How Do Young Adults Feel About Receiving “Likes” on Social Media? The Moderating Role of Shyness and Cybervictimization

Abstract

The current study explored the emotional effects on individuals of receiving fewer “Likes” than others on social media, as well as the potential moderating roles of participant shyness and previous experiences with cybervictimization. Participants were 1,007 undergraduate students (751 women; M_age = 19.33 years, SD = 7.2 years) from a university in Eastern Ontario, Canada. During a standardized social media task, participants were randomly assigned to receive either “few Likes,” “some Likes,” or “many Likes.” They completed self-report measures (e.g., self-esteem, sense of life meaning, emotions, loneliness, and intentions to limit social media use) both before and after the experimental task. Among the results, participants who received fewer likes reported significantly lower levels of self-esteem, reduced feelings of meaningful existence, and fewer positive emotions. Additionally, the negative impact of insufficient positive social media feedback was more pronounced among emerging adults who reported being more shy and had previously experienced cybervictimization. Our findings shed light on the potential detrimental outcomes associated with social media use among young adults.

Keywords

social media emotion shyness cybervictimization young adults

Introduction

The use of social media has become a daily activity that is often the prime venue for social interactions, especially among young adults (Hamilton et al., 2020; Shannon et al., 2022). However, feeling ignored or excluded on social media can lead to intense negative psychological experiences (Williams, 2009). Previous research has consistently demonstrated that being ignored or excluded on social media can undermine fundamental social needs, such as belongingness, self-esteem, meaningful existence, and control (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Williams, 2009; Wolf et al., 2015). Despite this, there remains limited knowledge about the emotional effects of receiving varying quantities of positive feedback (such as “Likes”) on social media platforms. We also know very little about potential risk factors that might influence these effects. Accordingly, the aim of the present study was to investigate the emotional experiences of young adults when, compared to others, they receive fewer “Likes” on social media. In addition, we investigated the moderating role of individual characteristics (i.e., shyness) and negative social experiences (i.e., cybervictimization) in modulating these emotional responses. By shedding light on this aspect of social media, this study contributes to a deeper understanding of the emotional consequences of online social interactions. The insights gained from this research have implications for individuals, researchers, and professionals working in the fields of mental health and social media engagement.

Social Media Use and Receiving less “Likes” Among Young Adults

The period of emerging adulthood, as defined by Arnett (2004), is a unique and critical phase in an individual’s life, typically spanning from 18 to 29 years of age. During this transitional period, individuals often find themselves in a liminal state, not quite adolescents, but yet not fully adults, which can lead to a sense of being in between. This stage is characterized by a deep exploration of personal identity, particularly in terms of relationships and world views (Nelson, 2021). Delving into the nuances of social media engagement among emerging adults is critical due to its pervasive influence on the daily experiences of young adults (Choi & Sung, 2018). This age group, on the cusp of full-fledged adulthood, often turns to social media as a vital conduit for self-expression, presenting a curated self-image to the world (Choi & Sung, 2018). Social media platforms serve as a digital stage where they can broadcast their evolving identities, showcase achievements, and navigate the complexities of their interpersonal relationships (Liu & Tsai, 2012). Moreover (online relationships play a central role in the social lives of contemporary university students (Liu & Tsai, 2012). Specifically, social media platforms provide an easy and convenient way for students to connect and stay in touch with their peers, both from their current university and their previous schools (Burke Garcia & Scally, 2014; Subrahmanyam et al., 2008). These platforms include features such as messaging, group chats, and social networking, allowing students to maintain and strengthen their social relationships (Junco, 2012). In addition, social media offers a sense of belonging to a larger community (Allen et al., 2014). Specifically, by engaging with social media platforms, young adults can connect with others who share similar experiences, challenges, and interests, which can foster a sense of community and support (Hamid et al., 2015). Indeed, previous research has consistently shown that social media usage is more prevalent among emerging adults compared to other age groups (Jacobsen & Forste, 2011). For example, Wang et al. (2015) reported that newer college students in the US tended to exhibit higher levels of social media engagement compared to their classmates who were closer to graduating. According to Auxier & Anderson (2021), the majority (84%) of those 18–29-year-olds reported that they use social network platforms such as Instagram, Facebook, or Snapchat.

One of the common ways individuals interact on social media is through the “Like” function, a common aspect of most social media platforms that allows for effortless expression of reactions to others’ posts (Lipsman et al., 2012). Indeed, “Likes” on social media platforms serve as a means of social validation, actively contributing to the ongoing maintenance of interpersonal relationships (Sherman et al., 2016). Based on the need-threat model of ostracism (Williams, 2009), social ostracism, which can occur through the absence of expected social feedback such as receiving fewer “Likes,” directly impinges upon fundamental psychological needs. These needs include the desire for acknowledged social status and acceptance, the thwarting of which can precipitate negative affect, a decline in self-esteem, and a burgeoning sense of life’s meaninglessness, alongside feelings of loneliness. Therefore, these particular outcomes were chosen for analysis to delve into the profound psychological effects that stem from the process of social validation, or lack thereof, which is integral to the experience of social media usage.

Specifically, when individuals receive fewer “Likes,” it can lead to distress and need threat and this distress stems from interpreting the lower number of “Likes” as a personal reflection of their worth and likability. As a result, negative self-perception and a diminished sense of self-worth can arise, causing distress (Tobin et al., 2015). Additionally, social comparison can exacerbate this distress, for example, when someone observes others receiving more “Likes” it can evoke feelings of envy, unfairness, and dissatisfaction with their own social media presence (Wolf et al., 2015). The act of comparison likely amplifies the distress of receiving fewer “Likes” (Timeo et al., 2020). This may lead young adults to feel that they are not valued in the social media space and withdraw by reducing their social media use.

In support of these notions, Poon and Jiang (2020) reported that individuals who received fewer “Likes” on social media tended to exhibit higher levels of psychological distress, including low self-esteem, a sense of life lacking meaning, and increased negative emotions by using the experimental design. Similarly, adolescents who received fewer “Likes” during a social media experiment reported feeling a stronger sense of rejection, experienced more negative affect, and had more negative thoughts about themselves compared to those who received a greater number of “Likes”, as shown in an experimental study (Lee et al., 2020). Despite existing evidence predominantly focusing on adults and adolescents, emerging adults have received less attention, even though social media significantly impacts their lives. In addition, The focus on emerging adults in this study is essential due to their unique developmental challenges, particularly the need for social validation and acceptance as they establish their adult identities (Stapleton et al., 2017). This stage of life involves the resolution of identity, where individuals are actively accumulating “identity capital” (Côté, t2002, 2016), a key aspect of transitioning to adulthood. Processes such as social validation through “Likes” and the impact of social ostracism are especially relevant for emerging adults as they navigate their self-concept and form interpersonal relationships (Crocetti et al., 2016). The exclusion paradigm’s processes, such as social validation through “Likes” and the impact of social ostracism, are particularly relevant for emerging adults as they develop their self-concept and interpersonal relationships (Arnett, 2004). According to Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development, they are navigating the “Intimacy versus Isolation” stage, where forming meaningful relationships is key (Erikson, 1968; Mitchell et al., 2021). Social media feedback significantly influences their sense of belonging and self-worth, providing valuable insights into the psychological mechanisms underlying social media use and its impact on their well-being (Yang et al., 2017). Thus, the current study concentrates on the emerging adult demographic. We hypothesize that emerging adults receiving fewer “Likes” on social media will report increased distress and face threats to their needs, including lower self-esteem, diminished sense of life’s meaning, heightened negative emotions, and greater feelings of loneliness.

Another aspect explored by this study is whether the impact of feeling left out on social media (e.g., receiving fewer Likes) triggered intentions to limit active social media use (e.g., posting or messaging). Specifically, individuals likely perceive a lack of “Likes” as a sign of social exclusion or unpopularity, which could lead to feelings of loneliness or social disconnectedness (Sherman et al., 2016). This negative emotional response might in turn motivate them to reduce their exposure to social media platforms. Another possibility is that comparing oneself to others who receive more “Likes” evokes envy or a sense of inadequacy, which may cause individuals to question the value and benefits of continued social media use (Niu et al., 2020). Indeed, researchers have found that stressful and negative experiences on social media predict intentions to limit social media use (Niu et al., 2020). Therefore, for the current study, we hypothesized that the experience of receiving fewer “Likes” among emerging adults would be predictively associated with intentions to limit future social media use.

The Moderating Role of Shyness

Responses to a lack of ‘Likes’ may vary among individuals, and in the current study, we examined specific individual differences associated with personal traits (such as shyness) and social encounters (such as cybervictimization). Shyness is a personality trait characterized by the experience of wariness and apprehension in social situations, particularly in the presence of perceived social evaluation (Melchior & Cheek, 1990). Individuals with shyness tend to display a heightened sensitivity to socio-evaluative concerns, like an increased perception of social threats and attribution biases during face-to-face interactions (Ebeling-Witte et al., 2007). Additionally, there is a theoretical perspective suggesting that they may lean towards online interactions (Ang et al., 2018; Tian et al., 2017). Indeed, shyness can shape individuals’ perceptions and interpretations of feedback received through social media platforms (Saunders & Chester, 2008; Stritzke et al., 2004) by making them more sensitive to social evaluation and validation (Bober et al., 2021). Consequently, for shy individuals, receiving fewer “Likes” may be perceived even more strongly as a form of social rejection or disapproval (Saunders & Chester, 2008). Given that shyness is associated with lower self-confidence and a heightened need for social validation (Arroyo & Harwood, 2011), when individuals higher in shyness receive fewer “Likes,” it confirms their fears and magnifies their negative emotions. Indeed, they may interpret a lack of “Likes” as proof of their perceived social ineptitude or unpopularity, leading to feelings of loneliness, social isolation, and exclusion from their social circle (Hong et al., 2017). Accordingly, we expected that compared with those with individuals with lower levels of shyness, emerging adults who report higher levels of shyness would also report greater distress, need threats, and intentions to limit social media use after receiving less “Likes” on social media.

The Moderating Role of Cybervictimization Experience

Along with individual characteristics, previous social experiences can also be postulated as impacting upon responses to receiving less “Likes”. In the present study, we focused on previous experiences of cybervictimization, with refers to the experience of being victimized through electronic media platforms, including but not limited to messages, emails, chat groups, social networking sites, and online games (Lozanio-Blasco et al., 2022). Victimization in real life was associated with a number of negative outcomes in terms of psychological health (e.g., lower life satisfaction, more depression and anxiety (Earnshaw et al., 2017). Students who have been victimized online may already feel vulnerable and struggle with internalizing problems (Diaz & Fite, 2019; Fisher et al., 2016), and receiving fewer “Likes” on social media likely will serve as a reminder of their negative experiences, which in turn arouses their discomfort and intensifies their emotional response (Odgers, 2018). Specifically, individuals with higher levels of cybervictimization may interpret fewer “Likes” as an extension or repetition of their victimization experiences. This interpretation can act as a trigger, leading to a greater sense of social threat and a more intense emotional response.

Research has shown that students who experienced cybervictimization tend to be more sensitive to peer evaluation (Gao et al., 2021; Tian et al., 2018). As such, it can be speculated that when these individuals receive fewer “Likes” on social media, they will be more likely to interpret it as a form of rejection or a lack of validation (Masten et al., 2011). Such perceptions have detrimental effects on self-esteem and overall well-being, ultimately contributing to heightened levels of distress (Schacter et al., 2015). In addition, a background of cybervictimization could skew an individual’s perception of the social media environment, making it seem more hostile or unfriendly (Lee et al., 2020). This perception can magnify the impact of receiving fewer “Likes,” leading to greater distress and a desire to withdraw from what is perceived as a hostile space. As well, individuals with lower levels of cybervictimization may have more resilience and effective coping strategies for dealing with fluctuations in social media feedback (Tian et al., 2018). In contrast, those with higher levels of cybervictimization may find it more challenging to cope with these fluctuations, leading to increased distress. Indeed, Lee et al. (2020) found that adolescents who had previously encountered cybervictimization reported heightened feelings of rejection, and experienced more negative affect when they were randomly assigned to the group receiving fewer “Likes.” Therefore, we hypothesized that compared with those with individuals report lower level of cybervictimization, emerging adults with report higher level of cybervictimization would report higher levels of distress and need threats, and more intentions to limit social media use after receiving fewer “Likes” on social media.

The Present Study

In the present study, we investigated the emotional effects of receiving insufficient positive social media feedback (e.g., fewer “Likes”) than others in a social media environment, as well as examining the moderating role of shyness and cybervictimization. To do this, we employed the Ostracism Online paradigm (Wolf et al., 2015) to replicate the social network platform environment, where individuals’ inclusionary status is determined by the number of “Likes” they receive on their profiles. This paradigm has previously been successfully employed with adult populations, with results indicating that receiving a low number of “Likes” (as opposed to an average amount) can undermine fundamental psychological needs (Schneider et al., 2017).

Based on the conceptual and empirical literature, it was proposed that when emerging adults were randomly assigned to receive fewer “Likes” (vs. some “Likes” or many “Likes”), they would report higher levels of distress and need threats (e.g., lower self-esteem, a sense of life lacking meaning, negative emotions, and loneliness), and greater intentions to limit social media use. In addition, we hypothesized that, after receiving less likes on social media, emerging adults with higher self-reported shyness and previous cybervictimization experiences would report greater distress and intentions to limit social media use, compared with those with lower reported levels of shyness and cybervictimization.

Method

Participants and Procedure

The required sample size was estimated using G*Power 3.1 (Faul et al., 2007) to ensure adequate power for statistical analyses. For a two-tailed ANOVA, a minimum of 80 participants was needed to achieve a power of 0.80 (α = 0.05), corresponding to a predicted medium effect size (f = 0.32). For regression analysis, at least 180 participants were required to achieve the same power and alpha level, with a predicted medium effect size (d = 0.30). Ultimately, the study included N = 981 undergraduate students (741 women; Mage = 19.24 years, SD = 2.18 years) enrolled in first- and second-year psychology courses at a university in Eastern Ontario, Canada. The sample was ethnically diverse, with approximately 53.6% self-identifying as White/Caucasian, 13.3 % as Black, 11.9 % as East/Southeast Asian, 10% as Middle Eastern, 9.1% as South Asian, 3.3% as Latino, 3% as Indigenous. In addition, 52.1% of students reported that they moved away from their hometown for university, 27% of students lived on campus, and 55.5% of students lived off campus.

The Carleton University and the University of British Columbia’s ethics board approved the study procedures. Once participants provided consent, they first completed a brief questionnaire about their background, mood, self-esteem, loneliness, basic needs satisfaction, and intentions to limit social media use. Next, they undertook the social media task. Following completion of the experiment, participants again completed the questionnaires regarding their mood, self-esteem, loneliness, and intentions to limit social media use. They also provided information about their own personality and previous experiences with cybervictimization before the experiment. Course credit was awarded upon completion of the study, and participants received a comprehensive debrief, which explained the purpose of the study. They were also provided with contact information for resources that were relevant to the content of the study.

Measures

Shyness

To assess shyness, participants completed the Revised Cheek and Buss Shyness Scale (RCBS; Cheek & Buss, 1981), an 18-item measure of the extent to which respondents feel that each item is characteristic of them, using a 5-point Likert scale to measure (from “Very uncharacteristic” to “Very characteristic”). The RCBS was selected as it is one of the most widely used measures of shyness, and it can be completed in a short amount of time. It has sound psychometric properties in Western cultures (Hopko et al., 2005). Internal consistency in the present sample was α = .87.

Cybervictimization

The Cybervictimization Scale (Shapka & Law, 2013) is a 12-item measure of cybervictimization (e.g., “How often have you had something embarrassing or mean posted or re-posted about you online?”) rated on a 5-point Likert type scale (0 = “has never happened,” 1 = “has happened rarely,” 2 = “happens every month,” 3 = “happens every week,” and 4 = “happens every day”). This measure has been shown to have sound psychometric properties (Shapka et al., 2018). Internal consistency in the present sample was α = .92.

Social Media Task

The social media task used an online ostracism paradigm developed by Wolf et al. (2015). During a 3-min group interaction, participants read and responded to each other’s personal profiles. A computer program then randomly assigned students to either the “few Likes” condition (insufficient positive social media feedback; received only 1 or 2 “Likes”), the “some Likes” condition (control group; received 4 or 5 “Likes”), or the “many Likes” condition (sufficient social validation; received 9 or 10 “Likes”). Previous studies have suggested that receiving only 1-2 likes may not meet the threshold commonly associated with positive reinforcement on social media (Wolf et al., 2015). Consequently, such a low level of engagement could be considered insufficient, potentially leading to the anticipated adverse reactions (Wolf et al., 2015). Each participant was asked to create a personal profile with an avatar and a short self-description, and then be introduced to the 11 other group members. They were able to view the avatars, read the descriptions, and respond with a “Like” button, similar to social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr, and Instagram. Each profile had a “Like” counter that increased with each click. Participants received a pop-up notification when their profile was “Liked.” Similarly, when they “Liked” someone else’s profile, that profile’s counter increased. The number of “Likes” for each profile increased based on pre-programmed scripts designed to simulate real-life user activity.

Threat and Mood Questionnaire

The threat and mood questionnaire (van Beest & Williams, 2006) was used to measure the extent to which their self-esteem was threatened (five items, e.g., “At this moment, I feel good about myself”, α = .87 and α = .89), the extent to which they felt their life was meaningful (five items, e.g., “At this moment, I feel important”, α = .83 and α = .81), and the extent to which they felt in control of their lives (five items, e.g., “At this moment, I feel powerful”, α = .53 and α = .59). The questionnaire also assessed participants’ positive (e.g., good, friendly, pleasant, happy) and negative feelings (e.g., bad, unfriendly, angry, upset, hostile and sad), asking them to what extent they felt each of these emotions. For all questions, answers were given on a continuous slider scale ranging from 0 to 100 (0 = not at all; 100 = extremely). This measure has been shown to have sound psychometric properties (Wolf et al., 2015).

Loneliness

Students’ loneliness was assessed by Short Form of UCLA Loneliness Scale (Russell et al., 1980). This self-report measure contains 8 items (e.g., “At this moment, I feel left out”). Participants rated each item on a 4-point scale, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 4 (very much so). A higher score indicates a higher level of loneliness. This scale has been shown to be reliable and valid with North American students (e.g., Knight et al., 1988). Internal consistency in the present sample was α = .86 (pre-experiment) and α = .87 (post-experiment).

Intentions to Limit Social Media Use

Intentions to Limit Social Media Use Scale (Boehm, 2019) was used to measure students’ intention to not use social media. This self-report measure contains 6 items (e.g., “I intend to reduce the number of times I post on social media,”). Participants rated each item on a 5-point scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). A higher score indicates a higher level of intentions to limit social media use. This scale has been shown to be reliable and valid with North American students (e.g., Boehm, 2019). Internal consistency in the present sample was α = .70 (pre-experiment) and α = .89 (post-experiment).

Results

Preliminary Analyses

For all study variables, the rates of missing data ranged from 0.3% to 0.8%. Little’s (1988) MCAR test was not significant, χ²(33) = 18.952, p = .704, suggesting that the pattern of missingness was not systematic. Descriptive statistics for all study variables at pre-experiment and post-experiment are presented in Table 1. Correlations among variables were presented in Table 2. Among the results, emotions exhibited stability from pre-experiment to post-experiment. Furthermore, shyness and cybervictimization demonstrated a positive correlation with negative emotions (e.g., loneliness and negative feelings) and a negative correlation with positive emotions (e.g., self-esteem and positive feelings).

Table 1.

Descriptive Statistics Among Study Variables

	Less “likes” group		More “likes” group		Some “likes” group
	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD
Self-esteem T1	59.21	19.67	55.94	21.15	56.64	20.82
Self-esteem T2	56.36 ^***	23.25	62.07 ^***	23.07	58.20 ^***	20.51
Control T1	54.60	17.66	55.14	17.49	54.74	16.73
Control T2	55.34	17.47	57.02	16.59	56.31	15.81
Meaningful existence T1	66.46	19.96	64.34	22.03	64.93	20.58
Meaningful existence T2	65.89 ^*	19.96	68.46 ^*	20.38	67.69 ^*	19.18
Positive feelings T1	58.57	24.05	57.94	24.00	57.67	22.77
Positive feelings T2	52.59 ^***	26.93	61.67 ^***	23.69	58.75 ^***	20.89
Negative feelings T1	20.18	19.10	23.32	20.41	23.11	20.95
Negative feelings T2	19.29 ^**	19.18	17.67 ^**	18.66	20.10 ^**	18.55
Loneliness T1	2.00	0.69	2.05	0.76	2.02	0.67
Loneliness T2	2.02 ^*	0.68	1.94 ^*	0.73	1.95 ^*	0.64
Intentions T1	3.15	0.89	3.13	0.86	3.09	0.83
Intentions T2	3.08	1.01	3.15	0.99	3.06	1.01
Shyness	2.94	0.61	2.96	0.59	2.94	0.55
Cybervictimization	1.52	0.52	1.63	0.62	1.59	0.56

Note. T1= pre-experiment; T2 = post-experiment; numbers in bold indicate a significant difference.*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Table 2

Correlations Among Study Variables

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12	13	14	15
1 Self-esteem T1
2 Self-esteem T2	.80^**
3 Control T1	.56^**	.57^**
4 Control T2	.51^**	.64^**	.69^**
5 Meaningful existence T1	.74^**	.69^**	.61^**	.54^**
6 Meaningful existence T2	.67^**	.79^**	.58^**	.66^**	.79^**
7 Positive feelings T1	.77^**	.74^**	.52^**	.49^**	.68^**	.64^**
8 Positive feelings T2	.68^**	.83^**	.51^**	.60^**	.62^**	.71^**	.80^**
9 Negative feelings T1	−.58^**	−.51^**	−.41^**	−.38^**	−.59^**	−.56^**	−.57^**	−.40^**
10 Negative feelings T2	−.44^**	−.54^**	−.33^**	−.42^**	−.50^**	−.64^**	−.44^**	−.45^**	.75^**
11 Loneliness T1	−.57^**	−.57^**	−.45^**	−.39^**	−.63^**	−.59^**	−.53^**	−.48^**	.54^**	.47^**
12 Loneliness T2	−.54^**	−.59^**	−.43^**	−.44^**	−.59^**	−.62^**	−.52^**	−.55^**	.48^**	.52^**	.83^**
13 Intentions T1	−.13^**	−.10^**	−.06	−.08^*	−.11^**	−.09^*	−.09^*	−.04	.13^**	.07^*	.13^**	.12^**
14 Intentions T2	−.12^**	−.11^**	−.05	−.08^*	−.09^*	−.08^*	−.09^*	−.06	.10^**	.09^*	.14^**	.13^**	.83^**
15 Shyness	−.39^**	−.44^**	−.39^**	−.42^**	−.45^**	−.45^**	−.35^**	−.38^**	.29^**	.27^**	.43^**	.43^**	.10^**	.09^**
16 Cybervictimization	−.16^**	−.14^**	−.10^**	−.08^*	−.18^**	−.18^**	−.16^**	−.09^**	.26^**	.23^**	.22^**	.22^**	.09^**	.08^*	.05

Note. T1= pre-experiment; T2 = post-experiment. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

To examine potential differences across demographic variables, a series of ANOVAs was conducted to test the effects of ethnicity on all variables. Results indicated no significant differences based on ethnic background (ps = .06-.84). Additionally, correlations between all variables and age were tested, revealing no significant associations with age (ps = .25-.95). A series of t-tests was also conducted to evaluate the effects of gender and whether students had moved away from their hometown on all variables. Results showed that, compared to women, men reported significantly higher scores on positive feelings at pre-experiment (p = .04) and control at post-experiment (p = .002), but significantly lower scores on shyness (p < .001). Whether students had moved away from their hometown was not a significant factor for any variable (ps = .14-.62). Based on these findings, only gender was included as an independent variable in subsequent analyses.

Effects of Few “Likes”

A series of mixed repeated measures ANOVAs was conducted, with Group (less “Likes, some “Likes”, more “Likes”) serving as between-subject variable and Emotions (moods, self-esteem, control, loneliness, meaningful existence, and intention to not use social media) serving as within-subject variables. The results indicated significant interaction between Group and Self-Esteem, F(2, 816) = 9.93, p < .001, partial η2 = .02. Emerging adults reported significantly lower level of self-esteem when they were randomly assigned to receive less “Likes,” relative to when they received more “Likes” and some “Likes”.

Similarly, the results indicated significant interaction between groups and meaningful existence, F(2, 806) = 4.43 p = .013, partial η2 = .01. Emerging adults reported significantly greater feelings of meaningful existence when they were randomly assigned to receive more “Likes” and some “Likes,” relative to when they received less “Likes.” Moreover, the results indicated significant interaction between groups and loneliness, F(2, 811) = 2.99, p = .05, partial η2 = .007. Specifically, receiving more “Likes” resulted in less loneliness, relative to when they received less “Likes” and some “Likes”.

In terms of moods change, emerging adults reported significantly fewer positive feelings (F(2, 816) = 16.20, p < .001, partial η2 = .04) when they were randomly assigned to receive less “Likes”, relative to when they received more “Likes” and some “Likes”. In contrast, emerging adults reported significantly fewer negative feelings (F(2, 805) = 7.47, p = .001, partial η2 = .02) when they were randomly assigned to receive more “Likes”, relative to when they received less “Likes” and some “Likes”. However, insufficient positive social media feedback was not significantly related to emerging adults’ feelings of control and intention not to use social media.

At last, we examine whether the effects of insufficient positive social media feedback were more pronounced among emerging adults who have high level of shyness and previously experienced more cybervictimization. Data were analyzed using a linear mixed-effects modeling approach to appropriately accommodate the nested structure of repeated measures within individuals. This analysis was conducted utilizing the lme4 package (Bates et al., 2015) in R (R Core Team, 2020), well-suited for fitting models with both fixed and random effects. First of all, for meaningful existence, positive emotion, and loneliness, the three-way interaction between time, group, and shyness was significant for the comparison between before and after experiment for the more “Likes” group, (meaningful existence: b = 4.22, SE = 2.02, t(837.18) = 2.09, p = .037; positive emotion b = 4.37, SE = 2.22, t(843.96) = 1.97, p = .049; loneliness: b = - 1.37, SE = 0.61, t(834.4) = −2.26, p = .026). Those interactions suggested that the relationship between time (before and after experiment) and meaningful existence, positive emotion, loneliness, and how this relationship differs between the less “Likes” and the more “Likes” groups, was moderated by the level of shyness. Specifically, for the more “Likes” group, the change in meaningful existence and positive emotion from before experiment to after experiment became higher level as the level of shyness increased. In addition, for the more “Likes” group, the change in loneliness from before experiment to after experiment became lower level as the level of shyness increased. In contrast, the same three-way interaction was not significant for the some “Likes” group.

Regarding cybervictimization, none of the three-way interactions was significant, indicating that the relation between time and outcomes, and how this relation differs between less “Likes”, some “Likes”, and more “Likes” groups , was not moderated by cybervictimization.

Discussion

Social media has become an integral part of our daily lives, particularly for young adults, as it enables social interactions and connectivity (Hamilton et al., 2020; Lee et al., 2020). However, when individuals experience feelings of being ignored or excluded on social media, it can give rise to profound negative psychological experiences (Lee et al., 2020; Poon & Jiang, 2020). Therefore, in the present study, we investigated the emotional effects of receiving fewer “Likes” in a social media context using an experimental design to manipulate ostracism within this environment, and examined the moderating role of shyness and cybervictimization. Findings revealed that university students who received insufficient positive social media feedback reported significantly lower levels of self-esteem, reduced feelings of meaningful existence, and fewer positive emotions compared to those who received some or more “Likes.” Additionally, the negative impact of insufficient positive social media feedback was more pronounced among emerging adults who reported higher shyness.

Effects of less “Likes”

Consistent with previous studies (Lee et al., 2020; Poon & Jiang, 2020), our results indicated that emerging adults who were randomly assigned to the group receiving insufficient positive social media feedback exhibited significantly lower levels of self-esteem, diminished feelings of meaningful existence, fewer positive emotions, and higher levels of loneliness compared to those who received either some or more “Likes”. Poon and Jiang (2020) reported that individuals who receive fewer “Likes” on social media tend to exhibit higher levels of psychological distress, including low self-esteem, a sense of life lacking meaning, and increased negative emotions. Receiving insufficient positive social media feedback may primarily affect the social-emotional aspects of an individual’s well-being, such as self-esteem, emotions, and loneliness. These aspects are closely tied to one’s perception of social acceptance, belongingness, and connection with others, which can be influenced by social media interactions (Tobin et al., 2015). Furthermore, as aforementioned, according to the Sociometer theory (Scissors et al., 2016), when emerging adults receive insufficient positive social media feedback on social media, it poses a threat to a valuable resource for enhancing self-esteem. This threat can subsequently result in significant distress (Burrow & Rainone, 2017). Consequently, individuals may experience low self-esteem, a sense of life lacking meaning, and an increase in negative emotions and feelings of loneliness. This effect can be attributed to a combination of social exclusion and social comparison principles. Specifically, emerging adults can feel excluded if they receive noticeably fewer “Likes” than the average, aligning with social exclusion principles. Simultaneously, because participants can see that some profiles receive more “Likes” than others, this sets the stage for social comparison, where individuals may evaluate their worth based on how they stack up against peers.

However, of note, receiving insufficient positive social media feedback was not significantly related to changes in emerging adults’ feelings of control and intention not to use social media. It is possible that feelings of control and intentions regarding social media usage may be influenced by factors beyond social validation, such as individual motivations, habit formation, or perceived benefits (Hu & Kettinger, 2008). For example, Jarman et al. (2021) found that adolescents’ motivations for social media use (e.g., information sharing and social interaction) were strongly associated with social media engagement. Thus, receiving fewer likes may not directly impact these aspects of social media behavior, as they are influenced by a broader set of variables. Furthermore, in the present sample, the internal reliability of the Intentions to Limit Social Media Use Scale was found to be relatively low, particularly for the pre-experiment phase (α = .70), which may have potentially affected the results. Nevertheless, future studies should aim to delve deeper into the multifaceted nature of social media behavior and its influencing factors by using longitudinal design.

Moderating Role of Shyness and Cybervictimization

Our results indicated that shyness moderated the relation between receiving less likes and meaningful existence. Specifically, among participants receiving insufficient positive social media feedback, shyness was negatively associated with feelings of meaningful existence. However, among participants who received more “Likes,” this association was attenuated. As previously discussed, shyness involves feelings of anxiety when individuals perceive social evaluation (Melchior & Cheek, 1990). In the case of shy students, they may be more sensitive to social feedback, such as the number of “Likes” they receive. When they receive insufficient positive social media feedback, it can exacerbate their self-consciousness and amplify their awareness of their perceived social inadequacies (Saunders & Chester, 2008; Stritzke et al., 2004). This, in turn, could negatively impact their feelings of meaningful existence. In contrast, when shy students receive more likes, it can alleviate their self-consciousness and reduce their awareness of perceived social inadequacies. Consequently, this can lead to a decrease in their feelings of meaningful existence (Bober et al., 2021). The positive social feedback received through an increased number of likes may contribute to a temporary reduction in the impact of shyness on their overall sense of purpose and significance.

However, our results indicated that the moderation effects of shyness on emotions, self-esteem, loneliness, feeling control of one’s life, and intention not to use social media were not significant. In addition, cybervictimization could not moderate the relations between receiving insufficient positive social media feedback and outcomes. It is possible that there might be other contextual factors at play, which were not considered in the study. Specifically, individual coping mechanisms, social support, or other personal characteristics may influence and mitigate the potential effects of shyness and the number of “Likes” received (Demirtepe-Saygili, 2020; Poon & Jiang, 2020; Stsiampkouskaya et al., 2021). Future research could delve further into the influence of these contextual factors.

In terms of cybervictimization, most participants reported similar scores (particularly at the lower end of the scale). As such, the variability among responses, which is crucial for statistical analyses to detect meaningful differences, was minimized. This reduction in variability can lead to a situation where even if cybervictimization does have a real, albeit subtle, impact on distress levels or intentions to modify social media use, we may fail to reveal these effects. Therefore, future study should strive for a more diverse participant pool to ensure a wide range of experiences with cybervictimization and its effects.

Limitations and Future Directions

The current study’s findings add to our understanding of negative effects of being ignored or excluded on social media among Canadian emerging adults. Although this research makes a valuable contribution to the existing body of literature, some limitations should be acknowledged when interpreting our results, with an eye toward future research directions. First, despite the intention behind designing the Ostracism Online paradigm to emulate real-life social media interactions, it is important to note that individuals might exhibit different behaviors within a controlled experimental setting compared to their natural online behavior (Wolf et al., 2015). This discrepancy has the potential to impact the generalizability of the findings (Schneider et al., 2017). Therefore, future studies should use a more ecologically valid approach, where participants’ online behavior is observed in their natural social media environments (e.g., Scissors et al., 2016). Moreover, we utilized a 4-point scale to measure loneliness and intentions to limit social media use, which may not have been sensitive enough to capture changes from pre-test to post-test. Future studies should consider adopting a 0 to 100 scale for a more precise assessment. It is also important to acknowledge that our study’s participants were restricted to emerging adults attending university. Reactions to ostracism can differ across age groups, including children, adolescents, and adults (Abrams et al., 2011; Lee et al., 2020). Hence, to broaden the applicability of the findings, future research should strive to expand the study’s scope by incorporating more diverse samples, encompassing individuals from different age groups. In addition, although the sample included students from diverse ethnic backgrounds, the number of participants in each ethnic group was relatively small, limiting the statistical power to detect meaningful differences across these groups. This poses a limitation, particularly given evidence that online experiences, such as social media likes or rejection, can have distinct impacts based on racial and ethnic context (e.g., Tynes et al., 2008). For instance, rejection from a predominantly non-Hispanic White audience may carry a different meaning for individuals from minoritized racial/ethnic backgrounds compared to rejection within their own racial/ethnic community. Future research should strive to recruit larger samples from various ethnic groups to enable more robust analyses of how ethnicity and race shape online social experiences and their psychological impacts. Finally, in the present study, we only investigated the moderating roles of shyness and cybervictimization. Future studies could explore future individual differences in individual characteristics, social experiences (e.g., ostracism), and other factors, including coping strategies (Reich et al., 2023), internalizing problems (Lee et al., 2020).

Conclusion

Notwithstanding these limitations, our findings contribute to the body of evidence showing the negative effects of being ignored or excluded on social media, as well as identifying shyness and cybervictimization as potential risk factors among Canadian emerging adults. Moreover, the findings have significant implications for understanding the impact of social media feedback and its influence on the well-being of university students. For example, our findings highlighted the importance positive social interactions and validation on social media for individuals’ well-being. In addition, they underscore the need for interventions and support systems that consider individual vulnerabilities, such as experiences of cybervictimization and levels of shyness, to mitigate the potential negative effects of insufficient positive social media feedback.

Supplemental Material

Supplemental Material - How Do Young Adults Feel About Receiving “Likes” on Social Media? The Moderating Role of Shyness and Cybervictimization

Supplemental Material for How Do Young Adults Feel About Receiving “Likes” on Social Media? The Moderating Role of Shyness and Cybervictimization by Bowen Xiao, Natasha Parent, Robert J. Coplan, Jennifer D. Shapka in Emerging Adulthood

Footnotes

ORCID iD

Bowen Xiao

Ethical Consideration

Approval was obtained from the ethics committee of The University of British Columbia and Carleton University. The procedures used in this study adhere to the tenets of the Declaration of Helsinki.

Consent to Participate

Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.

Funding

The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (F18-04297).

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets generated during and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. *

Supplemental Material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

Author Biographies

Bowen Xiao is a post-doctoral fellow in the Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education Department at the University of British Columbia. Her research interests are in the areas of children’s socio-emotional functioning and developmental psychopathology.

Natasha Parent is a Ph.D. student in the Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education Department at the University of British Columbia. She interested in the factors that influence human development and wellbeing in the modern world. Her current work focuses on adolescents and critically examines how their socio-technological contexts impact their healthy development and everyday lives.

Robert J. Coplan is a Professor in the Department of Psychology at Carleton University. His research projects focus on the “costs and benefits” of solitude in childhood and the meaning and implications of shyness and social withdrawal across different cultures.

Jennifer D. Shapka is a Professor in the Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education Department at the University of British Columbia. Her research interests are in online risks associated with cyberbullying, as well as privacy-related concerns due to the over-disclosure of personal information online.

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