifetime mood and anxiety disorder (Thomas Tobin et al. 2022), emerging adults experienced the highest levels of anxiety and depression symptoms. There was also a life course gradient such that each successive life course stage experienced fewer symptoms of anxiety and depression. For instance, established adults experienced more symptoms than their midlife peers. Moreover, older Black women exhibited the most favorable mental health outcomes. These patterns suggest that emerging adulthood is a life course stage when Black women are most vulnerable to experiencing mental distress, a reality that merits additional research to understand these age patterns and a need for culturally competent and age-appropriate psychological and counseling services for Black women at different stages of life.

Second, study findings provide unequivocal evidence that GRMs have differential psychological impacts at different life course stages. Specifically, the associations between GRMs overall and anxiety and depression symptoms were weak to null among older Black women and positive for all other age groups, yielding partial empirical support for Hypothesis 3. Our findings became even more nuanced when we investigated which kinds of microaggression experiences (i.e., which GRM subscales) were most psychologically impactful for specific life course stages, which bring us to our next set of findings.

Third, the association between AB&SO and poor mental health was most salient for Black women in midlife. Standards of beauty place an undue burden on women to transform their aging bodies and to appear more youthful and healthy (Berkowitz 2017). Given public discourse surrounding anti-aging (Berkowitz 2017; Del Rosso 2017), Black women in midlife may be uniquely positioned in the life course to experience adverse psychological health from these messages. In addition, pressures could be particularly pronounced for Black women given broader social messaging regarding Black Americans defying age-related changes in physical appearance (e.g., the “black don’t crack” adage; Smith-Tran 2023). Some research shows older women perceive their aging bodies as dysfunctional (Chung 2020) or feel burdened by a need to age gracefully while concurrently subverting the aging process (Jankowski et al. 2016). Much of the research on perceptions of beauty and the aging body, however, examines non-Black groups or individuals in older life phases (i.e., between 65 and 92 years old) (Chung 2020; Jankowski et al. 2016). Future research should expand existing scholarship to explore perceptions of aging specifically among Black women in midlife.

Fourth, experiences of Silencing and Marginalization (SAM) were associated with heightened anxiety symptoms, particularly for emerging (i.e., young adult) Black women. Given SAM items focus on experiences in educational and professional settings, perhaps it is reasonable that in this period of the life course, Black women would be particularly exposed to these context-specific microaggressions. Being silenced and feeling invisible in a college setting, boardroom, court room, or any other work setting can impact performance metrics (e.g., grades, teacher/employer perceptions of student/worker, promotion, salary raises). For example, emerging adults might experience silencing in a majority-White college setting (Newton 2023), invisibility in majority-male professions (Hart 2025), or isolation in predominantly White and male professional spaces (Harvey Wingfield 2010; Smith and Nkomo 2021). Our analysis provides empirical evidence that emerging Black women may feel high-stakes pressures in this life course stage which may be associated with feelings of anxiety.

Fifth, the strong Black women stereotype patterns by life course stage were particularly complex. For midlife women, more frequent SBW experiences were associated with heightened anxiety and depressive symptoms. Being a strong Black woman in midlife may be accompanied by competing demands and specific struggles like caregiving and physiological transitions (i.e., menopause) (Etowa et al. 2007). For instance, midlife Black women may experience (1) unique challenges related to early physical health declines (compared to other race/gender groups; AARP 2020), (2) full-time career demands (Erving, Jason, and Blasingame 2025; Iheduru-Anderson et al. 2025; Loudermill 2024), and (3) being a part of the “sandwich” generation—simultaneously engaged in caregiving for children, grandchildren, and older parents (Horowitz 2022). Amid this confluence of stressors, midlife women are presumed to be sufficiently healthy enough to care for others and “tough” enough to exude strength under all these circumstances.

In stark contrast to middle-aged Black women, for established and older adults, experiences of the SBW stereotype were not related to anxiety and depressive symptoms. Relative to their midlife counterparts, established and older Black women may possess distinct meanings of “strong Black womanhood.” Perhaps the SBW stereotype has positive elements for established Black women because it has historically helped them resist societal-level marginalization and promoted both self-worth and a collective pride in Black womanhood (Davis 2015; Thomas et al. 2022) These qualities may bode well in the work environment for established women who are at critical professional junctures (Thomas and Eaton 2025; Woods-Giscombé 2010). Older Black women value independence (Romo et al. 2013), and strong Black womanhood has even been conceptualized as a component of successful aging for older Black women (Baker et al. 2015). For example, when navigating racism, sexism, and ageism in the healthcare environment, older Black women may need to draw upon distinct coping strategies to navigate discriminatory care (Hall, Wallace, and Adams 2024). In the context of aging, Black women in later life may have normalized and internalized strong Black womanhood (while also socializing younger Black women to embrace it) to the point that it becomes a fact of life but not psychologically interpreted as a stressor (Davis 2015). Therefore, for older Black women, strong Black womanhood may operate in ways that are psychologically neutral but personally advantageous in achieving desired outcomes in their social interactions. Another consideration is that older Black women may have redefined strength multiple times over the life course in ways that reduce mental health burden. Therefore, perhaps later life is a time when Black women have fewer pressures to endorse SBW attributes they consider onerous or undesirable (Thomas et al. 2022). A life history analysis could evaluate whether life lessons played a role in later-life Black women disengaging from practices, habits, and behaviors (e.g., self-sacrifice associated with being a strong Black woman) that no longer serve them.

Our perplexing findings regarding the Strong Black Woman “stereotype” suggest the need for qualitative research that explores differences, across life course stage, in the meaning-making process of the Strong Black woman. As Black women in established, midlife and older adulthood occupy distinct roles, the health implications and meaning-making of the SBW stereotype may manifest in distinct ways for each age group. Accordingly, our findings suggest that meaning and stress appraisal may help to elucidate complex and unanticipated patterns of stress exposure and their health implications (McLeod 2012; L. L. Brown et al. 2020). Black women’s survival needs may also shift over the life course, and though the superwoman “cape” helps to protect them during some stages, it has a heavy cost and can be overwhelming to carry during other stages. In sum, this finding speaks to the double-edge sword of the “strength mandate” that many Black women carry (Woods-Giscombé 2010) where such a “calling” can be deleterious, innocuous, or ameliorative for psychological wellbeing depending on particular social conditions and circumstances.

Although this study was the first to take a life course approach to understanding gendered racism and mental health among Black women, it has important limitations. First, gendered racism experiences occur earlier in the life course, often well before young adulthood. Yet very few studies examine gendered racism among Black girls (see Gadson and Lewis 2022 for an exception). More research is needed to ascertain which gendered racism experiences are most impactful prior to entrance into adulthood. Second, extending beyond mental health, J. A. Lewis (2023) encourages research to examine the physiological toll of GRMs. We encourage future research to examine how physical health challenges disproportionately affecting Black women (e.g., cardiovascular disease, obesity, lupus, maternal mortality, preterm birth; Chinn, Martin, and Redmond 2021) may be related to interpersonal experiences of gendered racism. Next, the sample of older Black women was small relative to the other life course stages, making it difficult to detect meaningful differences. Nevertheless, our results suggest that perhaps our GRM measure was not attuned to the unique incidents of GRMs experienced by older Black women. To our knowledge, the GRMS has not been used exclusively with older Black women, and the adaptation and validation of the measure with older women is a necessary next step in elucidating pathways between gendered racism and psychological wellbeing for older Black women. In addition, this study did not include information on perpetrators (e.g., coworkers, teachers, strangers) of GRM incidents, but this is important to assess in future studies. Last, by relying on quota sampling, we acknowledge challenges with generalizability, representation, and sampling bias (Newman et al. 2021). For example, Black women who elect to participate in research disseminated through an online survey may be qualitatively distinct from Black women in the broader U.S. population. We cannot reconcile or assess these differences in our study. Nonetheless services like Qualtrics are increasingly used by social scientists. Moreover, findings based on data collection from online platforms continue to appear in the Sociology of Race and Ethnicity (Grace and García 2023; Sheares 2023), among other peer-reviewed, high-impact outlets (Alang et al. 2021; Deckard et al. 2025; Grace 2020).

Despite these limitations, our study does integrative theoretical work of bringing a life course perspective into conversation with intersectionality and the stress process model. This study revealed previously unexplored life course distinctions in both frequency and psychological vulnerability to GRMs, a relatively new measure that captures stressors unique to Black women. We hope this research will serve as a starting point for scholars to consider life course stage as another critical dimension of lived experience in research on gendered racism.

Footnotes

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Collection of these data was supported by a Thurgood Marshall College Fund & Novartis U.S. Foundation Faculty Research Grant and the American Association of University Women’s (AAUW) American Postdoctoral Research Leave Fellowship awarded to Dr. Tiffany R. Williams. This research was also supported by a grant, P30AG066614, awarded to the Center on Aging and Population Sciences at The University of Texas at Austin by the National Institute on Aging, by grant, P2CHD042849, awarded to the Population Research Center at The University of Texas at Austin by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, and by grant T32HD007081, Training Program in Population Studies, awarded to the Population Research Center at The University of Texas at Austin by the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. This research was also supported by grant 5T32AG000029-48, awarded to the Duke Aging Center Postdoctoral Research Training Program by the National Institute on Aging. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2024 Annual Meeting of the American Psychosomatic Society in Brighton, United Kingdom.

ORCID iDs

Christy L. Erving

Courtney E. Williams

K. J. Davidson-Turner

Jacquelyn V. Coats

Tiffany R. Williams

Author biographies

Christy L. Erving is an associate professor in the Department of Sociology and affiliated with the Population Research Center and Center on Aging and Population Sciences at the University of Texas at Austin. Her program of research draws from theories, concepts, and perspectives across various disciplines to clarify and explain social disparities in mental and physical health. Her most recent projects investigate the psychosocial determinants of Black women’s health across the life course. Her research has appeared in Social Problems, Journal of Health and Social Behavior, and Society and Mental Health.

Courtney E. Williams is a NICHD Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Population Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin. Her research employs a host of conceptual paradigms to explore how systems of inequity shape exposure to intersectional stressors and adverse health outcomes throughout the life course. Her scholarship appears in Demography, American Journal of Public Health, and Journal of Adolescent Health.

K. J. Davidson-Turner is a postdoctoral scholar at the University of Southern California (USC). She draws upon both biological and sociological perspectives to better understand health disparities and age-related diseases at a population-level. Specifically, her research focuses on how stress and other social factors impact women’s hormonal health, aging transitions, and later life health outcomes. Prior to USC, KJ received her BA in Neuroscience from Middlebury College and her PhD in Sociology and Demography from the University of Texas at Austin.

Jacquelyn V. Coats is a postdoctoral research fellow at the Duke University School of Medicine’s Aging Center. Her work examines how social and structural factors shape health outcomes among midlife and older African American women, using intersectionality and community‑engaged approaches to advance health equity in aging.

Tiffany R. Williams is an assistant professor in the Department of Psychiatry at the Indiana University School of Medicine and a licensed psychologist with health service provider designation. She directs the Perinatal Mental Health Clinic at Indiana University Health. Her research focuses on social determinants of health and their impact on Black women’s well-being. Her recent work examines body image, eating disorders, and bodily pain among Black women, and she is expanding this work to address perinatal mental health among marginalized and underserved women. Her research has been published in Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy, Women & Therapy, and the Journal of American College Health.

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Gendered Racial Microaggressions and Black Women’s Mental Health: Does Life Course Stage Matter?

Abstract

Keywords

Background

GRMs, Age, and Mental Health

Theoretical Framework

Gender Racism, Mental Health, and Life Course Stage Processes

Data and methods

Measures

Mental health

Gendered racial microaggressions

Life course stage

Controls

Analytic Strategy

Results

Descriptive Statistics

Regression Analysis

What is the association between GRMs and psychological health?

Does life course stage moderate the association between GRMs and psychological health?

GRM subscale analysis

Discussion

Footnotes

Funding

ORCID iDs

Author biographies

References