Abstract
Internationally, educationally disadvantaged young men navigate adulthood amid fragmented recognition, precarious labour, and social risk. This study examines how this group in Hong Kong negotiates school-to-work transitions through recognition theory and risk society perspectives. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with 12 participants, the study analyses how misrecognition across school, family, workplace, and peer contexts shapes identities, aspirations, and coping strategies. Five themes were identified: fragmented recognition, risk-embedded pathways, recognition-seeking strategies, managing misrecognition and risk, and re-imagining futures within structural constraints. Findings show that drifting, precarious employment, and high-risk opportunities are adaptive responses to recognition deficits and limited pathways, rather than individual failure. Participants sought recognition through skilled manual identities, peer validation, and small achievements, demonstrating resilience. The study advances recognition-based understandings of youth transitions and underscores the need for coordinated support systems that strengthen recognition of young men’s capabilities and legitimate non-academic pathways while reducing structural precarity.
Introduction
The transition to adulthood has become increasingly prolonged, complex, and unequal for young people across late-modern societies (Arnett, 2023). Internationally, young people who leave school early face not only reduced access to stable employment but also heightened exposure to drifting, insecure work, and psychosocial vulnerabilities (Chan & Au-Yeung, 2021; Su & Wong, 2020). Disadvantaged young people are especially vulnerable to experiences of precarity, including fragmented work histories, insecure housing, and limited access to supportive institutional pathways (Bynner & Parsons, 2002). In Hong Kong, early school leaving is associated with marginalised labour trajectories, including concentration in low-skilled employment and constrained opportunities for long-term mobility (Wong & Au‐Yeung, 2019; Wong & Lin, 2016). Yet existing work has tended to emphasise structural and economic explanations—such as labour-market segmentation, credential inflation, and the erosion of secure jobs—while paying less attention to the relational and moral dimensions of how young people interpret and negotiate their transitions (Finn, 2017). Much less is known about how misrecognition in school, family, and work contexts shapes young men’s perceptions of self-worth, capability, and belonging, and how these experiences intersect with the risks they encounter (Kauhanen & Kaukko, 2020).
Drawing on Hegel’s earlier work, Honneth (1995) argues that individuals require intersubjective recognition across three spheres—love, rights, and solidarity—to develop a positive relationship to themselves. Misrecognition—manifested as disrespect, exclusion, or the denial of social esteem—can undermine young people’s sense of agency and moral worth, with consequences for their participation in school, employment, and social life (Fraser, 2020; Pilkington et al., 2023). It has been argued that recognition and misrecognition are central mechanisms shaping disadvantaged youth’s identities, aspirations, and patterns of engagement (Su, Wong, & To, 2023). Similarly, another recent study has expanded the conceptualisation of misrecognition to include deprivation of social support and distorted or manipulative recognition, both of which can distort decision-making and entrench disadvantage (Su, Wong, & To, 2024).
At the same time, risk society theory emphasises how young people must increasingly manage structural precarity as an individualised responsibility, navigating unpredictable labour markets, weakened welfare support, and intensified demands for self-management (Beck, 1992; Giddens, 2003). This individualisation of risk is especially acute for young people with limited educational qualifications (Su & Wong, 2024). They often occupy unstable labour markets characterised by low wages, high turnover, and limited advancement opportunities (Jaramillo et al., 2022). These risks are not simply matters of individual behaviour but are relationally produced through processes of misrecognition, as youth may seek belonging, esteem, or a sense of capability in risky environments when mainstream institutions fail to provide recognition (Su, Li, & Wong, 2023).
Against this backdrop, this article examines how educationally disadvantaged young men experience and negotiate recognition and misrecognition during their career transitions. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 12 educationally disadvantaged young men, the study explores (1) how misrecognition is encountered across institutional, relational, and identity domains; (2) how these experiences shape transitions, risk engagements, and decisions; and (3) how young men seek recognition within environments characterised by limited opportunity and structural precarity.
By foregrounding recognition as a central analytical lens, this study contributes to youth transitions scholarship by illuminating the psychosocial mechanisms through which young men interpret their disadvantage and navigate risk-saturated pathways. Many young men from disadvantaged backgrounds leave school early and encounter gender-related expectations to secure viable employment (McDowell, 2011; Roberts, 2013). The findings have implications for policy, youth work practice, and the design of recognition-enhancing interventions aimed at supporting marginalised young men.
The remainder of the article is structured as follows. The next section reviews the relevant literature and theoretical framework. This is followed by the methods section. The findings are then presented, and the article concludes with a discussion of implications.
Educational Disadvantage and Youth Transitions
Early school leaving has been associated with reduced access to stable employment, concentration in low-skilled or precarious work, and more limited opportunities for upward mobility (Wong & Au‐Yeung, 2019). Disadvantaged youth also face higher risks of social exclusion and mental health strain (Jaramillo et al., 2022). Yet much of this literature emphasises structural constraints—labour-market segmentation, credential inflation, and widening economic inequality (Chan, 2021; Standing, 2011). Less attention has been given to how relational experiences—especially misrecognition—shape participation in education, employment, and training (Su, Wong, & To, 2024). While international scholarship has extensively examined working-class young men’s transitions and masculinities (e.g., McDowell, 2011; Roberts, 2013; Ward, 2015), comparatively less research has explored how educationally disadvantaged young men in Hong Kong experience recognition and risk during school-to-work transitions, despite evidence that they disproportionately disengage from schooling and concentrate in informal, risk-laden labour niches (Su, Wong, & To, 2023). In Hong Kong, persistent breadwinner norms and expectations of male independence may intensify pressures to secure employment after leaving school early, shaping how young men interpret precarity and personal responsibility.
Recognition and Misrecognition in Youth Transitions
Recognition theory (Honneth, 1995, 2012) provides a psychosocial and moral framework for understanding how relational experiences shape identity and participation. Honneth identifies three key spheres of recognition—love, rights, and social esteem—each essential for developing moral confidence and agency. As Su and Wong (2024) have discussed in detail, when these forms of recognition are present, individuals experience belonging and self-worth. When recognition is denied through disrespect, exclusion, or indifference, individuals experience misrecognition, which undermines identity formation and restricts participation in social life (Fraser, 2020; Kauhanen & Kaukko, 2020; Marshall et al., 2020; Pilkington et al., 2023).
Empirical studies show that misrecognition often begins in school, where struggling boys encounter labelling, punitive disciplinary practices, and low expectations (Michael & Stevens, 2023; Su, Wong, & To, 2024). These experiences can diminish motivation, emotional well-being, and future orientation (Franco et al., 2023). Misrecognition may also be reproduced within families through conflict over academic performance, comparison with higher-achieving peers or siblings, or emotional withdrawal, undermining young men’s sense of worth and capability (Su & Wong, 2020). In the labour market, low-skilled and precarious jobs seldom provide opportunities for competence recognition or social esteem (Cheung & Chou, 2016; Wong & Au‐Yeung, 2019). Moreover, recent scholarship has expanded the notion of misrecognition to include deprivation of social support and distorted or manipulative recognition, both of which reinforce vulnerability and hinder agency in career transitions (Su, Wong, & To, 2024). In this study, distorted or manipulative recognition refers to forms of affirmation that are conditional upon participation in harmful, exploitative, or morally compromising practices, and which ultimately reinforce vulnerability rather than expand capability. By contrast, legitimate recognition refers to affirmation that supports the development of competence, agency, and social participation without relying on harm, coercion, or exclusion.
In response to these forms of misrecognition, some young men seek alternative sources of affirmation in risky contexts—delinquent peer groups, nightlife economies, or sensation-seeking activities—where recognition is immediate and emotionally compelling (Su, Li, & Wong, 2023). Recognition theory thus illuminates how transitions are shaped not only by structural disadvantage but also by deeply relational and emotional experiences.
Risk Society and the Individualisation of Precarity
Risk society theorists argue that young people must increasingly navigate structural insecurities as individualised responsibilities (Bauman, 2001; Giddens, 2003). As steady employment becomes less accessible and institutionalised life pathways weaken, youth are compelled to develop “do-it-yourself biographies” requiring constant adaptation (Beck, 1992). For those with limited educational qualifications, this individualisation of risk is especially acute (Wong & Lin, 2016). They often occupy unstable labour markets characterised by low wages, high turnover, and limited advancement opportunities (Jaramillo et al., 2022; Standing, 2011).
As Su and Wong (2020) note, precarious work has become a growing concern in Hong Kong, disproportionately affecting young men concentrated in low-skilled sectors. Disadvantaged youth often inhabit “risk-saturated” environments in which informal employment, unstable housing conditions, and risky peer networks intersect (Sapiro & Ward, 2020). We use the term “risk-saturated” to describe environments in which exposure to economic instability, informal labour, deviant peer networks, and limited institutional support is not episodic but structurally embedded in daily life. Within such contexts, navigating daily life involves managing overlapping economic and social uncertainties. These conditions arguably necessitate survival strategies that combine risk-taking, avoidance, and improvisation.
Integrating Recognition Theory and Risk Society
While both recognition theory and risk society offer valuable insights, few studies have integrated these perspectives to examine young men’s transitions. Recognition theory foregrounds the relational foundations of identity and agency (Honneth, 1995, 2012), while risk society highlights structural precarity and individualised responsibility (Beck, 1992; Giddens, 1991, 2003). Integrating these frameworks makes it possible to understand how misrecognition across school, family, work, and peer contexts shapes not only young men’s self-understanding but also their patterns of risk engagement, coping strategies, and career decision-making (Su & Wong, 2024). Treating risk as a socially produced structural condition while conceptualising misrecognition as an interpersonal and affective experience enables a multi-scalar analysis of youth transitions. Risk society theory directs attention to how economic restructuring, institutional sorting, and labour market precarity generate conditions of uncertainty. Recognition theory, by contrast, illuminates how these structural conditions are lived, interpreted, and internalised through everyday encounters of respect, exclusion, esteem, and belonging. Drawing on both sociological and psychological dimensions, this study links macro-structural arrangements, meso-institutional practices, and micro-subjective experiences within a single analytical frame.
This study extends scholarship examining risk and youth precarity by integrating recognition theory into analyses of the risk-embedded transitions of educationally disadvantaged young men in Hong Kong (To et al., 2021). It demonstrates how misrecognition acts as both a catalyst and a constraint in young men’s drifting, unstable labour, and alternative recognition-seeking practices. Through this integration, the study contributes a more nuanced understanding of how relational and structural forces interact in youth transitions under conditions of precarity, and responds to calls for more qualitative research on marginalised young people in Hong Kong.
Purpose of the Study and Research Questions
Considering the limited scholarship examining how educationally disadvantaged young men in Hong Kong make sense of their transitions within conditions of structural precarity and cumulative misrecognition, this study aims to generate an in-depth understanding of the relational, emotional, and structural processes that shape their pathways toward adulthood. Whereas existing youth transition research has primarily emphasised labour-market structures, educational inequalities, or behavioural risk factors (Standing, 2011), this study foregrounds the moral and psychosocial dimensions of young men’s experiences by integrating recognition theory with perspectives from risk society (Beck, 1992; Honneth, 1995). The purpose of the study is therefore twofold: first, to illuminate how misrecognition across schooling, family, workplace, and peer contexts influences young men’s self-understanding and decision-making (Fraser, 2020; Pilkington et al., 2023); and second, to explore how these young men navigate, negotiate, and sometimes distance themselves from the risks embedded within their everyday environments (Su, Li, & Wong, 2023).
To achieve this purpose, the study is guided by the following research questions:
By addressing these questions, the study advances theoretical understandings of youth transitions under precarity, highlights the centrality of recognition processes in shaping young men’s trajectories, and offers insights for youth work and policy interventions aimed at supporting disadvantaged young men in Hong Kong.
Method
Research Design Overview
This study adopted a qualitative research design to examine how educationally disadvantaged young men navigated their career transitions and interpreted the forms of recognition and misrecognition encountered across schooling, family relationships, and the labour market (Creswell & Poth, 2016). Anchored in a social constructivist epistemology, the study sought to centre participants’ lived experiences and meaning-making processes rather than impose predetermined analytical categories (Berger & Luckmann, 2016). Semi-structured in-depth interviews were selected as the primary method of data collection because they enabled participants to describe their experiences in their own terms, articulate complex emotional and relational dynamics, and provide detailed narratives of educational disengagement, work transitions, and risk encounters (Rubin & Rubin, 2011; Seidman, 2006). As part of a larger research programme on youth transitions in Hong Kong (Wong & Lin, 2016), this analysis focuses specifically on the 12 educationally disadvantaged young men to explore the gendered dimensions of recognition and risk.
Study Participants
Sociodemographic Information, Sources of Frustrations and Risks in the Career Transition Journey of the Participants (Recognition-Based Coding)
aR1 = School/Institutional Misrecognition; R2 = Labour/Workplace Misrecognition; R3 = Family/Relational Misrecognition; R4 = Self-esteem/Identity Misrecognition; Codes such as R1R4 indicate overlapping forms of misrecognition.
YOSWT = Youth outreaching social work team; ICYSC = Integrated Children & Youth Service Centre; ERBSC = Employees Retraining Board Service Spot.
Interviewees from YOSWT and ICYSC were referred by concerned social workers, and Interviewees from ERBSS referred by concerned assistant manager.
Participant Recruitment
Prior to the study, the second author obtained ethical approval from the research ethics committee of his affiliated university. Participants were recruited through purposive sampling with the support of local youth service organisations including three types of services: five were referred by social workers from Youth Outreaching Social Work Teams (YOSWT), five from Integrated Children and Youth Service Centres (ICYSC), and two by assistant managers serving as caseworkers in Employees Retraining Board Service Spots (ERBSS). These services span outreach, community-based youth support, and employment or vocational training contexts, reflecting the diverse service environments in which participants were situated. To ensure voluntary participation, potential participants were first informed about the study by their caseworkers, after which the interviewer independently explained the study’s purpose, procedures, and their rights, prior to obtaining written consent. It was emphasised that participation was entirely voluntary and would not affect their access to services. As a modest token of appreciation for participation, each participant received a HK$50 coupon (approximately US$6.4).
At the time of interview, participants occupied varied transitional positions. Some were engaged in entry-level employment or vocational training, while others were experiencing periods of unemployment, short-term work, or partial disengagement. This variation enabled the study to capture both ongoing precarity and early efforts toward stabilisation. Most participants expressed interest in sharing their experiences, particularly regarding schooling and work struggles, and some viewed the interview as an opportunity for reflection. While several were connected to support services at the time, their levels of stability and future orientation differed considerably across cases.
Data Collection
Data were collected between 2015 and 2016 through semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted on a one-to-one basis, lasting between 50 and 90 minutes (Rubin & Rubin, 2011; Seidman, 2006). Interviews were conducted in youth service centres, community rooms, or quiet public venues, depending on participants’ comfort and availability. The interview guide covered four broad domains: (1) early schooling experiences and reasons for disengagement; (2) employment histories and current work challenges; (3) family relationships and peer influences; and (4) perceptions of adulthood, aspirations, and future planning. Under the supervision of the second author, the research assistant as the interviewer encouraged participants to narrate events in their own words, while using follow-up prompts to explore emotions, contextual factors, and specific incidents in greater depth. All interviews conducted in Cantonese were audio-recorded with consent. Initial coding was conducted on the original Cantonese Chinese transcripts to preserve conceptual nuance. Key excerpts were subsequently translated into English by the research team. Translations were checked against the original transcripts to ensure semantic equivalence, with attention paid to relational and emotional meanings rather than literal phrasing.
Data Analysis
Analysis followed an iterative thematic approach informed by Braun and Clarke’s (2006) framework, while drawing conceptually on Honneth’s (1995) theory of recognition. The research team began by reading and re-reading transcripts to achieve analytic immersion (Boyatzis, 1998). Initial inductive coding was conducted line by line, identifying segments related to misrecognition, risk exposure, drifting, work experiences, familial dynamics, coping strategies, and aspirations. Recognition theory served as a sensitising framework, guiding attention to experiences of denied care, unequal treatment, and diminished esteem (Honneth, 1995).
As coding progressed, the team developed a recognition-based coding system to capture the predominant misrecognition experiences of each participant (Su & Wong, 2024). Four categories were constructed: school/institutional misrecognition (R1), labour market misrecognition (R2), family/relational misrecognition (R3), and self-esteem/identity misrecognition (R4). Although self-esteem or identity misrecognition may appear as a psychosocial outcome, we conceptualise R4 as a recognition dimension in its own right, consistent with Honneth’s view that recognition is mediated through self-relation (self-confidence, self-respect, and self-esteem). Thus, internalised shame, diminished agency, or identity foreclosure were coded not merely as consequences but as expressions of recognition failure within the sphere of self-relation. Because most participants experienced multiple forms of misrecognition, compound codes (e.g., R1R4, R2R4) were applied when appropriate. These codes were not used to create typologies but to facilitate cross-case comparisons and deepen analytic sensitivity.
Through iterative team discussions, related codes were clustered into higher-order themes. Five overarching themes were identified: fragmented recognition across school, work, and family contexts; risk-embedded pathways toward adulthood; recognition-seeking strategies in risk-saturated contexts; strategies to manage or avoid misrecognition and risk; and sustaining life within structural and emotional constraints. Themes were refined for coherence and distinctiveness, with discrepancies resolved through revisiting the raw data.
Ethical Considerations
Participation was voluntary, and informed consent was obtained before each interview. Confidentiality was ensured using pseudonyms and the removal of identifying details from transcripts. Audio files and transcripts were stored on encrypted, password-protected devices. When interviews revealed active risks relating to legal or mental health concerns, youth workers involved in the original referral process were consulted in accordance with ethical guidelines.
Results
Themes and Subthemes Derived From the Interview Transcripts
The three research questions structured the thematic analysis. RQ1 is addressed primarily through Themes 1 and 2, which examine how misrecognition is experienced across school, work, family, and peer domains and how these experiences shape risk-embedded pathways. RQ2 is reflected in Themes 3 and 4, which examine recognition-seeking strategies and efforts to manage or recalibrate exposure to risk. RQ3 is addressed in Theme 5, which explores how participants sustain themselves and reimagine future trajectories under conditions of structural and emotional constraint.
Theme 1: Fragmented Recognition Across School, Work, and Family Contexts
Across all 12 cases, the young men described early experiences in schools, families, and workplaces where recognition was inconsistent, weak, or entirely absent. Unlike a single traumatic event, misrecognition accumulated over time and across contexts, gradually shaping the participants’ self-perceptions, agency, and orientation toward risk. These young men also suffered from emotional neglect, stigmatisation, exclusion, and esteem diminishment; yet their narratives reveal distinctly gendered patterns, including masculine-coded forms of distorted recognition and specific forms of agency-undermining experiences tied to school discipline, workplace hierarchy, and societal expectations of male independence.
Subtheme 1.1: Under-Recognition and Emotional Neglect in Schooling and Family
Schooling was widely experienced as an environment where the young men felt misunderstood, unsupported, or unwanted. Several participants described being pushed out of school—sometimes formally, sometimes indirectly—without meaningful inquiry into their needs or challenges. The sense of being unwanted accumulated gradually through disciplinary action, academic struggles, and dismissive responses from teachers. Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) recounted how he sought the opportunity to repeat a year after failing academically, believing that staying in school would offer him a second chance to rebuild his future. However, instead of receiving guidance, he was met with rejection: “I wanted to keep studying, but the school kicked me out.” The abruptness of the expulsion left him uncertain about what to do. After leaving school, he described a prolonged period of inactivity at home. This period of emotional paralysis reflected not only academic failure but also a profound absence of adult support and recognition for his desire to improve. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) described a similar pattern. He repeatedly requested to continue schooling but was eventually pressured into signing a withdrawal form. Reflecting on the experience, he said: “They didn’t want me there. Every year they asked me to think about leaving.” With each interaction, he gradually internalised the message that school was not the place where he belonged. “If the school doesn’t want me, then maybe studying isn’t for me.”
In family settings, many participants experienced a parallel form of emotional neglect. Several participants described growing up in households where communication was minimal and affection rarely expressed, contributing to a sense of invisibility. Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) explained that his parents frequently compared him with more academically successful peers: “They always compare me with people doing better… like I’m always behind.” Although the comparisons were framed as encouragement, Ah Kai perceived them as confirmation of his lack of ability and worth. Hei (22, Secondary 3, R3R4) grew up in a home characterised by emotional silence. He recalled: “We didn’t talk much. Everyone stayed in their room.” Gradually, he withdrew from school and later from work: “I lost motivation to try anything.” His narrative illustrates how emotional neglect in the family can foster social withdrawal and reduced engagement across life domains.
These narratives show that lack of recognition in school and emotional neglect at home were intertwined forces. This dual absence of recognition contributed to early disengagement, diminished aspirations, and weakened self-confidence, shaping the trajectory of their career transitions.
Subtheme 1.2: Labeling, Stigmatization, and Exclusion in Institutional Settings
Beyond lack of recognition, many young men experienced explicit stigmatisation and labelling that undermined their sense of dignity and belonging. Teachers, administrators, and early employers sometimes labelled them as “problematic,” “violent,” or “lazy,” and these labels frequently overshadowed their actual behaviours or personal histories.
Ah Yue (24, Secondary 4, R1R2) recalled that he had struggled with classroom discipline and occasionally skipped class. Instead of receiving support or intervention, the school focused on punitive measures. He was eventually expelled after receiving a low conduct grade: “My behaviour was bad, so they asked me to leave.” Over time, he internalised this label: “I’m not the type who can study… I know that now.” Pong (20, Secondary 1, R1R4) described how teachers formed impressions of him long before he had any behavioural issues: “They already saw me as a violent person. Even before anything happened, they looked at me that way.” Feeling misjudged, Pong gravitated toward peers who reinforced the identity imposed on him: “If people think you’re that type, then you become that type.” In early workplaces, similar dynamics played out. Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) recalled being verbally targeted at his first warehouse job: “They left me out and said harsh things… like I didn’t belong there.” Fai (20, Secondary 3, R2R4) discussed how his tattoos and youthful appearance limited his opportunities: “People judge you with their eyes. They see tattoos and they already think something about you.”
These experiences reflect respect-based misrecognition, where the young men were denied equal treatment and assumed unworthy of opportunity. Such stigmatisation undermined their agency, reinforced negative identities, and pushed them toward alternative spaces where they felt more accepted—even if those spaces involved risk.
Subtheme 1.3: Agency Undermining Through Academic Failure and Structural Labeling
Beyond interpersonal stigma, several young men encountered structural barriers that systematically undermined their agency. These included institutional mechanisms that prevented re-enrolment, discriminatory practices based on family background, and repeated academic classification. Tung (18, Secondary 4, R1R4) described how he was denied school admission because of his father’s reputation: “They wouldn’t accept me because of my family. No matter what I did, they said no.” This shaped a deep sense of futility: “If they already decided I’m that type, why try?” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) described repeated institutional messaging that he was not suited for academic study. Eventually, he internalised this message as truth. Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) felt that his future had dimmed: “My life feels dark… I can’t see the road ahead.” These experiences show how institutional misrecognition restricts aspirations and pushes young men toward unstable or risky pathways.
Subtheme 1.4: Esteem Diminishment Through Exploitative, Repetitive, or Unstable Work
Entering the labour market early often meant working in roles that were repetitive, physically demanding, and lacking recognition. Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) spent two years in a bakery performing repetitive tasks: “It felt like I was just a machine.” Man (19, Secondary 5, R2R4) described workplaces where workers were treated as disposable: “You can be replaced anytime.” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) reflected on the volatility of contracting: “One mistake and you lose money.” These experiences conveyed that their contributions held little value, reinforcing feelings of low self-worth.
Subtheme 1.5: Distorted or Harmful Forms of Recognition in Deviant Networks
When institutional and familial settings denied recognition, some young men found belonging and validation in risky or deviant contexts. Pong (20, Secondary 1, R1R4) described receiving respect through physical fighting: “If you can fight, the brothers will respect you.” Hong (18, Secondary 3, R4R1) was drawn into a scam because he wanted to be seen as loyal: “I thought I was doing something good for a friend.” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) described a week of non-stop gaming that brought him significant online visibility and peer validation, temporarily positioning him as a recognised and admired figure within the gaming community. This form of recognition, though emotionally compelling, was detached from stable social or occupational advancement. These narratives reveal how distorted recognition became a powerful pull in environments where legitimate recognition was scarce.
Theme 2: Risk-Embedded Pathways Toward Adulthood
For most of the young men in this study, the transition toward adulthood was embedded within contexts of structural precarity, unstable labour markets, and peer environments where risk was normalised rather than exceptional. Their narratives illustrate that drifting, episodic employment, and exposure to harmful or illegal activities were not always deliberate choices; rather, they emerged from cumulative misrecognition combined with constrained opportunities and a persistent search for meaning, belonging, or recognition. The young men often confronted adulthood without the emotional, institutional, or structural support necessary to guide them through this critical transition, making them more vulnerable to instability and risk.
Subtheme 2.1: Drifting as an Unintended but Normalized Life Pattern
Many participants described extended periods of drifting marked by unstructured routines, isolation, and a lack of clear direction. Importantly, drifting was not always experienced as dramatic or crisis-laden; instead, it became a normalised mode of being under conditions of uncertainty and emotional exhaustion. Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) described a year of staying home after being expelled: “I did nothing for a whole year… just stayed home, played games, walked outside.” He emphasised that drifting did not begin as a choice; it emerged out of shock, shame, and lack of alternatives. Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) recounted drifting for nearly two years after a painful breakup: “I didn’t have motivation. I just went out with friends, earned some money for food, drinks… that’s all.” Hei (22, Secondary 3, R3R4) described long periods of emotional flatness and isolation: “Days passed and I didn’t feel anything.” Without support or meaningful engagement, drifting functioned as a numbing strategy in response to cumulative misrecognition. Over time, however, it weakened the young men’s confidence, reduced their employability, and made re-entry into structured adult life increasingly difficult.
Subtheme 2.2: Precarious Labour as Both Opportunity and Constraint
When participants attempted to enter the labour market, they often encountered highly unstable, low-wage, or short-term work. These roles offered little professional development, limited feedback, and fluctuating schedules—contributing to ongoing insecurity. Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) cycled through bakeries, cafés, and kitchens: “You don’t know when the boss will leave, or when they decide to close the shop.” He emphasised that no matter how hard he worked, recognition was rare. Man (19, Secondary 5, R2R4) worked in a series of short-lived retail and service jobs: “If you disappear tomorrow, they already have someone to replace you.” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) reflected on the instability of construction contracting: “Some days you earn a lot, some days nothing.” While he eventually built skill and confidence, he recalled the emotional strain of constantly fluctuating income. Work was not only precarious; it also reinforced earlier experiences of cumulative misrecognition. Instead of building a stable adult identity, employment often intensified feelings of disposability.
Subtheme 2.3: Everyday Exposure to Risk and Harmful Opportunities
With limited stable pathways available, several participants described encounters with criminal activities, peer-influenced risk-taking, or unsafe environments that became part of everyday life. Hong (18, Secondary 3, R4R1) became involved in a phone scam under the belief that he was assisting someone he trusted. Only later did he realise he was being used. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) recalled receiving intense online validation during a week-long gaming binge. Fung (18, Secondary 3, R3R4) spoke about gambling, drinking, and overspending with peers to “feel alive” during emotionally numb periods. These experiences illustrate how risk-taking often served emotional, social, or identity-building functions in environments where traditional forms of success felt inaccessible.
Subtheme 2.4: Wanting Stability But Lacking Viable Pathways
Despite drifting and risk-taking, the young men frequently expressed clear desires for stability—steady work, meaningful roles, healthier routines. Yet these aspirations were consistently undermined by structural barriers, emotional fatigue, or limited opportunities. Ding (20, Secondary 3, R2) wanted a job that matched his interests but felt constrained: “The jobs I can choose don’t match what I want… but I can’t be picky.” Ah Yue (24, Secondary 4, R1R2) described job-search fatigue after multiple application failures: “Everywhere needed people with experience or grades I don’t have.” Fai (20, Secondary 3, R2R4) regretted dropping out but believed it was impossible to return: “It’s too late to go back now.” This double bind—wanting change but facing inaccessible pathways—produced ongoing frustration, emotional strain, and self-doubt, exemplifying the individualisation of risk under conditions of structural constraints.
Subtheme 2.5: Internalised Pressure, Self-Blame, and the Burden of Masculine Responsibility
A striking feature across the narratives was how readily the young men internalised responsibility for their struggles, despite clear structural constraints. Many articulated beliefs that they alone were to blame for academic failure, unstable work, or risky behaviour—reflecting both societal expectations of male independence and long-standing patterns of misrecognition.
Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) blamed himself for drifting: “It’s my own problem. I was too lazy.” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) emphasised self-reliance as a moral value: “You want something? You fight for it yourself.” Tung (18, Secondary 4, R1R4) described stoic acceptance even when facing discrimination: “You just have to deal with it. No point complaining.” These beliefs reproduced the effects of misrecognition by framing structural barriers as personal failings, and self-blame often made it harder for the young men to seek support for themselves.
Theme 3: Recognition-Seeking Strategies in Risk-Saturated Contexts
Despite experiencing cumulative misrecognition across school, family, and workplace settings, the young men did not passively accept marginalisation. Instead, they actively sought out recognition—sometimes through productive channels, sometimes through risky or harmful ones. Their strategies were diverse and often improvised, reflecting emotional needs for validation, belonging, competence, and purpose. Recognition-seeking emerged as an essential thread running through their transitions: an attempt to restore damaged self-worth, perform masculine identities, and establish a sense of direction in contexts where conventional forms of adult success felt unavailable.
Subtheme 3.1: Seeking Recognition Through Skilled Manual Identities
Several participants described developing a sense of pride and competence in hands-on roles where practical skills were visible, valued, and measurable. Unlike school—where their abilities were doubted—manual work allowed them to receive recognition directly through job performance. Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) recalled moments in the kitchen when senior staff asked him to take on more complex tasks: “When the master chef calls you to help at the work… that means he trusts you.” These moments provided validation he rarely received elsewhere: “At least I felt like my work mattered.” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) described the pride of learning technical renovation skills: flooring installation, electrical wiring, water damage repair. “Clients trust me with their whole project… They see me as someone who can solve problems.” Technical mastery allowed him to reconstruct a positive identity outside academia. Man (19, Secondary 5, R2R4) contrasted manual work with his schooling experience: “At least I know I can do the job. In school I knew nothing.” Hands-on work offered an alternative pathway to validation—one grounded in skill, consistency, and immediate results.
Subtheme 3.2: Peer Groups, Colleagues, and Romantic Partners as Emotional Anchors
In the absence of strong family support, many young men relied on peers, colleagues, or partners for emotional recognition. These relationships varied widely—from stabilising influences to risky peer groups—but all served as crucial sources of belonging. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) spoke of co-workers who helped him navigate his early years in renovation: “They would buy food for me, remind me not to be late… They cared.” This support increased his discipline and confidence. Ding (20, Secondary 3, R2) described how his girlfriend’s encouragement motivated him at work: “I want to do better so she won’t worry.” Her belief in him helped counteract years of institutional dismissal: “If she believes in me, maybe I can believe in myself a little.” Fung (18, Secondary 3, R3R4) found emotional connection in friendships formed during drifting periods: “When we’re together, I don’t feel alone. Even if life is messy, we stand together.” These relational anchors served as buffers against emotional neglect and institutional exclusion, though some also involved risky or unstable dynamics.
Subtheme 3.3: Escape, Identity Performance, and Emotional Regulation Through Risk-Taking
Several participants sought recognition or emotional release through risk-taking—physical fights, excessive drinking, addictive gaming, impulsive spending. These behaviours were not simply reckless; they provided forms of identity performance or belonging unavailable elsewhere.
Pong (20, Secondary 1, R1R4) described fighting as a way to secure masculine respect within his peer group. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) described the thrill of a week-long gaming binge that brought him online fame. Fung (18, Secondary 3, R3R4) used alcohol consumption to escape emotional pressure: “When I drink, I forget the pressure for a while.” Such risky behaviours provided a temporary substitute for institutional recognition, even as they deepened instability.
Subtheme 3.4: Seeking Upward Mobility Through Training, Re-Schooling, or Skill Certification
Despite structural barriers, many participants attempted to re-engage with training or upskilling. These efforts were often fragile but reflected clear desires for upward mobility and self-respect. Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) described enrolling in an IT course as a form of self-redemption: “I’m trying. I want to see if I can do something better.” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) amassed multiple renovation-related certificates: “If you want people to trust you, you need proof.” Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) welcomed employer-supported training in pharmaceutical work: “If they support me to learn, I’ll try. Maybe I can do more than just basic work.” Training represented not only skill development but also a way to rebuild dignity after years of academic rejection.
Subtheme 3.5: Asserting Identity Through Symbolic or Embodied Expressions
Many of the young men used symbolic, stylistic, or embodied expressions—tattoos, hairstyles, fashion, physical strength—as forms of identity-making and recognition-seeking. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) described his tattoos as emotional markers: “Every tattoo has a meaning. They remind me of what I survived.” Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) used music for emotional expression: “When I listen or write something, I feel like myself.” Pong (20, Secondary 1, R1R4) used physical strength as a core identity: “At least I know I’m strong. That’s something no one can take away.” These expressions allowed them to reclaim agency and form identities not determined by school or labour-market failure.
Theme 4: Strategies to Manage (or Avoid) Misrecognition and Risk
Alongside their various recognition-seeking efforts, the young men in this study also described a range of strategies aimed at managing, reducing, or avoiding misrecognition and risk. Some of these strategies helped them regain a degree of control, while others reproduced cycles of isolation or stagnation. As with their experiences of misrecognition, gendered patterns were evident: many strategies were shaped by masculine ideals of autonomy, emotional restraint, and the need to “handle things alone.”
Subtheme 4.1: Distancing From High-Risk Peers and Environments
Several young men actively withdrew from peers or settings that had previously exposed them to risk, deviance, or instability. These decisions were rarely sudden; instead, they emerged from accumulated frustrations, negative experiences, or turning points that forced self-reflection. Hong (18, Secondary 3, R4R1) described distancing himself from friends after becoming unintentionally involved in a scam: “After that incident, I stopped hanging out with those guys… I realised they would never take responsibility.” Although the distancing brought loneliness, he felt safer and more in control: “It’s quieter now, but at least I can sleep without worrying.” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) deliberately withdrew from peers involved in nightlife and petty theft: “If you stay in that circle, you keep doing those things. The environment pulls you down.” Over time, he replaced these groups with co-workers who lived more structured lives. Pong (20, Secondary 1, R1R4) described learning to walk away from physical confrontations: “Now if someone tries to provoke me, I just don’t respond.” This was a significant shift from earlier years when fighting was part of his identity. Distancing served as a protective mechanism—a way to reduce exposure to risk and reposition themselves toward more stable environments.
Subtheme 4.2: Seeking Structure Through Work or Training as a Stabilising Force
For many participants, work or vocational training functioned as an anchor that brought routine, responsibility, and emotional grounding. These engagements helped them rebuild self-confidence and counteract feelings of stagnation. Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) described how working in the pharmaceutical sector gave him a sense of improvement and purpose: “At least the job is stable… I can learn something new every day.” Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) viewed his IT course as a turning point: “I don’t know if I can finish the course, but I’m trying.”
Training became a space where hope—and fear—met, allowing him to test whether change was possible. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) used skill-building as a long-term stabilising strategy: “If I have certificates, people look at me differently.” Certification was both a practical tool and a symbolic counterweight to past academic rejection. These structured settings provided a rare context of recognition and predictability, helping the young men reclaim agency.
Subtheme 4.3: Emotional Retreat, Avoidance, and Survival Through Withdrawal
Some participants coped with misrecognition and instability by withdrawing emotionally or socially. Withdrawal was not simply avoidance; it was a protective strategy that allowed them to shield themselves from judgment, expectations, or further disappointment. Hei (22, Secondary 3, R3R4) described long stretches of staying home with minimal interaction: “When I stay home, at least no one can judge me.” Withdrawal reduced immediate stress but deepened his disengagement from work and community. Fung (18, Secondary 3, R3R4) moved between short bursts of work and periods of inactivity: “Sometimes I work for a few weeks, then I stop. I just feel tired… inside.” Avoidance gave him temporary relief but slowed his progress toward stability. Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) similarly withdrew to escape expectations: “When I stay home, there are no expectations.” These withdrawal strategies highlight the emotional toll of chronic misrecognition; self-protection often came at the cost of opportunity.
Subtheme 4.4: Incremental Rebuilding of Confidence Through Small Accomplishments
Some young men described fragile but meaningful gains in self-confidence, often emerging through small successes—praise from a supervisor, completing a task, or gaining competence in a new skill. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) recalled feeling proud when clients thanked him:
“Even when they just say, ‘Thank you,’ it means I did something right.” Man (19, Secondary 5, R2R4) described satisfaction when mastering work tasks: “At least I know I can handle it.” These moments were powerful precisely because they contrasted sharply with years of academic failure. Ding (20, Secondary 3, R2) felt respected when customers trusted him at work: “When customers trust me, I feel like I’m someone reliable.” These micro-successes gradually rebuilt agency, even in difficult structural conditions.
Subtheme 4.5: Reframing Responsibility as a Personal Commitment
Several young men reframed responsibility as something internally chosen rather than externally imposed. This framing reflected masculine norms of independence but also provided a motivational anchor in unstable lives. Ding (20, Secondary 3, R2) described wanting to provide emotional and financial stability for his girlfriend: “I want her to feel secure… I don’t want her to worry about me.” Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) emphasised filial responsibility toward his mother: “She’s been working for so long… I have to take care of her.” Tung (18, Secondary 4, R1R4) viewed personal responsibility as non-negotiable: “You have to handle your own problems. No one is going to help you.” While empowering, this responsibility narrative also intensified pressure in contexts where structural supports were limited.
Theme 5: Re-Imagining Futures Within Structural and Emotional Constraints
Although the young men’s trajectories were marked by misrecognition, drifting, instability, and exposure to risk, their narratives were not defined solely by despair or paralysis. Interspersed throughout their stories were moments of tentative hope and imagined possibilities. These visions of the future were often modest, fragile, and contingent on factors beyond their full control, yet they represented crucial forms of psychological survival and meaning making. Hope became a quiet but persistent practice: a way to repair dignity, reorient their identities, and maintain momentum in the face of discouraging realities.
Subtheme 5.1: Emerging Ambitions Grounded in Stability, Skill, and Competence
Across interviews, the young men articulated hopes for stability rather than dramatic transformation. Their ambitions were centred on steady work, improved skills, and the ability to support themselves and loved ones—reflecting pragmatic interpretations of adulthood. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) articulated a clear vision of incremental growth in renovation work: “If I keep going, I can have stable clients. Maybe one day I can open my own small team.” For him, future goals were rooted in competence and reliability: “I just want to be someone reliable… someone people trust.” Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) hoped to advance within the pharmaceutical industry through employer-supported training: “If the company lets me take more training, I’ll do it. Maybe I can become more than just a helper.” Man (19, Secondary 5, R2R4) framed his ambitions around supporting his family: “I don’t need to be rich. I just want a stable job and to take care of my parents.” These grounded ambitions reveal how hopes for the future were shaped by past experiences of instability and misrecognition.
Subtheme 5.2: The Sustaining Role of Relationships in Imagining a Future
Although many participants lacked strong familial support, relationships—existing or desired—played a significant role in sustaining motivation and future orientation. Ding (20, Secondary 3, R2) explained that his girlfriend’s belief in him gradually reinforced his own developing self-confidence, illustrating how relational recognition can nurture future orientation under conditions of uncertainty. Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) tied his aspirations to his mother’s well-being: “I want to give her a better life.” Even participants without close relationships used imagined futures as emotional anchors. Hei (22, Secondary 3, R3R4) expressed a quiet desire for meaningful companionship someday: “Maybe one day I can meet someone who understands me.” Relationships—real or imagined—created emotional conditions under which hope could appear.
Subtheme 5.3: Fear, Uncertainty, and the Emotional Weight of Limited Possibilities
Despite their aspirations, many participants expressed deep worries about whether they could accomplish their goals. Their hopes were often tempered by memories of previous failures, structural limitations, and self-doubt. Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) worried about whether he could complete his IT course: “I want to try… but I’m scared I won’t make it.” Tung (18, Secondary 4, R1R4) expressed fear that improvement might not change his circumstances: “I want to improve, but what if nothing changes?” Even Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4)—one of the more confident participants—acknowledged the precarity of his trade: “Sometimes I worry the work will stop coming.”
Subtheme 5.4: Small Steps as Realistic and Meaningful Forms of Hope
For most young men, the future was imagined not as a dramatic breakthrough, but through small, manageable goals—saving money, maintaining employment, earning certificates, or simply “staying steady.” Man (19, Secondary 5, R2R4) described this step-by-step orientation: “I just need to get through this month. Then next month.” Bon (25, Secondary 4, R2R4) framed improvement in incremental terms: “I want to stay in this job longer than the last one.” Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) valued accumulating skills slowly: “You don’t need to rush. Just learn slowly, one skill after another.” This incrementalism allowed the young men to maintain hope without exposing themselves to overwhelming expectations or the risk of large-scale failure.
Subtheme 5.5: Reconstructing the Self Through Imagined Futures
Imagining the future also served to reinterpret and transform past experiences. Through future-oriented narratives, the young men worked to rebuild identities damaged by misrecognition. Cheung (21, Secondary 2, R1R2R4) explained: “I don’t want to be the person I used to be. I want to become someone better.” Ah Kai (19, Secondary 3, R1R4) articulated a wish to be seen differently by others—and by himself: “I want people to see that I’m not useless.” Ding (20, Secondary 3, R2) envisioned himself becoming “a responsible man,” using this imagined self as motivation in the present. These future narratives allowed the young men to reframe their past not as destiny but as material to be overcome.
Taken together, the five themes illustrate how educationally disadvantaged young men navigated their transitions to adulthood within landscapes marked by persistent misrecognition, structural precarity, and constrained possibilities. Recognition—whether absent, inconsistent, distorted, or temporarily found in alternative spaces—played a central role in their choices, motivations, and coping strategies. Despite structural barriers, many young men engaged in active forms of self-management: distancing themselves from risky peers, seeking esteem in skilled manual work, relying on micro-pleasures for emotional regulation, and taking small steps toward rebuilding agency through training or stable employment. Yet these efforts coexisted with fatalistic acceptance, survival-oriented financial logic, and pragmatic adaptation to limited opportunities. The findings collectively show that the young men’s career transitions cannot be understood as simple individual decisions but as responses to cumulative misrecognition across institutional, relational, and structural domains, yet marked by ongoing attempts to create meaning, secure recognition, and construct viable futures.
Discussion
This study examined the career transition experiences of educationally disadvantaged young men through a recognition-based lens informed by risk society theory. The findings suggest that young men with limited educational credentials navigate fragmented recognition, unstable employment pathways, and emotionally challenging environments that shape their sense of agency, worth, and possibility. The findings illuminate how recognition and misrecognition operate as developmental conditions that are nonetheless refracted through gender-specific social contexts. By foregrounding misrecognition, the study also complicates dominant institutional framings of “at-risk youth,” which often individualise risk as behavioural deficiency or personal failure. Rather than treating drifting, fighting, or unstable employment solely as indicators of deviance, the findings suggest that such exposures to risk frequently emerge from relational denial, institutional exclusion, and esteem deprivation. Risk, in this sense, is not merely an individual attribute but a socially and relationally mediated condition.
Consistent with the risk society thesis (Beck, 1992; Giddens, 2003), the young men encountered diverse sources of uncertainty as they attempted to construct adult lives in fluid yet unequal environments. Although risk society theorists emphasise individualisation and reflexive agency, this study demonstrates that educationally disadvantaged young men do not enter transitional pathways on equal footing. Structural inequalities in schooling, labour markets, and family resources shape how risks are encountered and interpreted. The young men’s narratives reveal how institutional arrangements, early academic streaming, and hierarchies in low-skilled work expose them to conditions where risk becomes normalised rather than chosen. These accounts echo prior findings that transitions from school to work are heavily shaped by unequal access to resources, opportunities, and networks, and that reflexive decision-making often unfolds within constrained horizons rather than open fields of choice (Bynner & Parsons, 2002). The study thus reinforces critiques of risk society theory that question the universalisation of reflexive agency, demonstrating instead that reflexive capacity is unevenly distributed and relationally sustained rather than universally available (Farrugia, 2021).
At the same time, integrating risk society theory with recognition theory enables a multi-scalar account of how structural precarity becomes subjectively lived. While risk society theory foregrounds the socially produced nature of economic insecurity and institutional fragmentation, recognition theory illuminates how these conditions are interpreted, emotionally mediated, and internalised through everyday encounters of respect, exclusion, and esteem. Treating risk as structurally generated and misrecognition as relational and affective makes visible the mechanisms through which macro-level inequalities are translated into diminished self-confidence, self-blame, or defensive forms of agency. This interdisciplinary synthesis thus links political-economic transformations, institutional practices, and identity processes within a single analytical frame.
Recognition theory provides a relational counterbalance to the individualisation assumptions embedded in risk society theory by demonstrating that agency is sustained or undermined through experiences of care, respect, and social esteem rather than solely through reflexive choice. In line with Honneth’s (1995, 2012) conceptualisation, this study shows how the three core forms of recognition—love, respect, and social esteem—remain foundational to the development of self-confidence, self-respect, and self-esteem during the transition to adulthood. Consistent with studies of young women (Su & Wong, 2024), the young men’s accounts reveal multiple and recurring forms of misrecognition across different life domains. The young men experienced diverse forms of denial: denial of emotional support within family settings, exclusion and unjust treatment in school environments, esteem diminution due to academic and workplace failures, and distorted or manipulative recognition emerging from peer networks or exploitative social relations. Importantly, the present findings reaffirm the insight from Su and Wong (2024) that misrecognition is not episodic but cumulative, permeating the social ecology in which disadvantaged young people grow up and make consequential life decisions. Recognition was not uniformly absent across domains; some participants experienced compensatory recognition in intimate relationships or skilled work contexts despite institutional misrecognition in schooling, underscoring the ecological and cross-domain character of recognition processes.
At the same time, this study expands on prior recognition-based work by showing how misrecognition manifests in young men’s encounters with precarious labour, workplace hierarchies, and risk-laden environments. Building on the five-form typology developed by Su and Wong (2024) —deprivation of social support, victimisation, agency undermining, esteem diminution, and distorted or manipulative recognition—the analysis reveals how these patterns operate specifically within young men’s institutional and occupational contexts. Participants described being pushed out of school through disciplinary pressure, prematurely dismissed at work, or overshadowed by assumptions of unreliability—all demonstrating how recognition failures are embedded within institutional logics. Beyond educational settings, their exposure to exploitative work cultures, informal labour arrangements, and unstable income sources reveals how esteem diminution may arise not only from perceived academic failure but also from forms of labour that are repetitive, isolating, or lacking meaningful validation. These findings strengthen earlier arguments that recognition and misrecognition must be interpreted through the relational dynamics young people encounter in their social environments, and they suggest that esteem-based recognition in precarious work warrants more substantive theorisation.
The findings may also be read in relation to scholarship on the production of working-class masculinities in post-industrial contexts. Research has shown that economic restructuring and the decline of stable manual employment have reshaped, but not eliminated, breadwinner expectations and ideals of toughness, self-reliance, and occupational competence among working-class young men (e.g., McDowell, 2011; Roberts, 2013; Ward, 2015). In this study, participants’ emphasis on independence, manual skill, endurance, and responsibility suggests that recognition was often sought through gendered performances of capability within constrained labour markets. Precarity did not simply undermine masculine identity; rather, it intensified the need to demonstrate worth through work, risk, and resilience.
The findings also reinforce the centrality of recognition-based strategies in navigating career transitions. Consistent with the earlier work, young men in this study mobilised various forms of recognition to counterbalance their experiences of misrecognition and to navigate risks. Social support from partners, relatives, employers, and colleagues provided love-based recognition that bolstered emotional stability and strengthened self-confidence. Where supervisors treated them respectfully and gave them opportunities to demonstrate reliability, participants regained a sense of agency and purpose—reflecting the equality-based respect dimension of Honneth’s framework. Similarly, the pursuit of skill-building in areas such as renovation, culinary services, mechanics, or IT training served as important sources of social esteem. These diverse productive contexts—including low-skilled jobs that nonetheless allowed youth to demonstrate competence—illustrate how esteem can be cultivated beyond academic credentials; expanding sources of esteem through interest-aligned training or productive work roles can counteract feelings of inadequacy and open up viable pathways even in the absence of formal qualifications (Su & Wong, 2020).
The strategies the young men used to manage misrecognition further underline the importance of recognition in sustaining agency under constrained circumstances. By distancing themselves from harmful peers, reducing exposure to high-risk activities, and committing to training or steady employment, participants actively sought to re-establish stability and self-regard. As shown in this study, the young men demonstrated a growing capacity to discern manipulative relationships and identify when relationships or environments reinforced misrecognition. Their efforts to detach from exploitative friendships, high-risk work settings, or emotionally taxing environments reflect this emerging self-regard and moral agency. These actions illustrate how recognition theory can illuminate the development of what we term protective reflexivity—an analytically derived concept referring to participants’ growing capacity to critically appraise relationships and environments that reproduce misrecognition and to recalibrate their engagement accordingly. This form of reflexivity is relationally grounded rather than individually assumed and can be strengthened in the presence of supportive social networks and guided interventions (Diemer & Blustein, 2006).
Furthermore, young men in this study did not spend all their transitional time in recognition-seeking or misrecognition-management. They also engaged in activities aimed at sustaining daily life—pursuing leisure and social connection, seeking rest and recovery, and occasionally taking risks for excitement or escape. While some of these activities provided relief from accumulated pressures, others exposed them to further vulnerabilities, such as financial instability, health risks, or workplace insecurity. This duality, noted by Su and Wong (2024) in their analysis of life-sustaining behaviours, is equally evident among the young men: everyday coping practices can bring both temporary comfort and long-term harm. The risks embedded in such practices highlight the structural and emotional constraints young men face and reinforce the need for interventions that provide safer, more affirming alternatives.
Overall, this study makes both theoretical and practice contributions to ongoing discussions about youth transitions in risk societies. On theoretical grounds, the findings extend the application of recognition theory to the experiences of educationally disadvantaged young men and further validate the expanded conceptualisation of misrecognition proposed by Su and Wong (2024). The data show that recognition-based frameworks can illuminate how young men interpret their life circumstances, understand their relational worlds, and navigate uncertainty. Recognition theory thus serves as a necessary corrective to risk society theory by demonstrating that agency cannot be understood independently of the social and relational conditions that affirm or erode feelings of worth. For practice, the findings underscore the need for multi-stakeholder involvement—including families, schools, employers, social workers, and community networks—in creating enabling environments for disadvantaged youth. Effective interventions must build trust as a foundation for proactively strengthening sources of love, respect, and esteem in young men’s lives, while simultaneously supporting them in discerning harmful and manipulative influences and accessing stable, esteem-enhancing opportunities.
Limitations
This study has several limitations that warrant acknowledgment. First, the small purposive sample drawn from a few social service organisations limits the breadth and representativeness of the findings. The experiences of educationally disadvantaged young men who are not connected to services, or who navigate different institutional or occupational settings, are not fully captured in this study. Second, the cross-sectional design restricts the ability to examine how recognition and misrecognition unfold over time. Recognition processes are cumulative and dynamic; therefore, longitudinal research is needed to understand how early experiences shape later decisions, labour market transitions, and identity development. Third, the data were based solely on participants’ self-reports, which may be affected by recall bias or selective interpretation. While subjective meaning-making is central to recognition-based analysis, future studies may benefit from triangulating youth narratives with additional perspectives (e.g., family members, employers, or practitioners) to enrich contextual understanding. Fourth, although the study focused on educationally disadvantaged young men, it did not systematically examine intersecting factors such as ethnicity, disability, or migration background. These dimensions may influence access to recognition and exposure to misrecognition in distinct ways. Fifth, although this study draws on data from the same research programme as the earlier work on young women (Su & Wong, 2024), the decision to analyse the male and female samples separately was made to foreground gender-specific patterns of misrecognition and risk navigation. While this approach enabled in-depth exploration of how recognition shapes the experiences of educationally disadvantaged young men, a future integrated longitudinal analysis examining both cohorts could offer more systematic comparative insights into how gender shapes recognition processes and developmental trajectories during career transitions. Finally, the data were collected between 2015 and 2016. Although labour market and policy conditions have evolved since then, key structural features central to this analysis—including credentialism, labour market segmentation, and precarious youth employment—remain persistent characteristics of Hong Kong’s socio-economic landscape. Nevertheless, findings should be interpreted within their temporal context, particularly given subsequent economic and pandemic-related disruptions. Despite these limitations, the study offers analytically robust insights into how recognition and misrecognition shape the school-to-work transitions of educationally disadvantaged young men.
Conclusion
This study extends recognition-based inquiry into the career transition experiences of educationally disadvantaged young men. The findings suggest that recognition and misrecognition constitute central relational and structural forces shaping how these young men interpret their circumstances, exercise agency, and navigate risks in late-modern society. Misrecognition accumulated across school, family, workplace, and peer contexts, undermining self-confidence, self-respect, and self-esteem, while recognition—expressed through care, equality, and esteem—enabled incremental forms of stability, competence building, and forward movement. By situating these experiences within risk society theory and drawing on insights from prior research on disadvantaged young women (Su & Wong, 2024), the study highlights the need for a relational, recognition-based approach to understanding and supporting youth transitions. The findings further demonstrate how misrecognition compounded over time across schools, families, and labour market encounters, producing layered disadvantage rather than isolated setbacks. The life-history approach adopted in this study makes visible these cumulative processes, revealing how early experiences of educational marginalisation shape subsequent interpretations of risk, responsibility, and future possibility. The findings underscore that disadvantaged young men require not only skill development but also access to recognition-rich environments that affirm their worth, expand opportunities, and strengthen their capacity to discern and manage risks. The study thus contributes to both theory and practice by showing how recognition operates as a critical developmental resource for educationally disadvantaged young men and highlighting the importance of multi-stakeholder efforts—across families, schools, workplaces, and social services—to cultivate conditions in which they can pursue dignified, sustainable, and meaningful futures.
Supplemental Material
Supplemental Material - Navigating Misrecognition and Risk: A Recognition-Based Analysis of Educationally Disadvantaged Young Men’s Career Transitions
Supplemental Material for Navigating Misrecognition and Risk: A Recognition-Based Analysis of Educationally Disadvantaged Young Men’s Career Transitions by Xuebing Su, Victor Wong in Emerging Adulthood.
Footnotes
Acknowledgements
We thank all participants for joining this study.
Ethical Considerations
All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the Research Ethics Committee of Hong Kong Baptist University where the second author was affiliated to when conducting this research project and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards.
Consent to Participate
All participants were well informed about the objectives of the research and signed a consent form before joining the research.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Research Grants Council of Hong Kong (GRF/12407814).
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.
Transparency and Openness Statement
The raw data used in this study are not publicly available due to privacy restrictions imposed by the institutional ethics board. However, the data may be accessed upon reasonable request from the corresponding author, subject to the completion of a privacy and fair-use agreement. This study was not preregistered. The analysis code and research materials are also not publicly available but may be provided upon request to the corresponding author.
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